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1

Accidental foreignersYoung Iranian migrants in Pune and Kuala

Lumpur

PhDthesisDepartmentofSocialandCulturalAnthropologyAutonomousUniversityofBarcelonaUniversitatAutònomadeBarcelona

Name: PärF.LarssonEmail:parfredborn@gmail.com

Passportnumber: 90020013Title:YoungIranianmigrants

in Pune and KualaLumpur

Supervisor: JoséSánchezGarcíaAcademictutor:MontserratVenturaIOllerYearoffirstenrolment:2013

Date:6June2017

2

1.Lifeiselsewhere:Anintroduction6

1.1Previousresearch,motivationandIranianmigrants8

1.2Objectives,researchquestions,andhypothesis11

1.3Routsandroots 14

1.4Organizationofthethesis18

2.Theoreticalandmethodologicalframework20

2.1Youthculture,politics,transitionsandtrajectories25

2.2Beingyoungisnottobeadult27

2.3Movingsomewhereelse38

2.4Anthropology,migrationandgeneralizing46

2.5Wheneveryoneisatraveller60

2.6Cultureandaspirationsofmigration,cumulativecausationandmigration

networks62

2.7Luckyfindingsonfoot–amethodology66

2.8BotanizingontheasphaltofTehran,PuneandKualaLumpur692.9Howwasthedatacollected?71

3.TheGreenMovement:Amarkerofageneration?74

3.1EncountersincafésofcentralTehran2011-201279

3.2GrowingupintheIslamicRepublic86

4.Abroad97

4.1Trajectories,examples:onehostcity:Pune,India99

4.1.1Pune,oneyearlater123

4.2Trajectories, examples: “I always thinkof Iran,butdon´twant tobe there,

notnow.”Anotherhostcity:KualaLumpur132

5.Somewhereabroad,orsomewhereontheway148

5.1Transnationalismanddiaspora152

5.2Pride,partlytriggeredbythedemonizationofIranbytheWest154

3

5.3Migration,reflexivity162

5.4 Youth,authoritarianregimes,andcounterculture165

5.5 TheGreenMovementandtheArabSpring168

5.6Marriage:Themostimportantmarkerforbecomingadult? 170

5.7Pullandpush-factorsinaninternationalperspective173

5.8Finalremarks:Migrationasawaytosay“no”174

6.Afterwards,elsewhere176

7.Glossary1818.Bibliography183

4

Acknowledgements

IwanttothankmyfriendsinIran,PuneandKualaLumpur,withoutwhomthis

thesiswould not bewhat it became – and, foremost, for a fantastic timewith

them. Also, Iwant toexpressgratitude tomysupervisor JoséSánchezGarcía,

whohasbeenofgreatsupportthroughoutmywork.Finally–thethesiswould

nothavebeenwrittenwithoutthem–Ithankmyparents.

Abstract

OverthelasttwodecadesasizablecommunityofIranianshavemadetheirway

to Malaysia and India. Kuala Lumpur1in Malaysia and Pune2in India have

becomehoststosomeofthebiggestIraniancommunitiesinAsia.Inthe1980s,

inthewakeoftheIslamicRevolutionandduringtheIran–Iraqwar,wavesof

Iranians moved to theWest. In general they presumed that their stay in the

West,mainly in southernCalifornia, but also inGermany, theUK, Swedenand

France, would be temporary They had their bags packed during the first few

years, ready to return back home as soon as things would calm down. The

situationdidnotreversehowever,andthousandsof IraniansmadetheUSand

Europetheirhome.30yearslater,acommontopicofconversationinIranisthe

1CapitalofMalaysia,around1.8millionhabitants,withatropicalclimate.KualaLumpurisdiverse,withlargeChineseandIndiancommunities.BahasaMalaysiaistheprincipallanguage,andEnglishiswidelyspoken.2Puneisgrowingfast,andandisknownforitsuniversities.SmallerthanMumbai,onlyafewhoursawaybycar,itispopularamongIndianaswellasforeignstudents.

5

waysavailabletoleavethecountry.Movingabroadhasbecomeanobsessionfor

theurbanyouthofIran.

However,thesedaysitisnotsoeasytoleavethecountry.Inthedaysof

the Shah it was easy for someone with an Iranian passport to visit Europe.

Today,becauseofthepoliticalsituation,ithasbecomeverydifficulttogetavisa

for the Schengen area or North America – the traditional destinations for

Iranians.TheoptionsforIranianswhowanttoemigratearelimitedespeciallyif

they want to move to the West. The neighbouring countries are usually not

options that appear attractive. However, during the last two decades other

destinationshaveemergedand thousandsof Iranianshavemoved toMalaysia

andIndia,mainlytoKualaLumpurandPuneasmentioned.

WhilethereisawealthofliteratureonIranianswhoemigratedtotheWestvery

littleisknownoftheIranianswholeftforcountrieseastofIran.Inthisthesisthe

trajectories andperceptionsof young Iranianswho left for IndiaandMalaysia

areexplored.

6

1.Lifeiselsewhere:Anintroduction

HeavytrafficinoneofmanytunnelsinTehran,October2015(allphotosare

bytheauthor)

Behnaz 3 and I were sitting in the café next to the khaneye

honarmandan, the “house of artists” in the central part of Tehran, a busy

placeinahistoricalandverybeautifulbuilding,withatheatre,agallery,a

vegetarian restaurant – unusual in Iran – and a café. We were sitting

outside,ontheveranda,anditwasdifficulttofindanemptytable.Behnaz

wasworkingforanewspaper.Shewasanartistherself,beingaformerart-

schoolstudent.Shehadmarriedyoung,withaprominent journalist.They

had both been active in the jombesh, “the GreenMovement”4in the days

leading to thepresidential electionof 2009.Her husbandhadbeen jailed

afterwards,forhispoliticalengagementandhisarticlesaboutthereformist

movement. When he was released from prison he became increasingly

addicted to opium and subsequently heroin. She had a horrible time, she

3Sincemanyofmyinformantswishedtoremainanonymous,allpersonalnamesandsomeotherdetailsoftheindividualsmentionedhavebeenchanged.4ThereformistmovementaspiringtochangethegovernmentandmakingAhmadinejadleavethepresident-postin2009.

7

toldme,intakingcareofhim.Herfamilyandfriendstriedtopersuadeher

toleavehim,butshewouldn’t.Leavinghimwouldkillhim,shethought.She

tookcareofhimwhenhewasathisworst.Slowly,hemanagedtokickhis

habitandtorecover.Hereturnedtohiswritingandestablishedhimselfas

an influential and successful figure in the media. By then she was

exhausted. She had helped himwhile hewas at the bottom, but now she

was tired - while his career was thriving. “I love this place”, she said,

lookingaroundinthecafé.“Thereisapowerfulandspecialbondbetween

allofussittinghereinthecafé.Iknowthateveryone,likeme,wasouton

thestreetsthatsummerandthemonthsleadinguptoit.Thisisacommon

experiencewe share. Each and everyone at the tables around us aremy

brothersandsisters.Wewalkedtogetherthatsummerandhavesomething

strongincommon”.Behnazwasdepressed.Despiteeagernesstoleave,itis

also meant a sacrifice: loss of family, friends, and projects. She had the

chancetoleavetoEuropewithherhusbandwhohadreceivedanofferata

university.But for the first timeshewasnot so interested in leaving. She

wantedtostaywithherfriendsandworkwithherownprojectsinTehran.

A year later, however, she had left Iran and gone to France.Despite her

reluctance for leavingTehran,Behnaz’sposition isenviedbymanyyoung

IraniansforwhomEuropewouldbetheirfirstchoiceofdestination.

AcommontypeofgaragedoorinShiraz,October2015

8

1.1 Previous research, motivation and Iranian

migrants

Therehasnot,tomyawareness,beenanyresearchonIranianmigrationtoIndia

andMalaysiainthecontextoftheelectionin2009.Someacademicattentionhas

beengivenIraniancommunitiesintheWest.LosAngelesishometothebiggest

Iranian community outside Iran – southern California became a popular

destination for Iranians fleeing the IslamicRevolutionand the Iran-Iraqwar–

andmanymusicianswhowerepopularduringthetimeofthemonarchyinthe

70s ended up there. A Christmas tradition – unexpected I would say – has

developed: Most Iranians do not celebrate Christmas – only a minority are

Christians – and, instead, during Christmas, tens of thousands of Iranian

Americans gather inLasVegas toparty for a fewdays; livemusic is essential.

Iranian groups and exiles in theWesthave received someacademic andnon–

academic attention previously (Malek, Amy, 2006, Memoir as Iranian Exile

CulturalProduction;Moaveni,Azadeh,2008,LipstickJihad;Naficy,Hamid.1993

TheMakingofExileCultures:IranianTelevisioninLosAngeles),butsofarthere

havebeennostudiesontheyoungIraniancommunities inMalaysiaandIndia.

For example, during a large conference on the Iranian diaspora at UCLA, Los

Angeles, organised by Iranian Alliances Across Borders (IAAB), October 2012,

notasinglelecture,workshoporperformancewasdevotedtothenewIranian

communities in Asia. Still, despite most of the research in the field has been

dedicatedtoIranianimmigrationintheUSandEurope,theemigrationtoAsiais

inseveralwaysmorerelevanttothecurrentsituationofIran’syouth.Amongthe

peoplethatImetinTeheran,MalaysiaandIndiawereasmuchspokenaboutas

EuropeandtheUSA.

ThecaseofIraniansmovingtocountrieseastofIrancanbeviewedina

largercontextofyouth–studies.Howdoesageneration influencedbycertain

externaleventsshapetheirfutureandlifecourse?

9

Tehran,October2015

I startedmyBAstudies inPersian languageand literature in2002andvisited

Iranforthefirsttimeinthesummerof2003.Oneofthefirstdaysataxidriver

pointed out where recent student protests had taken place in a student

dormitory building. Despite the unrest the prevailing atmosphere at this time

among theurbanyouthwas loadedwithoptimism.Thiswasduring theeraof

Khatami.Inthespringof2005,inShiraz,(livinginastudentroom),Ispentmost

of my days hanging out with new friends in the student dorm where I was

staying. In between tea-sessions with chips and music – usually Iranian pop

from the seventies –my neighbourswere endlessly curious to hear about life

abroad. Plans were made on how and where to migrate, but only in

conversation,aspeoplefelttheycouldhaveafutureinIran.

A few days after the elections in 2009 I was back in Tehran. People were

frightened but also excited – maybe there was real change to happen. The

IslamicRepublichadnotbeenshakeninthatwaysinceitsfoundation.Atnight

peopleopenedtheirwindows,orwentuptotheroofs,andshoutedallahoakbar

(“God is great”, an expression of celebration in Islamic countries), the voices

echoingbetweenthebuildings.Thesewordswerereminiscentofthedaysofthe

fallof theShahand the IslamicRevolution in1979when thesamesloganwas

heard,atthattimeusedbytherevolutionaries.

10

Butaboveall,itwasinTehranin2011-2012thatIgottoknowpeopleinsome

depth.IhadtimeinIran.Incafésitwaseasytogettosocializeandmakefriends.

Andregularsoftenopenedupquickly.WhatCliffordGeertzcalls“deephanging

out” (Geertz,1998)wasasituation that Iquickly foundmyself in,and tried to

mergeinto.ThetopicformyPhDthesiscrystallizedthatyear,togetherwithmy

interest inmigrationand travel.An important reasonwhy Iwanted towritea

PhDaboutsomethingrelatedtoIranisthatIhavehadmanygoodmomentsin

TehranandShiraz,andhavemadefriends– I likeIranandeverythingIranian.

Still I am aware (of course) of being an outsider, I have no Iranian family-

background,norhaveIgrownupinIran.IamequallyfondofeverythingIndian,

afterafewyearslivinginDelhi.

Travellingandexilearethustopicsthathavebeenclosetomefora longtime,

andslowly,afterspendingtimeinIranandmeetingIraniansinIndia,thetopic

formydissertationdeveloped.Iamdeeplyinterestedintravellingandmigration

– theexperienceof living ina foreignenvironment–andonce the topicof the

thesiscameupitfeltnaturaltopursueit.OtherdissimilaritieswiththeIranian

migrantsnotwithstanding,afterafewyearsinbothIndiaandIran,livingabroad

issomethingIcanrelateto.Ichoosetowritethethesisinanthropologysincethe

qualitative method appeal to me. The strangeness, mysteries, difficulties and

joys of the experiences of migrants and travellers can, I believe, be captured

most soundlywith the anthropologicalmethods – participant observation and

fieldwork – rather than quantitative methods such as surveys. To my happy

surprise, theredidnot seem tobeany studyabout the Iranians thathadgone

east–arealizationthatmadethetopicallthemorepertinent.

11

Acommonstreet-viewincentralTehran,November2015

1.2Objectives,researchquestions,andhypothesisInmystudyIstartwithmaterialfromfieldworkinIran,andespeciallyTehran.I

describe the lifesituationsandreasons for leavingthecountryofsomepeople

whomImetandinterviewedinTehran2011-2012.Formanyofthem,spending

their time watching foreign TV-serials and following global trends in youth

culture,lifeappearstobeelsewhere.ThesectionfromIranisthoughttogivea

background as towhymany have left the country, and an idea of how life in

urbanIrancanbeforyoungadults.

MyobjectivesaretoexploreayounggenerationinIraninrelationtomigration.

Has migrating become a way to become adult? Is it meaningful to say that

migration has become a kind of rite of passage?What are the trajectories of

youngIranianshavingmovedtoIndiaandMalaysia?Whatkindoftransnational

tieswithIranisthereamongIraniansinAsia?HowcantheIraniandiasporain

PuneandKualaLumpurbedescribed?

ApartfrombeingastudyofthespecificcaseofIranianmigrantscomingfroma

country with a violent and oppressive recent history, a thesis about Iranian

migrants is also part of a broader, more general story of the contemporary

12

world. As has been pointed out, “one future trend is clear. For a majority of

people, even in the apparentlyprosperousmiddle layers, their basic existence

andlife-worldwillbemarkedbyendemicinsecurity”(Beck,2000:3).

Can sitting in cafes anddiscussingplans to go abroadbe viewedas apolitical

statementandnon-collaboration,expressingadifferentviewofmoralsthanthe

onesupportedbytheIslamicRepublic?

Can, in fact, going abroad and livingwith a completely different set of values

thantheonesdefinedbytheIslamicRepublicbeviewedasapoliticalact?Going

abroadmightbeviewedasanactofdefiance,ofnotsubscribingto themorals

andtheversionoflifethattheRepublicdictates.

Itestthehypothesisthattheeventsduringandaftertheelectionin2009wasa

trigger tomoveabroad.Bayat´snotionofnon-movements(Bayat,2010)might

capturethesentimentinTehranthatspringandsummer.Eventhoughplentyof

people were in the same movement it was not controlled or coordinated by

anyone (Bayat´s “non-movements”). Life in Iran following 2009 may,

alternatively,bedescribedasakindofnon-collaboration,arefusaltoagreewith

theofficialnarrativeofhowlifeinIranshouldbe.Forexample,inIranthereare

severalofficialholidayscommemoratingreligiousorrevolutionary figures.But

rather than accepting the reasons e.g. for bank holidays people take them as

timeoff,quietlynotlivingaccordingtotheideologyoftheIslamicRepublic.One

exampleisashoura,whenpeoplegooutandmournthedeathofHussein,killed

in the year 680, in Karbala, in present Iraq. Instead of dressing in black and

marchingthestreetschantingsongscommemoratingHussein,peoplemayview

the days off as a holiday and for example take the opportunity to go for an

excursionsomewhere.

Was the summer of 2009 was defining for a generation, in the sense of Karl

Mannheim – can large segments of the population relate to the events that

summer? Karl Mannheim asserts in his essay “The Problem of Generations”

(1927)thatagenerationisagroupofpeoplewhoconfrontthesamehistorical

13

events.Noteveryonebornroughlyaroundthesameyearsreactinthesameway,

butwhatmakes a generation are connections to events during the years they

grew up, i.e. to shared historical and sociological experiences. In a way

comparabletotherevolutionin1979,thedemonstrationsin2009engagedlarge

groups of the (especially urban) youth. Afterwards,many of the young adults

woulddoanythingtheycouldtoleavethecountry.

Theanalysishassectionsspecificallyrelevanttomytopic,aswellasdiscussions

onamoregenerallevelaboutmigration,youth,andanthropology.

Thestudyismulti-sitedandthestyleisreflexive.Whichspecificitiesarethereto

amulti-sitedapproachandwritinginareflexiveway;howcansuchanapproach

beanadvantage?Whatnewanglescanbefoundintherelationbetweenyouth

andmigration?Onepiece treatsmethodology,with a special focusonwalking

andserendipity–anactivity togetherwithanattitudeand trust in luck that, I

believe,wasdecisiveforthefieldwork.

On amore general level, Iwant to explore how travel is related tomigration.

Travel has associations to leisure, as opposed from its etymological roots,

travail. Travel is often thought tobevoluntary, and somemigration is, but far

fromall.Canmigrationbecalledakindoftravellingthen?

Staying,andnottravel,wasalwaysassumedtobethegroundforsociallife,and

changing places can challenge the localism and any tendencies towards

essentialising of cultures. Roots have been assumed to precede routes. Or can

travellingbeadeeperexpressionforthehumanexperience?

14

1.3Rootsandroutes

Street–art,Tehran,November20155

Ethnographicvignette

It was ashoura, the Shiite mourning festival commemorating Hussein, the

supposedly (according to Shiites) righteous successor to the prophet

Muhammed. It was in November 2015 in Tehran. In the bazaar people were

handingout free food that is givenon such religiousoccasions,nasri, and tea,

under huge banners of Hussein and slogans such as ya ali – an exclamation

honouringAli,thecousinoftheProphetMuhammadwhoisespeciallyrevered

in Shiia Islam. In the late evenings, along the Keshavarz Boulevard (the

“agriculture boulevard”, before the Islamic Revolution called “Elizabeth

Boulevard” since theEnglishqueenhad inaugurated theboulevardduring the

Pahlavi-dynasty)inthecentre,peopleweregathering,dressedinblack,walking

inprocessions,withenormousdrums.Insideprovisionaltentsfoodwashanded

out to anyone.Menwere playing the drumswhilewomen and childrenwere

5ThesekindofseeminglyrebelliouspaintingsarefoundhereandthereonwallsinTehran.However,theymusthavebeensanctionedbytheregime(otherwisetheywouldnotbethere,oratleastnotstay).

15

standing by the side of the road,watching. This had been going on for a few

weeks. Ioftenpassedbya tea-stall coveredwithblack flagswithornamented

text saying ya hussain or something similar, where they were serving tea to

anyone-aplasticglasswiththehotdrink.Therewasalotofnoise,acacophony

impossible to escape from, affecting anyone in the area, with songs blasting

fromloudspeakersonatruckdriving forwardveryslowly.Thedaybeforethe

ashouraday,theclimaxofwhichisbeingbuiltupduringtheprecedingweek,I

wasvisitingafriend.Weweretotravelsomewhere,togetoutoftownoverthe

weekend. Outside herwindowwe could view the procession along the street

withmendoingasadari,thatis,hittingthemselvesonthechestintherhythmof

themusic,while slowlywalking forward. Themusicwas loud.My friendwas

furious,shoutingandcursing insideher flat for thesoundtoend. Itwasnota

festival ofher liking; she felt invadedhaving to endure the loudness from the

street in her home. Her response to the state-sanctioned festival can be

described as a kind of non-collaboration. And she was hardly alone in her

reluctance: it seemed, fromwhat Iheard,as ifmostyoungurbanpeoplewere

not at all interested in commemorating Hussein and taking part of the

celebration. This passive stance vis-a-vi the festival can be called a “non-

movement”intheterminologyofBayat(Bayat,2010:3).Myfriendhadapplied

forvisatoEuropemorethanoncebuthadalwaysbeendeniedit.Herattitude

towards the West was negative because of that. Unfortunately, in Tehran,

desires to travel and explore were, and still are, matched with very limited

opportunities.

A study about the Iranian life in Kuala Lumpur and Pune may well start in

Tehranthesummerof2009–thesummerthatshooktheleadersoftheIslamic

Republic.NotsincetheIslamicRevolutionin1979hadthestreetsbeenasfilled

with people demonstrating. People who had been active in the election

campaign on the opposition side were jailed. Many were disillusioned, and

althoughgoingabroadhadbeenanimportantissuealsointhepast,theviolence

after the election in 2009 became a definitive trigger for many to leave the

country. I explore the hypothesis that the course of events during summer of

2009was amajor trigger for thousands of Iranian youngpeople´s decision to

16

leave.Indeed,inKualaLumpurandPunemanyIraniansspokeabouttheevents

duringthesummerof2009asamajorreasontoemigrate.

InTehrantoday,thejombesh,theGreenMovement(atlengthexplainedfurther

down),isacommontopicofdiscussionamongyoungadults.Incafésandonthe

streets,peoplenarratetheeventsofthesummerof2009,andhowthey,andthe

movement, lost. The hopes of the reformists and the Green Movement were

crashed when Ahmadinejad was re-elected. The reformists were brutally

silencedandjailed.Asecondcommontopicishowtoleavethecountry.

WhilesittingcountlesshoursincafesincentralTeheran–thatwasthebestway

Ifoundtogettoknowpeople–onediscussionthemewasmorerecurrentthan

others: How to get out of the country, where to go and what to do there. It

seemedasiftheurgetoleaveIranhadincreaseddramaticallycomparedwhenI

had visited Iran before. An obvious question emerged – what happens to

everyonewholeaves?

WhilelivingandstudyinginDelhiIhadmetwithalargenumberofIraniansand

mademanyfriends.SomeofthemhadbeenlivinginIndiaforseveralyears,up

toadecadeormore.UsuallytheywerenotinlovewithIndia.Infact,oftenthe

opposite was true. Iranians living in India were typically longing to be

somewhere else.Manywanted tomove to theWest. Some felt stuck in India.

TheywerenoteagertogobacktoIran–manywouldavoidthattoanycost–the

greatestattractionofbeinginIndiawasjusttonotbeinIran.

In2013, thesummerbefore Ienrolled formyPhDproject, Iarrived inPune. I

hadreadabouttheCaféGoodLuck,supposedlyanIranianplace,andwentthere.

Immediately ImetanIranianman.Hedrovemeonhismotorbiketohishome

where he was living with a group of friends, all from Iran. They were very

forthcoming and easy to speak to – the topic for my PhD project appeared

feasible.

17

OneeveninginTehranin2011Ihadgonetomyusualcafé,theBalcony,withmy

friendandflatmateHasan.Inthebar,servingcoffee,juiceandsoftdrinks,wasa

youngman.Hehadpiercings inhisearsandbyhis left eyebrow,andhishair

was long. Provoked by the ease and coolness that emanating from the

youngster,myfriendthoughtthathewasspoiled.“Hedoesn´tworkandgetshis

money fromhis family, that´swhy he can sit here all day doing nothing”,my

friendtoldme.Thenextday,returningtothecafé,Ifoundthesameyoungman

sittingthere.Thistimewetookatseatatthesametable.HisnamewasYousef.

Yousef did not work nor study because he was not allowed to. He had been

activeinthejombesh,theGreenMovement–hehadbeenoutinthestreets,like

somanyothers.Buthewascaught,anddragged intoacarby thepolice. “Are

youagirloraboy”,theylaughedwhentheybeguntocuthishairbyforce.They

shavedhishead,butjustononeside.“Theyonlycareaboutsurface,theyareso

superficial”,Yousefsaid.“WhatdotheyknowofwhatIcarefor,orthink?”Since

thatdayYousefwasnotallowedtowork,andhewasthrownoutofuniversity.

He spent most of his time in cafes in the city, planning to move somewhere

abroad. One option was tomove to Israel and studymedicine there. He was

Jewish. But he hesitated – hewas not interested in leaving if he couldnot be

sure thathe could returnbecauseof thepoliticalhostilitiesbetween Iranand

Israel.

First of all it should be pointed out that migrants should not be viewed as

exceptions in the world today. Fewer and fewer of us live within cycling or

drivingdistancefromwherewewereborn.Toliveamongstrangers,inaculture

notnecessarilyone´sown,isaconditionsocommonthatbeingaforeignerhas

becomenormal.Inthismigratoryagepeoplewhopersistlivingintheirancestral

villages are almost subject tomore curiosity than themigrants and travellers.

The Iranianswho have settled in the Eastmight have things in commonwith

other migrants such as relatively privileged Westerners moving to China

(Lehmann,2014).

18

AnotheraspectIwanttohighlightisthatalthoughthetraditionaldestinationsof

migrants-theUnitedStates,theUnitedKingdomandAustralia-remainpopular,

the idea of which places are attractive to live is undergoing changes. The

economicalcrisishashittheWestveryhardandunemploymentisrifeallover

Europe. The West´s dominance is waning and several emerging economy

countries, not least BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China), are becoming

increasinglypopularexpatcentres(Lehmann,2014).

Park-elaleh,TehranOctober12,2015

1.4Organizationofthethesis

Thecontext-chapterexploresthesummerof2009inIran,andthereisasection

ofencounterswithyoungpeopleincafesinTehran.Thereisadiscussionabout

youth and migration, and a short history of Iran as a host and producer of

migrants.Onechapter focusesat theoretical framework,withspecialreference

to the validity – and problems – of generalizing. How meaningful is it to

generalizewheneachofissodifferent?

19

The chapter with encounters from cafes in Tehran is meant to build up the

argumentthattheGreenMovementwasadecisivemarkerforageneration.The

cafes aremeeting-points for the young to a higher degree than inmanyother

countries – because of the lack of lively public places in Iran, the cafes have

becomeespeciallyimportantfocalpointsforthedreamsoftheyoung.

Two chapters are based on the fieldwork in Pune and in Kuala Lumpur

respectively. In my fieldwork I have followed the daily life, routines, and

experiencesofyoungIranianswhohavemovedtoPuneandKualaLumpur.The

waystheyinteractwiththesurroundingsandgoabouttheirdailyactivitiesvary

from person to person, but nevertheless they have much in common. These

sharedexperiencesconstitutethebasisofthisthesis.

I started the fieldwork theautumnof2014 inKualaLumpurandcontinued in

Puneduringspring2015.Oneyear later, inFebruary2016, IreturnedtoPune

andcontinuedthefieldworkthepeopleIhadmetpreviousyear.

There is a concluding discussion / analysis about the specifics of the present

study, andonewitha lesser focuson timeandplace–onewithmoregeneral

conclusions.Thischapterexplorestheresearchquestionsfromdifferentangels,

withafewconcludingremarks.

Lastly,isonesectionaboutthesituationsthattheinformantsfoundthemselves

in a few years aftermoving abroad –what happened after having lived a few

yearsabroad?

There are ethnographical vignettes interspersed here and there in the text,

meant to portray andhighlight a tendency. They are short scenes, taken from

journeys in Iran, and not necessarily during conscious fieldwork – they are

situations Isawor foundmyself inwhichcanserve to illustrateaphenomena.

Sometimesscenesappearstarklyandspontaneouslywhenoneisnotlookingfor

them–maybewhileseeingafriendoronawalk.

20

I have focussed on the perspective of the Iranians, i.e. the migrants. Rarely I

write from the perspective of the hosts, i.e. the Indians or theMalays. Iranian

communities in Kuala Lumpur and Pune will reflect contemporary Iran – the

thesisisaboutIranratherthanaboutIndiaorMalaysia.

2.TheoreticalandmethodologicalframeworkInthischapterIexploretheoreticalconceptsthatarerelevanttomystudy.Ilook

atintersectionality,themeaningofyouth,youthculture,lifetrajectories,gender,

etcetera.Igivebothageneralbackgroundtotheconceptsaswellashowthey

are related tomyspecific study.There isanethnographicalvignette,meant to

illustratetheory.Thereareseveralsub-chapters:onewithabackgroundofIran

asahostandproducerormigrantsaswellasadiscussiononwhatthenormis–

tomoveortostay?Thereisonepartonanthropology,migrationandyouth,with

a discussion about the difficulties as well as necessities to generalize in

anthropology.

What is meant by intersectionality? In the concept, multiple sets of complex

inequalitiesarehighlightedthatintersectandinfluenceeachother.Perspectives

that are taken into account include gender, class, ethnicity, religion, sexual

orientation,ageanddisability(Crenshaw,1991;MacCall,2005).Theideaisthat

these various identities intersect to create a whole that is different from the

componentidentities.

Gender and ethnicity was highlighted by feminist authors in the 80s as

instruments of analysis, without giving comparable emphasis on other social

factorssuchclass–alsouseful inordertounderstanddifferentnodesofpower

thatconstructandmakeuplivesandreproducessocialpatterns(Sibai,A.2016.

21

46). The concept has been used to fathom the multidimensional nature of

discrimination of women. Each context is affected by various structures

simultaneously. An individual, wherever in the world, sees himself or herself

definedindifferentwaysbygender,age,ethnicity,culture,socialclass,illnesset

cetera(Sibai,A.2016.47).

The question of what it means to be a woman under different historical

circumstancesisalwaysrelevant.Wecanregardintersectionalityastheresultof

differentaspectsofdifferentiation–ofhoweconomic,political,cultural,psychic

and subjective factors intersect in historically specific contexts. The term

“intersectionality” had, when it was coined, an emphasis on how ethnicity

intersectswith gender. Later, it came to be criticized for not having a class –

perspective.Anexample ishowsocialclass intersectswithgender ineveryday

life.Tomovefreelyinacityandmeetfriendsisdifferent,andsomethingmuch

moredifficult,forawomanfromalowereconomicstratathanitisforaman.In

the context of studying youth, the hegemonic culture is represented by the

sociallyadult.

Intersectionality can be a tool when analysing the closely related concept of

human agency – what power, freedom and chances an individual has to

influenceone´slife.SomeonerichfromaprivilegedbackgroundinTehranmight

goandstudyintheWest,whileothers–becauseofeconomics–mightemploya

humansmugglerandhideinatruckuntiloneisinEurope.

AnexampleofhowdifferentrealitiesintersectwaswhenafriendinTehransaid,

“Iraniansarethemostconfusedpeopleintheworld”–therearemanydisparate

worlds thatmeetandmake ithard toconstructastable identity.Ahegemonic

culture,one(atleast!)countercultureandonewhichcanbe–inlackofbetter

words – a traditional culture. All these worlds intersect and contribute to

makingtheyouthofIran“themostconfusedintheworld”.

ItisobviousthatgenderandclassiscrucialwhendiscussingIran–womenare

discriminated in both legally and by society. Class is another factor that –

22

naturally –playsan important role. Itwouldbeeasy toassume that everyone

who has a chance leaves the country – and that the rich leave. That would

howeverbeamistake–manyof thewelloff stay,andanunarticulatedbutde

factopolicyoftheregimeisnottointerferewiththeprivatelifeof–especially

rich–peopleaslongastheyareloyaltotheIslamicRepublic.Inotherwords,as

longasonedoesnotprotest,itisfinetodrinkorsocializewiththeothergender.

TheregularsatthecafesincentralTehranaretypicallyfrommiddleandupper

classes, and people from less privileged classes might shun these relatively

expensive places – “they have neverworked, they are spoiled, andwhat they

speakabout isnot interesting since theyhaven´tparticipated in life anddon´t

knowanythingabout“.Thesewords–utteredinaffection–werebyonefriend

who did not frequent the cafes, partly because they were too expensive –

another example of intersectionality. He did not feel welcome because of his

class, and was provoked by how easy they spent money “without doing

anything”.

Living in Iran entails numerous restrictions in everyday life, especially for

women.“LifeinIranisgoodifyouareaman.Butforwomenitisterrible”said

HusseininKualaLumpur.Apartfromthemostconspicuouslaw–atleastforthe

visitingforeigner–,theveilthatwomenmustwearinpublic,womenalsohave

towear a long-sleeved jacket that goes down to around the knee. Apart from

stipulations on what to wear many laws also restrict women´s freedom and

power. There aremany examples: In a court two femalewitnesses equal one

malewitness.Womencannotdivorcewithouttheirhusband´sconsent.Women

are not given a passport without their father´s or husband´s consent either.

Theseareallexamplesofhowgenderintersectswithclass.

Thanks to the IslamicRepublic´semphasisoneducation, theproportionof the

populationenrolled inauniversityhasrisendramaticallysince therevolution.

Especially women have improved their chances to study at universities

comparedtopre-revolutionarytimes.Theironyisthattheirstatusinsocietyin

other senses has decreased. Awoman is legally not allowed divorce from her

23

husband.Khomeiniloweredthelegalageto9yearsforgirlstomarry.Awoman

needs the permission from her husband to get a passport. Although women

dominate at theuniversities Iran remains extremelypatriarchal.However, the

general stress on education in the Islamic Republic has empowered women;

paradoxically, thishas ledtowomenbeingmorearticulateabouttheir inferior

position in society. For women, life in Iran can be especially stifling and

travellingabroadexperiencedasveryliberating.

The veil has been charged with symbolism and politics for decades. In 1935,

under Reza Shah, allwomen had to remove their veils. Thiswas shocking for

many women who would rather stay indoors than outdoors without the

headscarf.DuringtheIslamicRevolution1979someliberalandsecularwomen

started to wear the veil as an act of resistance. The veil became, for some

women,atthattimeasymbolofsolidarityandresistanceandawaytoshowthat

one was opposing western imperialism (Shahabi, 2006: 119). But since the

Revolutionwearingtheveilisvieweddifferently–forliberalandcosmopolitan

peopleithascommonlybecomeasymbolforoppression.

It can be tempting to consider counter cultures that do not conformwith the

officialcultureoftheIslamicRepublicasakindofresistance.Buthowpolitical

arethesubcultures?Islisteningtowesternpopmusicautomaticallypolitical?It

has been proposed (Shahabi, 2006: 120) that the lack of institutionalized and

collectivechannelsofpoliticalexpressionhasledtomoreindividualized,passive

and fragmented forms of political resistance, since the aggressive and

puritanicalIslamicRepublichardlytoleratesanykindofcriticism.

People in Iran, and especially the young,move betweenworldswith radically

different rules and ideals, several times a day. A studentmight on theway to

universitypasshugepaintingsofshahids,“martyrs”fromthewarwithIraq(and

countless streets andalleys arenamedafter them), andonceat theuniversity

there are huge posters of the religious and political leadership with uplifting

moral sayings. All the while the student might listen to the same music as

someone his or her age at “that side of the water” – a way Iranians refer to

24

America, (“that other country at that side of the Atlantic”), while using social

mediathatarebannedinIranbutaccessiblethroughVPN.Afteruniversityone

mightseeafriendinacaféaroundtheRevolutionaryStreetwithwallscovered

with art or books – the cafes in central Tehran can be incredibly beautiful –

where theportraitsofEmamKhomeiniand theSupremeLeaderAliKhamenei

on thewallareabout theonlyreminder thatone is inside Iran.Everyshopor

institutionorcaféhastohaveportraitsofEmamKhomeiniandAliKhameneion

thewall – not having it can cause seriousproblems.Navigating through these

disparate worlds in everyday life, responding to whatever rules the context

requires, people use what has been called “performative agency” (García

Sánchez) – a street-smart way of minimizing the unwanted elements of the

hegemonicculturewhilemaximizingthefreedomandchancesof livingthe life

onedesires.

Viewfromaroof-topincentralTehran,November2015

Whatwassurprisingwastoseethatthesestrategiesdidnotnecessarilychange

whengettingabroad–manyfelt theywereobserved,andtherewererumours

about “students” at the university working as informants for the Islamic

Republic.

25

So,thehegemoniccultureinsideIran,representedbytheIslamicRepublic,can

be contrasted with a counter culture, and one culture that, in lack of other

words,canbedescribedasa“traditional”.

2.1Youthculture,politics,transitionsandtrajectories

“Whenwearrived,itfeltlikecominghome,comingoutofjail,”anIraniancouple

toldme in Pune, referring to the freedom and liberty of the Indian society as

comparedtoIran.

Togetagraspofhow the individualpositionhimorherself inanyanalysisof

youth it is essential to take into account social class, religion, gender, sexual

orientationandethnicitySánchezGarcíaetal.2014:47).

In literatureonpolitical participation among the youth, there are some

shared traits. The level of education, coming from amiddle-class background

andhavingakindofpolitical socialisationareall supposed tobeconducive to

politicalparticipation(Flanagan,2009;JenningsandStoker2004).

In scholarship on youth and political participation, there are three

aspects, connected to each other, that have had scholarly attention and are

supposedtoplayimportantroles.Thefirstdealwithfutureeconomicscenarios,

thatoftenarebleak:personalandprofessionalinstability,dependenceonfamily.

The second aspect is the globalisation of identities, politics and culture –

transgressingthefragilenation-stateandnationalbelongingandagenerationof

newself-representationsthatbridgetheglobalwiththe local.Thethirdaspect

dealswithagrowingindividualismcausedbytheweaknessoftraditionalforms

of support and welfare. The result is often pessimism, apathy and a lack of

interest for the traditional forms of political interest. There are however new

formsofengagementsandactivism,throughtheInternetforexample(Sánchez

Garcíaetal.,2015:36).

26

In Fordist societies, there was a rather linear transition to adulthood,

constitutedbyfourelements:endofeducationandaccesstojobmarket,andthe

abandonment of the parent´s house and the establishment of an own family

(Modell, Furstenber andHershberg, 1976).Thismodel is to a large extentnot

validanymore–youthhascometobeextendedandfragmented(Galland1996).

The markers of the transition to an adult life are de-synchronized with

expectations, and do not unfold naturally, with the result of inconsistent

biographiesinwhichtheindividual–oftenincaseofseeminglyfailures–seem

tobethesoleresponsible(DuBois-Reymond,1998;FurlongandCartmel,1997).

In the era of modernity, time was considered to be quite linear, and the

individual´sbiographyunfoldedinharmonywiththeunfoldingof thedifferent

stages of life. In late modernity, this certainty changes, and time becomes

fragmented and uncertain. Long-term stability is replaced with short-term

uncertainty.Youngpeoplearetheoneswhosuffermost,astheprofessionalas

well as private lives are marked by previously unknown obstacles to reach

adulthood(SánchezGarcía36).

With the precarious nature of the future, and the risk of abrupt changes and

turningpointsinprofessionalbiographies,youngpeopleputforwardalternative

strategies (DuBois-Reymond 1998). Young people count to a large degree on

personalresourcesandcreativitywhenitcomestofindingalternativestrategies

quickly(Leccardi2005).

27

AcoolerandanantennaonaroofinTehran,October2015

2.2Beingyoungistonotbeadult

The concepts of youth and adulthood are elastic. “Youth”, a socio-cultural

construction,dependsonconventionsofthespecifictimeandspace–different

societies construct different rites of passage from youth to adulthood, and

individualsareshapedbytheseassumptionsandpreconceptionsofwhatbeing

youngandadultmeans.Thetransitionscanhavelesstodowithagethanwith

the social, economical and political order in question – biological age can be

contrasted with social age. Individual experiences are determined by the

assumptions, beliefs and the duties that a society ascribes on an individual

(SánchezGarcíaetal.2014:45).

Youthhastraditionallybeenconceivedasa“transitionalperiod”fromchildhood

toadulthood,whichincludessomeriteofpassages,suchasmarriage.However,

today scholars view youth as a living condition in itself, with young people

struggling to claim their youthfulness in the present. To go through these

28

transitionsisachallengewhilelivingunderauthoritarianregimes,andwhenthe

economyis ina flux.Scholars focusonyouth in itself (Herrera2011, inSahwa

p49).

InanArabcontext, scholarsagree thatyouth inArabMediterraneancountries

generallyarequitedistantfrompoliticalparties,andpreferindividualactionto

show their political commitment rather than institutional forms of political

participation (SánchezGarcía48)–and this is a tendency thatdefinitely rings

truetotheIraniancontext.NoneoftheyoungIraniansImet inIranorabroad

wouldbeinvolvedpoliticallyinaformalwaythroughaparty.Thisisnottosay

that they were not political – politics was a constant topic of discussion, but

peopleexpressedtheirviewsthrough,forexample,Bayat´snon-movements.As

Sánchez Garcia et al. writes, “Young people appear in conflict with state

nationalismandtheexpressionofit,perceivedas“old”.Belongingtotheirtime

andsociety,theirvaluesandsocialreferencesarenolongerexclusivelynational,

astheydreamofotherplaces, theyare insearchofdignityforthemselvesand

forameaningtotheirlives,togainrecognitionfaceàtheauthoritariansystem

asfreeindividuals(Khadri,2014:53-56).

Youthisproblematictodefine–identitiesareflexible,andwhatyouthsignifies

is largely negotiable.What is clear is that youth often can be based on social

situationrather thanchronologicalage. Inagivenculturepreadolescentyouth

maybecountedasyouth,butelsewhere,andsimultaneously,peopleintheir30s

or 40s may be included in the same category. Youth as a carefree period of

indulgence,asoftenpopularlyportrayed,isformanynotviableduetoeconomic

constraints thatquicklymovethemintoadultresponsibilities(Bucholtz,2002:

527).

“Youthculture”wasintroducedasanewconceptthesocialsciencesinthe1950s

and60s.Atthattimeyoungpeoplewere,muchmorethanhadbeenthecasefor

earlier generations, recognized as bearing a distinct and separate culture that

deviated to a large extent from that of adults (Camaozzi, I, Cherubini, D et al,

2015:). It was sociologist Talcott Parsons, focussing on youth practices and

29

youthasasocialcategory,whocoinedtheterm.“Youthculture”wasdefinedas

the culture developed among a group of peers, the cultural world of young

peopleandadolescentsindependentfromtheadultone(Camaozzi,I,Cherubini,

Detal,2015:16).

Agenerationistypicallybeingseenasgivingaformofsocialidentityalongwith

class, ethnicity and gender. Anthropologists, among others, tend to see

generations as having lived through common historical events and cultural

forces.Generational identitycomesfromcommonexperience,which leadstoa

symboliccultureandmakesindividualsthatdonotknoweachotherfeelbound

together (Khosravi, 2008: 4). Every generation is unique and different from

previousandcomingones.Generationsarealsocharacterizedbyhowtheyreact

to the social environment around them, not only to the events themselves

(Borneman, 1992: 48). Historical and societal events contribute to a

generationalconsciousness.

In studying youth culture the “Birmingham School” emphasized class in the

frameworkofhegemonyandresistance.Youthcultureisbothgenerationaland

class-based.Generationmaybeasimportantasclasssinceyoungpeoplelivein

and shape a culture that in several waysmay challenge the adult generation.

However,youthcultureinTehranisclearlymoreaboutgenerationthanofclass;

theauthoritiesinIransuppressyoungpeoplefromtheupper,themiddleorthe

lower classes alike (Khosravi, 2008: 4). The hegemonic order created by the

parental generation has led to a homogenization of young people´s demands

regardless of their class background. Indeed, at least in Tehran, youth culture

tendstoputclassbackgroundintheshadows.Inthecafes,forexample,people

withdifferentbackgroundsmixfreely-eventhoughmostofthemmaybelongto

aneducatedmiddleclass.

Anthropologists in Chicago – the “Chicago School” – were working on the

concept of youth and deviant groups in the 1920s. Their studies focussed on

marginality.AtthetimethecityofChicagowaschangingrapidly.Alargenumber

ofimmigrantswerearrivingandyouthofimmigrantbackgroundwerevisiblein

30

the urban areas. What emerged from these studies was that these young

immigrants shared values and patterns of behaviour thatwere different from

themainstreamand adult societywith respect to practices, style, and cultural

orientations. The results remind me of the situation in Tehran today. The

generational experiences of the youth of today in Teheran define them to a

considerableextentandputthemincontrasttotheirparents´generation,who

madetherevolution(Camozzi,Cherubini,Leccardietal,2015:12).

The“Birminghamschool”producedseveralimportantworksinthe70sand80s

on youth groups in Britain with a class perspective, influenced by Marx and

Gramsci – in an era when distinctive groups such as punks and skinheads

emerged.Theseyouthgroupswereseenasformsofresistancetoahegemonic

culture.Theterm“subculture”wasintroducedtotakeaccountoftheseformsof

cultural expressions. The scholars in Birmingham took leisure time and

consumption as central themes of youth studies and emphasised that there

exists not a single youth culture, or expression of a youth culture, rather, the

conceptishighlyheterogeneous.(Camozzi,Cherubini,Leccardietal,2015:20).

KarlMannheim,in“TheSociologicalProblemofGeneration”(1927),arguedthat

the concept of generation is strongly linked to social change. He identifies

analyticaltoolstobeusedindiscussing“generation”.“Thegenerationlocation”,

forexample,referstoacommonlocationinthehistoricalandsocialdimension

and may include individuals belonging to the same age group in a society,

thereforelikelytobeexposedtothesamehistoricalandsocialeventsandthus

havingseveralcommonexperiences.Thegenerationlocationiseasytoidentify

in the Iranian context. The generation thatmade the revolution in 1979 have

their memories and experiences of the Shah era as well as of the Islamic

Revolution and the ensuingwar. Their children have grown up in the Islamic

Republic,“themostconfusedcountryintheworld”,afriendinhisearly30stold

tomeinTehran.Wewerespeakingabouttherulesandmoralsencouragedand

stipulatedbytheIslamicregimeversusthewaypeopleinreallifelive.“People

growupbeingveryconfused”,hesaid.

31

Whenpeopleatthesameageexperiencethesamehistoricalevents,especiallyin

theiryouth,agenerationalbondcanemerge–afeelingofbelongingtoaspecial

or unique entity, with a special way of looking at the world, a common

consciousness. Another term in Mannheim´s analysis is “generational units”,

referring to “groups within the same actual generation which work up the

material of their common experiences in different specific ways” (Mannheim,

1927: 184). Still, within a generation, among people who share a common

destiny, several different ways of behaviour may emerge. In his essay “The

problem of generation” (1927)Mannheim argues that being born at a similar

time period in history and living in the same geographical area does not

automatically lead to belonging to the same generation. What is needed is a

commonexperience.NowheredoesthisringmoretruethaninthecaseofIran.

Earlyexperiences tend to lead toaviewof theworld thatstaysasareference

point for the coming life experiences (Mannheim 1927: 177). What are the

connections between youth and social change? Young people have not yet

absorbed thehabits andnormsof the society anddonot take social order for

granted. Youth has therefore a potential for social innovation that can be

mouldedandisopen–itcanbeexploited,controlledorrepressed.IntheIranian

contextitiseasytoseehowyouthisinfluencedbyimagesfromabroadgivenby

media. Perceptions of the world outside Iran are to an increasing extent

influencedbymedia–thecontrastwiththecurrentsocialorderinIranbecomes

stark.Thesituationmayserveasabreedinggroundfordissatisfaction,theyouth

not accepting thenormsof the IslamicRepublic. “Frustrationwith the clerical

rule and the constant anti-West propaganda, togetherwith easy access to the

outsideworldthroughvideo,satellitetelevisionandtheInternet,hasturnedthe

West and the United States into irresistiblemagnets for thousands of Iranian

youth(Basmenji,2005:48).

32

DisparateworldsinthemetroinTehran,November2015

Inhisbook“Modernityatlarge”Appaduraiexaminesthemodesofreproduction

of culture, identity, and locality. Imagination, Appadurai points out, is of

increasing importance for the construction of reality. Previously imagination

waslimitedtocertainrealmsofsociallife,likemythsordreams,butduetothe

globalisationprocessesandleapsintechnologyanincreasingnumberofpeople

participate in global flows of communication providing individuals with

materials that fuel their imagination. “The imagination is now central to all

formsofagency,isitselfasocialfact,andisthekeycomponentofthenewglobal

order”(Appadurai,1996:31).

InTehranitiscommontohearamongtheyouththatoneofthereasonsfortheir

struggling in life is the high unemployment rate. Education in Iran is good

althoughitishardtogetintouniversity,andaftergraduationitisdifficulttofind

a job. Therefore, when leaving school, young people are typically unable to

becomeindependentfromtheirparents.Tobuyorrentahouseforthemselves,

supporttheirfamiliesand–morecrucially–themselves,establishfamiliesand

be viewed as adults – all this is unattainable for many young adults. This

situation–commonallovertheworld,notleastinNorthAfricaandtheMiddle

East–hascoinedtheterm“waithood”.

33

Youth´sinabilitytobecomeindependentcitizensdoesnotdependontheyouth

themselves(AlcindaHonwana2012)butrather fromameltdownof thesocio-

economicsystemthatissupposedtoprovidethemwithopportunities.Asocial

contractbetweenthestateanditscitizensisbroken,shesays,thereasonsbeing

economicpolicies,corruption,andabsenceofcivilliberties.

ThetermwaithoodwasfirstusedbyDianeSingermaninherworkonyouthin

theMiddleEastandNorthAfrica,thetermbeingattributedtoyouthtransitions

toadulthood.Waithoodrepresentsacontradictionofmodernity,inwhichyoung

people´s opportunities are both broadened and limited. Technology has

increased communication and global connections at the same time as

opportunities are constrained by socio-economic circumstances and political

instability. In Tehran people are connected globally via the Internet, just as

people inLondonorBarcelona, andwatch the sameAmericanTV-serials.But,

becauseofpoliticalreasons,mostIraniansdonothavetheluxuryofbeingable

totravelaspeoplee.g.withaEuropeanpassport.And,withrampantcorruption

andinflationitismuchharderinIrantobeabletogetajobandmakealiving.

AllthisleadstothesituationthatwaithoodissoprevalentinIran.Waithoodcan

lastfordecades,wellintopeople´sthirtiesandevenforties.Extendedwaithood

is rather becoming the norm and synonymous with being young (Honwana

2012).

Focussing on the young, aged up to around thirty-five, makes sense not only

becausetheymakeupthemajorityoftheIranianpopulationandarethefuture

ofthecountry,butalsobecause“theywerethetargetoftheIslamizationproject

thathingedonthewar;nowtheyaresupposedtobeanindexforthesuccessof

the Islamic Republic” (Mahdavi, 2009: 8). The Republic sought to create

ideologicalsubjectsthroughenforcementofproper“Islamicbeing”.Inresponse

many young Iranians are revolting against the rituals in trying to “reclaim”

themselves aswell as their agency and citizenship. “Many young adults argue

that they are now using their bodies and their sexuality to speak out against

whattheyviewasarepressiveregime“(Mahdavi,2009:9).

34

Thus,theyouthinIrancanlargelybeseenasasocialclasssincetheexperiences

that they share are so specific for this group. Older generations cannot really

relatetothespecificexperiencesofgrowingupintheIslamicRepublic.

Acommonviewincontemporarystudiesonyouthisthatclassicalnotionsofthe

lifecycleasaseriesoffixedstagesandrolesthroughwhicheverypersonmove

as theyagearestillvalid,but that thestageshavebeendelayed. It isassumed

thattheperiodofyouthhasbeenextended.Normativestructureshaveloosened

up and the life course has become more individualized, diversified, and

fragmented.Individualagencyandself-reflexivityareseenashavingincreasing

importance in the construction of the self (Beck et al. 1994). With this view,

nothinginlifecanbetakenforgranted.Itisastateofbeingthatincreasesboth

personal freedom and risk. There is no clear outline for how a life should be

lived,and“peopleareexpectedtomaketheirownlife-plans,tobemobile,andto

provide for themselves in various ways” (Beck, 2000: 70). Paths towards a

professionallifeandleavingthefamilyhomehavebecomemorediversified.

For Beck, a feature of this shift has been a move towards notions of

flexiblework.Theflexibleworkerismobileandmightchangeemploymentand,

if necessary, residence frequently. A version of this appears to be true for the

Iranians going abroad – instead of goingwhere the jobs are people gowhere

visas are given. The individualization of the life course is linked to the

normalization of uncertainty and pressure formobility. In spite ofmore fluid

contemporary processes of age classification and life course transitions there

are many ways in which the “more rigid pattern of the modern western life

course which emerged in the mid-nineteenth century continues to claim a

powerfulholdonwesternimaginations”(Beck,2003:57).

Theflexibleglobalworkplacemakeslife-pathsincreasinglydifferentfrom

thoseofpreviousgenerations.Peopleare,more thanpreviously,seenasbeing

responsiblefortheir life, thekindofworktheydo,andwithwhomtheyspend

time.

35

There is a tendency to essentialize adulthood, against which youth, equally

essentialized, is defined. Youth is supposed to have been prolonged, but

adulthoodisn´tdefinedclearlyapartfornotbeingyouth.

Youth has been considered as a condition to some extent in opposition to a

prevailingsocialorder,aperiodofsemi-independence,andaperiodthatdefines

itslimitsinrelationto“adulthood”.Youthcanbeunderstoodasasocialprocess,

a journey from total dependence to the independence that characterizes

adulthood. The markers that have distinguished youth visavi adulthood have

usually been linked to education and its institutions - extensive educationhas

prolongedtheperiodofyouth(Sepulveda,2013:15,).

Morethanever,youthischaracterizedbyheterogeneityintermsofexperiences

and paths leading to “the adult life”. In many ways, older patterns and the

dichotomy between adulthood and youth have disappeared. What are the

realitiesintheprocessofbecomingadultforthenewergenerations?

Forbeingabletoseepatternsinlifecourses,processesandtrajectoriesoflife,a

longer timeframe is required. The experiences of people are conditioned by a

period in history and a specific place, while the individual circumstances are

importanttoo.Agroupofpeopleoragenerationdonotshareexperiencesina

uniformway.Socialrelationsandnetworkscontributetoindividualbiographies

–livesareinterlinkedwithotherlives.Possiblymostimportantisthenotionof

agency,thepowertointerruptandresistgivenstructures.Structuresarewhat

limitthepoweroftheindividualagency.

Older markers of adulthood have become invalid and new alternatives have

comeup.Independenceandrolesthattraditionallyhavedefinedadulthoodhave

been postponed, often for large segments of the population. Liminality as a

conceptwascoinedbyVictorTurner(1969)tocapturewhatpeopleexperience

when theypassover a threshold fromone stageof life to another.During the

liminal stagepeopleare suspended– theyarenotwere theywerebefore,nor

aretheyinthestatetocome.Thisphasemightbeoneofecstasyandfreedom,

36

between fixedpointsof classifications.Howdoes the “between”-stage that the

liminal state is take shape for the Iranianmigrants? Is the term applicable to

theirexperiences?

In exploring trajectories of Iranians abroad it is clear that the paths are as

individualized as discussed above while also following larger patterns. The

youth of today in Tehran have been called “The third generation” – the

generationthatwasbornaftertheIslamicRevolution.Theyarewhattheclergy

hopedwouldbe the “childrenof the revolution”, the childrenwhomAyatollah

Khomeini called “an army of twenty million”. In this classification, the First

Generation–atthetimeintheirtwentiesorolder–enforcedtherevolution.The

SecondGenerationwasintheirearlyteensatthetimeoftherevolution,andhas

onlyvaguememoriesofthepre-revolutionarydays.Thatgenerationmakesupa

largepartofthosewhomigratedfromIraninthe80s,duringtheIran-Iraqwar.

The Third Generation includes more than half of the population of Iran

obviouslywithoutanymemoriesofpre-revolutionarydays(Khoshravi,2008:5).

TheseindividualshavebeenformedbytheIslamicRepublic´sattemptstoshape

thegenerationtobecomecitizensloyaltotherevolutionaryideals.

Anethnographicvignette

While visiting Iran inOctober2015a friendand I decided tohitchhikeoutof

Tehran.WewenttowardsAlamut.Myfriend,anIranianwomaninherearly30s,

was unmarried and lived in Tehran. She had been involved in the Green

MovementandwasverydisillusionedwiththeIranianregime.Wewentduring

theashouraday,whenShiitescommemorateHusseinwhowaskilledinKarbala

in680AD.OnthestreetsofTehranpeoplewentparading,honouringHussein,

andfromcarswithloudspeakerswereheardthesongsaboutHussein.Allover

the city therewaswailing and loud sad songs.My friend could not stand the

sound-shewasinfuriatedandhadbeenscreamingandshoutinginherflat in

Tehran,asaprotest.Wedecidedtogetoutofthecity.Allherfriendsseemedto

37

be likeher, i.e. very critical to the IslamicRepublic. In Shahabis classification,

shebelongedto“thecosmopolitanorsubculturalyouth”.Startingfrommeidune

azadi, “the Freedom Square” – with the famous monument – we went

hitchhiking.Fivedifferentcarspickedusup.Thedriverswereyoungandmale.

TheywouldallfitintowhatShahabicalls“locallyorientedconventionalyouth”.

Twoofthedriverswerebasij,i.e.partofthevoluntaryforceloyaltotheleader.

In one car they showed a photo of the Supreme Leader, Khamenei, on their

mobilephone.Thedriverandhis friend in theseatnext tohimwereabout to

make the pilgrimage to Karbala the followingweek. Theywould drive to the

Iraqiborderandwalkbyfootfromthere.Inotherwords,theywereall“locally

orientedconventionalyouth”,asdelineatedbyShahabi.Whilewalkingaround

centralTehran,spendingtimeinitsverymanycafeswithyoungpeople,onecan

easilytogettheimpressionthatalmostallyoungadultsareliketheonesinthe

cafés. But, according to Shahabi, the great majority of the Iranian youth are

conformingtotheIslamicState´sideology(Shahabi,2006:114).

Whentheconceptofyouthappearstobesofluidthequestionarisesifyouthis

connected to age at all? Traditionally, marriage has been the rite of passage

marking adulthoodbut these days peoplemarrywell into the thirties. To this

daymarriageisasignalofbeingmature–beingsingleisconsideredatemporary

status. It is uncommon among single women in Iran to live away from their

parents.Beingmarried is thedesirednormalstatus. It is,however,noteasyto

marrywithouthavingajob–andinIran,asmentioned,unemploymentishigh.

Marrying implies traditionally to move out from one´s family home, which

however is difficult without a job. Thus the difficulty to enter the jobmarket

makestheperiodofbeingayoungbachelorlonger.

JustasinEgypt,AlgeriaandTunisia(SánchezGarcia,FeixaPampolsC,Laine,S,

2014:22),militaryserviceiscompulsoryformaleIranians.Themilitaryservice,

thesarbazi,isoftendreaded,andpeopledowhatevertheycantoevadeit.“It´sa

waste of time, they take two of your best years,” was a common opinion

expressedtomebyyoungmeninTehranconcerningsarbazi.However,without

having done the sarbazi one can´t apply for a passport. Itmay be possible to

38

avoid doing themilitary service under certain circumstances – if you are the

onlyson,ifyourfatherdiedinthewarwithIraq(ifhewas“martyred”),orifyou

areregardedasbeingphysicallyunfit,forexample.Nothavingdonethemilitary

serviceinIraniscommonamongpeoplewhohaven´tgrownupinIranbuthave

an Iranian passport. Iran does not recognise dual citizenship, so people who

havelivedabroadfordecadesarestillrecognizedasbeingentirelyIranians,not

asSwedesorAmericans-andsecondgenerationIranianshavetodothemilitary

service if they stay longer thana fewmonths in Iran.Havingdone the sarbazi

typicallysignalstheendoftheyouthformaleIranians.

Marriage andmilitary service thus remain importantmarkers for entering an

adult life, althoughnowadays thesemarkers arebeing challenged.This is true

e.g. for many of the Iranians who moved to India and Malaysia. The goal of

becomingasociallyacceptableindividualmightbeachievedinalternativeways,

suchasgoingabroad,whichmaywellchangethetraditionallifecourse.Iranians

having been brought up in the Islamic Republic and then moved to eastern

countriesmaytoaconsiderableextentbendandchallengethetraditionalview

onhowalifecourseissupposedtobe.

2.3Movingsomewhereelse

Iranhasbeenacrossroadsfortravellersandmigrantsforcenturies.Actingasa

bridge in both the geographical and cultural sense of the word Iran has

connectedAsiawiththeMediterraneanandEurope.Greeks,Arabs,Mongolsand

Turks have invaded. Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the

ensuingwarsIranhasbeenahostcountry forhundredsof thousandsafghans,

whileatthesametimewavesofIranianswereleavingIranfleeingthewarand

thenewIslamicRepublic.

Iranhasbeencalledthecountrywiththelargestbraindrainintheworld.Inthe

wakeoftheIslamicRevolutionpeopleleftIraninmassivescale.Therichoften

39

went to southern California. Many fled during the war with Iraq, a war that

lasted for eight years and resulted in the largest number of casualties since

WW2,andsettledinEurope.

TheIslamicRevolutionalmostcoincidedwiththecommunist“AprilRevolution”

in 1978 and Soviet´s invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Although Iran has gone

through deep economic crises the country still appears as an attractive

destination forAfghans,with its – relatively speaking – plenty of employment

opportunities(Monsutti,2007:5).Afghanswerewelcomedandmanywerewell

integrated in the society at a timewhenmany young Iranianswere occupied

withthewarwithIraq(Monsutti,2007:5). Ithasbeenestimatedthat in2005

there were around one and a half million Afghans in Iran, over one million

documentedandhalfamillionwithoutpapers.AtthesametimemanyIranians

were leavingthecountry. IranandAfghanistanhavemuchculture incommon,

the languages farsi (in Iran) and dari (in Afghanistan) being close and

comprehensibleforspeakersofeachlanguage.Intheautumnof2015refugees

fleeing the wars in the Middle East were heading for Europe, often towards

GermanyorSweden,countriesthathadareputationofhavinggenerousasylum

policies.MostoftherefugeeswerefromSyria,buttherewerealsothousandsof

unaccompaniedboys, in their teens, fromAfghanistan.Manyof themhadbeen

bornorhadgrownupinIran.TheywereatriskofbeingsenttothewarinSyria

by the Islamic Republic, or to be deported to Afghanistan. Initially they were

welcomed inSweden.However,ayear latermanywereexpelled fromSweden

andsenttoAfghanistan,wheretheymightneverhavelived.Iranhascontinued

tobeanimportanthostcountryforAfghanrefugeeswhooftensurviveonheavy

manuallabourjobs.

IranhasaplethoraofhistoricaltieswithIndia.Therehavebeenseveralwaves

of Iranianmigration to India, often because of greater freedoms there.During

theSafavids,thedynastythatestablishedshiismasthestatereligioninIran, it

becamepopularforIranianstomovetoIndiawheremanybecameattachedto

theMughalcourt.Aboutone-fourthoftheeliteattheMughalcourtwasIranian

(Haneda1997).Also,attheeventofIslam,plentyofzarathustriansfledtoIndia,

40

particularlytoGujarat.TherelativeproximityandsharedhistorymakesIndiaa

quite natural destination for Iranians. “Everyone here have good knowledge

aboutIranandingeneralapositiveimageofthecountry”,saidoneinformantin

Pune.

Thus in India,duringMughal times, therewasadistinct Iranianelement– the

linguafrancainthecourtandadministrationwasPersian.ThehistorianSanjay

Subrahmanyam writes that the Persian elites in India flaunted “a feeling of

superiority over the Deccanis” (Subrahmanyam, 1992: 343). A report from

DutchLodewijkIlsaacsEyloff, from1608,concludesthatinGolcondaSultanate

themostimportantpostswereheldby“arrogantPersians”.ThekingHumayun

wasexiledduringtheSafaviderainIran,anduponhisreturntoIndia,twenty-

one of fifty-seven nobles around the kingwere Iranians. In the 18th century a

ShiitefamilyfromKhorasanmanagedtotakecontroloftheMughalprovinceof

Bengal. But Iranianmigration in this periodwasnot limited to India.Also the

Burmese court had a large number of migrants from Iran, and there was an

Iranian presence in Thailand that remained quite small until the mid 17th

century.Thentherewasarise,andbythelatterhalfofthe17thcenturyIranians

seemtohavedominatedtheThaicourt(Subramaniam,1992:348).Duringthe

Qajardynasty in Iranhigh-profile Iranian intellectualswent to Istanbulwhere

the firstPersian-languagenewspaperoutside Iranwaspublished in1876, and

becamea forum for criticismagainst the IraniankingNaserul-dinShah´s rule

(Keddie,1999:45)

Some Iranians left Iran to go to India because at home they were accused of

beingrebelsorSunnis–theyhadtofleetosavetheirlives–whileotherslefte.g.

because the Indian courts offered better conditions than the Iranian

counterparts.For therefugees Indiabecameapoliticalasylum(Haneda1997).

TherearethuslinksbetweenpeopleleavingIraninthatearlyeraandtheones

leaving at thepresent time, for similar political reasons.Although the country

hasbeenseeminglyclosedsince the IslamicRevolution ithasbothhostedand

producednumerousmigrants.

41

The first important wave of migration from Iran in modern times, stretching

from justafter theSecondWorldWaruntil the timeof the IslamicRevolution,

resultedfromIran´ssloweconomicrecoveryafterthewar,ironicallycombined

withadramaticnewwealth thatbecameavailable toadomesticelite– theoil

money. The oil permitted many families to send their children to Western

universities, and in 1977-78 about 100 000 Iranians were studying abroad,

mainlyintheUSandvariousEuropeancountriesparticularlyUK.MoreIranian

studentsthanstudentsfromanyothercountrywereenrolledatUSuniversities

at the time, and after the Islamic Revolutionmany opted to stay in theWest.

Often theirrelatives in Iran joinedthemfollowingtherevolution(Hakimzadeh

2006).

After the IslamicRevolutionpeoplewith leftist leanings,aswellasyoungmen

tryingtoescapefromthemilitaryservice,tendedtoleave.Religiousminorities

also left. Many did not consider their move as being something permanent.

Often,afterhavinglockedtheirhomes,peopleleftbringingwiththemonlyafew

suitcases presuming that their stay abroad would be temporary – until the

revolutionaryinstabilityhadbeenclearedup.Astimepassed,however,areturn

toIranseemedallthemoredistant.

Fromthemid90sandonwardsmanyIranianshaveagainbeenstrivingtoleave

theircountry.Amongthemarebothhighlyskilledandeducatedpeopleseeking

betteropportunitiesabroad,andthosewithlittleschooleducation.Reasonsfor

leaving include the economic crisis and the political oppression. Some have

attempted to apply more unconventional ways of going abroad and being

allowedtostaysuchasconvertingtoChristianitybeforefleeingIran–andonce

abroad stating that converting from Islam can be punished with the death

penaltyinIran.

Migrants pave the way for other migrants to follow. Indeed, “each act of

migration itself creates the social structure needed to sustain it. Every new

migrant reduces the costs of subsequent migration for a set of friends and

relatives, and some of these people are thereby induced to migrate, which

42

furtherexpandsthesetofpeoplewithtiesabroad”(Levitt,P,Jaworsk,B.N,2007:

124).

Guyer(2007)hasbeendiscussingtheperceptionsofpast,present,andnearand

distantfuturesinasociologicalperspective,andarguesthattimeinthesedays

seems tohaveslipped intoa “time that ispunctuatedrather thanenduring:of

fatefulmomentsandturningpoints,thedateaseventratherthanasapositionin

a sequence or a cycle, dates as qualitatively different rather thanqualitatively

cumulative” (Guyer, 2007: 410). People seem tobe shifting context and travel

morethanever,creatinga feeling thatboththedistantandnear futuredonot

haveanythingtodowiththecurrentmomentwearein.Havinghadto leavea

country suddenly may give a feeling of being thrown into a time experience

disconnectedfromthepastandfuture.

Withouthopefewpeoplewouldmigrate.Hopefuelsmigration;migrationisan

enactment of hope and of faith in the future. Migration can be a reaction to

despair (Pine, 2014: 96) embracing a hope for a better future. During the

Ahmadinejad era and the followingRohani era, going abroad has appeared as

possiblythemostsensiblestrategytoadifferentandbetterlife.Thenearfuture

isoneofpunctuatedtime,while thedistant future isoneofhope,dreams,and

oftensomekindofutopia.ThesuccessfultalksinViennaleadingtothenuclear

dealcreatedoptimismamongmyinterlocutorsinPune.“Itmightbeagoodidea

tomovebacktoIranquitesoon”,theysaid.Hopeisdependentonthecapacity

for ones imagination, on an ability to believe in a better future and to some

extent to live with uncertainty – daydreaming about what might happen is a

natural component. However, having left ones country one is especially

susceptibletobothhopeanditsopposite,despair.

ThefilmNoOneCaresAboutPersianCatstellsthestoryoftwoyoungmusicians

wantingtoleaveIran,theirhomecountry.Inthefilmseveralmusiciansareseen,

many being active in the underground scene in Tehran. When arriving to

Teheranin2011Iaspiredtowriteabouttheundergroundrockandpop-scene.I

managed togetholdofamusicianwhowasalsoanactor in the film industry,

43

andcalledhim.ImmediatelyhesoundedsuspiciousandwantedtoknowwhatI

wantedfromhim.Later,whilespeakingtoanothermusician,heexplainedthat

the musician/actor had been jailed after the film had been released, and

naturallybecamescaredwhenaforeignercalledfordiscussingthefilmaswell

as theundergroundscene–perdefinition illegal.Ahopeofbeingable toplay

musicfreelyhadturnedintofear.

Todayitiscommontoimagineourworldasbeinginconstantmotion,notonly

peopleandthings,butalsoideasandwaysofliving–globalisationhasresulted

in a situation where a shopping mall in France is nearly identical to one in

Malaysia. Earlier scholars tended to view border crossing movements as

deviations from place-bound communities and homogenous societies, but

discourses of globalisation and cosmopolitanism have made the opposite the

norm – mobility has been promoted as the normal and being attached to a

certain place a kind of resistance against globalization (Salazar, 2010: 54)

mobility).NotwithstandingthewavesofmigrationfromthewarsintheMiddle

East and the tragedies during journeys crossing the Mediterranean, mobility

generally has good connotations, signalling the ability, ease and tendency to

moveandchangequickly(Salazar,2010:54).Ithasbeenassumedthatmobility

isincreasing,andalmostallvoluntarymobilityisassociatedwithrisingfinancial

and social status as well as cultural status in becoming cosmopolitan. Still,

sedentary, settledpeoplehave traditionallyoftenbeen ina favourable lightby

theorists. Colonialists classified peoples according to mobility, the more

sedentarytheywerethemore“cultured”theywereconsidered(Rosaldo1988:

80).Culturalanthropologists, fortheirpart, thoughtofculturesas immobileor

as having a cyclical and repetitive mobility. “If they move, they will move in

cycles” (Salazar, 2010: 55). By contrast, today, movement – the ability and

freedom to be mobile – is frequently connected to high financial, social and

culturalstatus.

InIrantoday,almostanythingthatisconsideredforeignischargedwith

cultural capital and status. While travelling in the country it is striking how

proudpeopleseemtobeaboutbeingPersian.Itmightseemparadoxicalthata

country that often prides itself for having the most dazzling culture also

44

attributesmoreprestigetoanygoodsthatareforeignthantothingsproducedin

Iran. For example, the alcohol free local “beers”, with brand names such as

“Istak”or“Delester”–refreshingandnotassweetassoftdrinks–aresoldinany

small kiosk and are popular. There are also foreign brands of the drink, from

Germany andother countries, and these importeddrinks areunfailinglymore

prestigious as well as many times as expensive as those that are produced

locally.Theirdifferenttastes–internationallyversuslocallyproduceddrinks–

are indistinguishable. In Tehran my housemate and I often went out in the

eveningtowalkandeatsomething.Manynightsaweekweatefalafel–oneof

few vegetarian options, and it was cheap too – and we had an Iranian-style

“beer”with it.My friendwouldalwaysask fora foreignbrandrather than the

usualIraniandrinkwhenwehadourmealoutsideoneofthesmallfalafeljoints.

So,althoughsettledpeoplealwayshavebeenviewedasbeingmoreculturedand

civilized by, at least, western administrators and scholars, mobility and

internationaltendencies–anythinginternationalandforeign–areoftenviewed

favourably.

A café in Tehran – the logo resembling a well-known American coffee – chain,

October2015

Anthropologistshaveoftenattemptedtochallengethenotionofunitarycultures

infixedplaces.Earlystudiesonmobilityamongcolonizednon-Westernsocieties

45

werebasedonmodelsofhomogeneity. Sedentarism, stressingboundedplaces

as the basis of human life, was the ruling norm. For example, the work of

MargaretMeaddescribes life inNewGuinea inthe1920sasatimelessculture

unaffected by the outside world until the event of the Western influence

(Brettell,2003,quotedinSalazar2010:56).Thisclassicaltypeofanthropology

“constitutedculturesasessentiallyimmobileoraspossessingamobilitythatis

cyclical and repetitive… Those with culture are expressed to have a regular,

delimited occupation of territory. If they move, they must do so cyclically.”

Mobility was a characteristic assigned to only hunter-gatherers or gypsies

(Salazar,2010:56).

Older anthropology often regarded border-crossing movements as deviations

fromthenormativeplace-boundedsocieties.However,asalreadymentionedthe

lastdecadeswithcosmopolitanismhavewitnessedtheoppositetendency,thus

toviewmobilityasthenormalandoneofthecharacteristicsofthecurrentera.

This trend has been so strong that it has - sometimes deliberately - been

forgotten that societies have been “mobile” for along time. Anthropologists

today often reject “sedentaristmetaphysics” (Malkki, 1992, quoted in Salazar,

2010:55),questioningthecommonlyassumedinterrelationsbetweenpeoples,

placesandcultures.

Since travel has always constituted an essential ingredient in anthropology

(fieldworktypically involvestravelling),andthepractiseofgoingaway“to the

field” has been a defining aspect of the discipline, the assumed link between

cultureandplacehasbeenstrengthened(Salazar,2010:57).Thistendencygoes

againstthecommonthoughtamonganthropologistsarguingagainsttheconcept

ofplace-boundsocieties.

Epistemologies thatview “society”asa containedunitymayhaveproblems to

explain the increasing interconnectedness of people and goods. Traditionally,

anthropologistshavebuilt theirepistemologyby immersingoneself inasingle

placeorcommunityforalongperiod,andmayasaconsequencehavetroubles

46

in seeing transnational connections thatdonot fit into the imageof theworld

whichtheanthropologistwithefforthasgottentoknow(Salazar,2010:58).

Thelaterdecadeshaveseenanincreaseofmulti-sitedstudies,thusabandoning

the studyofboundedplaces in favourof the realitiesof amoremobileworld.

Themovementofpeopleoftenreinforcesdifferencesand inequalitiesbutmay

alsocontribute inerasingsuchdifferences.Overall,bordercrossingmobility is

still a human experience that is the exception rather than the norm and the

processes that produce movement and global connectedness also produce

exclusion and immobility in equal measure. Mobility has become a key

difference–andanotherness-producingmachinealongwithgender,class,and

race(Salazar,60,inAdeyandBisselletal.(ed)2014).

2.4Anthropology,migrationandgeneralizations

CentralTehran,October2015

“I didn’´t knowwho Iwas before Imoved to Copenhagen” says Christina, 34,

fromReus,Spain.

47

How to theorise and generalise about conditions of migration when each

migration story is unique? Speaking about identity and migration easily

becomesadiscussionaboutethnicity,nationalism,andessentialism.What is it

thatdistinguishesthemigrantsabroadmakingthemdifferentfromanyoneelse?

Whatdistinguishesanimmigrantgroup?

Differenttheoreticalapproachestoethnicityhaveemergedinanthropology.The

primordialistapproach,popularuntilthe60s,suggestedthatethnicidentityisa

resultofdeepattachments togroupandculture.The instrumentalistapproach

focuses on ethnicity as a political strategy to be used as a tool whenever

profitable. Finally, there is the situational approach, from thework of Fredrik

Barth, focussing on the elasticity of identities seen as being constructed in

specifichistoricalandsocialcontexts(Levitt,P,Jaworsk,B.N,2007:132).

Migration brings together peoplewith different backgrounds and at the same

timecreatesboundaries.Consequently,theinstrumentalistandthesituationalist

approaches are the best fitting tools to be used in anthropological studies on

migration.Contactwithforeignersresultsinreflectionsoveronesidentity,and

ethnic identification is “created, preserved, reaffirmed and even rejected

through a continuous set of contrasts between one´s own group and others

(ibid)”. Inasense,ethnicity is theorizedasaresponsetocertainsituations.To

becomeamemberofanethnicgroupcanbeseenasawayto figureoutone´s

opportunitiesinanethnicallypluralisticsocialsetting(ibid).

Iranians inMalaysiaandIndiadidnotseentohavereflectedmuchabouttheir

ethnicalidentitiesbeforetheymovedabroad.Itbecameacentralconcernonce

they arrived in the new country andwere forced to adopt understandings of

identity. “Ethnic groups are made, not born”, Glick Schiller wrote (Levitt, P,

Jaworsk, B. N, 2007: 135) – in other words, it is through the encounter with

othersthatone´sownidentitytakesform.

Dueto thesystemofentranceexams intouniversities in Iran it iscommonfor

students to live a few years in a city away from home. Hussein in Pune, for

48

example, is from Tehran but he lived in Bandar Abbas during several years,

while studying computer science.Within Iran regional identitiesplaya role in

society;thisislesspronouncedwhenbeingabroad.

“I had heard of Pune through friends in Tehran, I heard itwas a student city,

quitesafe,andnottooexpensive”saidMina,26,astudentofpharmacyinPune.

Itwascommontohear that themainreasonswhy Iranians inPuneandKuala

Lumpurhadchosenthesedestinationswerethattheyknewsomepeoplethere–

friendsorfamily.Kinshipsandfriendshipsoftencauseadominoeffect–people

gowhere friends and families are. Thenetwork approach tomigration canbe

compared to the market approach where the migrant makes a cost-benefit

analysisofdifferentpossibledestinations.Often,bothnetworksandcost-benefit

analysesplayimportantrolesforthemigrantwhendecidingwheretogo.

Inaneraofmassmigrations,globalization,andculturalflows,theideaoffixed

cultures in boundedpopulations seemsmore absurd than ever – even though

nationalisticmovements in recent years have grown inEurope.As the idea of

cultureexpandedtotakeaccountofglobalflowsofimages,people,commodities

and capital, the notion of culture seemed evenmore fragmented and elusive.

Paradoxically, in the90s,when theglobal flowsaccelerated, theworldoutside

anthropology started to use the concept of culture with great enthusiasm, in

politics, by NGOs, etc. And today, with rising nationalistic movements across

Europe,everyoneseemstospeakabout“our”or“their”culture.

InthewordsofCliffordGeertz,thetheoryinanthropologyneedstostayrather

“close to the ground” compared to sciences more able to abstractions. The

theoreticalcontributionsaredifficulttoabstractfromstudiesandintegrateinto

anythingonemight call “culture theory” (Geertz, 1973: 24). I have always felt

thatthereisaprobleminanthropologicaltheorizinginthegeneralizationsand

comparisons– that theoriesmight erase ties and smoothoverdifferences and

inconsistences in favour of coherence. Still, the fact that generalisations are

problematic is not in itself an argument for abandoning generalisation.

Generalisations and comparisons are tools in anthropology since structures of

49

poweranddominationformpatternsinhumanlivesthatshouldbeilluminated.

The great variation of cultural forms is both anthropology´s resource and the

cause of a dilemma. How is such cultural variation to be countered with the

biologicalunityofthehumanspecies?

In contrasting particularizing and generalizing in anthropology the

particularizerstendtorejectcomparison,emphasiseculturaldiversity,and“see

theworld through the lensof thepopulationwithwhomtheyworked in their

ethnographicfieldsite”(Brettell,B,2009:5).Theirmethodsaredescriptionand

interpretation.Incontrast,generalizersputemphasisonsimilaritiesthatcanbe

foundacrossculturesaroundtheworld,whilealsorecognizingdifferences.

Forsomethereisnodoubtaboutthecentralityofcomparisoninanthropology,

since the cross-cultural translation by its nature is comparative. Also,

“Ethnography employs words, andwords are always applicable tomore than

one instance. It is impossible todescribeaparticularculture (oranythingelse

for thatmatter)withoutusingwords thathavemeanings forothers” (Brettell,

2009:649).

Indeed, itmightbe impossiblenot tocompare toone´sownsexperiencewhen

going on fieldwork in an unfamiliar culture. Allen Johnson argues that any

recognition of difference is a comparative process: “For all the emphasis on

cultural relativism and the uniqueness of particular cultures in anthropology,

ours is a pervasively comparative science“ (ibid). We strive to detect in the

behaviour, words and actions of other people that are analogous to a social

experience we already know of, possibly from where we live or from other

ethnographicalstudies(Brettell,2009:649).

Abu Lughod criticizes the notion of culture used by anthropologists for being

static andhomogenizing.Rather than generalizing, sheproposes stories about

particularindividualsintimeandplace.Thepointistointhiswaybreaknotions

ofhomogeneityandcoherence(Hannertz,1996:31).

50

Ambiguousstreet-art,centralTehran,October2015

”Wearetrainedtosuppressthesignsofincoherence”,writesFredrikBarthinan

articlebasedonmaterial fromBali,”yetweknowthatallcultureshavealways

beentheconglomerateresultsofdiverseaccretions”(Barth,1989:122).Looking

for structures and similaritieswhile on fieldwork I cannot help feeling that it

would be too easy to suggest too much of coherence. What is striking is the

diversity – and people are unpredictable. I like Barth’s words that “we must

expectamultiplicityofpartialandinterferingpatterns,assertingthemselvesto

varying degrees in various fields and localities; and any claim to coherence

shouldbe contestedwhere ithasnotbeendemonstrated”.People takepart in

different social environments depending on the context, “they construct

different, partial and simultaneous worlds in which they move; their cultural

construction of reality springs not from one source and is not of one piece”.

Indeed, while social scientists are obsessed with patterns or rules that

purportedly governbehaviour,what is strikingon ethnographical fieldwork is

the irregularities among people (Cohen, in Ingold (ed.) 1996: 28). What is

poignant,onfieldworkaswellas in life, isthestrangeandwonderfuldiversity

andtheirregularitiesamongpeople–peopledonotliveunderabstractlaws!As

strikingarethesimilarities–personallyIhavefounditaslikelytofindsomeone

IfeelakintoinaplaceawayfromwhereIamaswithsomeoneIgrewupnextto.

51

Cohen goes on arguing against generalizations: …”by failing to extend to the

“others”westudyarecognitionofthepersonalcomplexitywhichweperceivein

ourselves, we are generalizing them into a synthetic fiction which is both

discreditedanddiscreditable.Wefallbacktooeasilyontheassumptionthatin

important matters the members of collectives think alike” (Cohen, in Ingold

(ed.),1996:29).Iagreethatwe,inanthropologicalwriting,shouldlookbeyond

“the blandness of the general to the sharpness of the particular” (Cohen, in

Ingold(ed.),1996:30),whileweatthesametimeneedtoattempttoformulate

generalconclusions.

Inaway,itisdifficultnottocomparewhilebeingonanthropologicalfieldwork

andobservantonapparentsimilaritiesanddifferences(Brettell,2009:650).Just

tonotethatanythingis“good”isanactofcomparisonsinceithastobegoodin

relationtosomethingelse,oftenfromtheanthropologists´homeenvironments.

The comparative method has its roots in nineteenth-century evolutionary

anthropologyandtheworksofSirEdwardTylorandothers.Theirmodelwasan

evolutionaryoneinwhichso-calledprimitivepeopleslivinginthepresenttime

representedearlierstagesofhumansocietyandculturaldevelopment through

which all people had passed on the progressive march from “savagery” to

“civilization”. This was the dominating paradigm until challenged by the

pioneering scholar Franz Boas, who was sceptical of the evolutionary

frameworks and generalizations at the time. In the classical essay “The

limitations of the Comparative Method of Anthropology” (1896) Franz Boas

arguedthatthecomparativemethodhadbeenmisleadinginitsassumptionsof

connections wherever similarities were found. Thus, Boas writes that the

comparative method “has been remarkably barren of definitive results, and I

believe it will not become fruitful until we renounce the vain endeavour to

constructauniformsystematichistoryoftheevolutionofculture,anduntilwe

begintomakeourcomparisonsonbroaderandsounderbasis”(Boas,1896:8).

Later, postmodernismchallenged the anthropological authority in the80s and

promotedethnographiesastexts,andCliffordGeertzarguedthattheanalysisof

52

cultureis“notanexperimentalscienceinsearchoflawbutaninterpretativeone

in search of meaning” (Brettell, 2009: 654), ringing true to many

anthropologists.Hepropagated foranthropologynot tobegeneralizingacross

ethnographiccases–comparisons–butrathertoanalyseindepthasinglecase.

The rejection of generalization is key to the postmodern approach.

Postmodernism became concerned about the presumptuousness of

ethnographic authority and doubtful about the goal of a science of culture.

Postmoderniststhusfocussedonmeaningratherthancausalityandrelativism.

Ethnographieswereconsideredasliterature,andgeneralizationswerethought

ofasoppressive.

In “The Interpretation of Cultures” from 1973 Clifford Geertz formulates the

concept of “thick description”. The concept of culture is for Geertz a semiotic

one.Man is an animal suspended inwebs of significancehehas spunhimself.

Culture is then these webs of significance, and the analysis of them has no

definitive laws. The task is to interpret thewebs, and search formeanings. A

semioticapproachtoculturecanaidusingainingaccesstotheconceptualworld

inwhichoursubjectslivesothatwecanconversewiththem.

According to Geertz,what defines anthropologicalwork is “thick description”.

Geertz takes the example of twoboys rapidly contracting their eyelids. In one

instancethisisaninvoluntarytwitch, intheotherasignaltoafriend.Thetwo

movements are identical: judging from the movements alone one cannot tell

which was the involuntary twitch and which was the wink. The difference,

although not possible to distinguish from a “camera-perspective”, between a

twitch and a wink, is huge. The winker is communicating, deliberately, to

someone according to a socially established code. Then, possibly a third boy

contractstheeyelidsinthesameway.Heisnolongersignallingtohisfriend,but

rather making fun of the one signalling to his friend. Here another layer of

interpretationisneeded.

Thus,theobjectofethnography,accordingtoGeertz,istointerpretthevarious

movementsoftheeyelid.Theabilitytodifferentiatethemeaningsofthevarious,

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apparentlyidenticalmovementsoftheeyelid,iswhatmakesadescriptionthick

rather than thin. Anthropological writings are, of course, themselves

interpretations,andoftenmicroscopic.

InthecontextoftheIranianmigrantsinIndiaandMalaysiaIwas,forexample,

struck by the large number of pet dogs that Iranians that Imet had. In Pune

manyIranianstudentswereinthecompanyoftheirsmallwhitepoodles.What

didthatmean?InLondon,seeingfriendswhomIhadmetinTeheranthreeyears

earlier, I learned that they had brought their puppy from Tehran to London.

Having a pet dog in Iran bears a different meaning that having one in, for

example,aEuropeancountry.

Theethnographerisfacedwithaplethoraofcomplexstructuresthatoftenmay

seem strange. Doing ethnography can be like trying to read a foreign and

incoherent manuscript (Geertz, 1973: 10). A difficulty of interpretative

approachesisthatitoftenresistssystematicassessment.Anthropologistswork

with,andwithin, thesamesocietiesas forexamplehistoriansandeconomists,

butanthropologistsworkineverydaysettings.Thechallengeishowtolinkthe

ethnographicminiaturestolargercontexts.

An ethnographic multi-sited study of migrants pushes the anthropological

notion of “the field”. The field might no longer be one particular locality but

rather include many localities, connections and networks, against which the

empiricaldatabecomescontextualised.

Towhatextentarepeopleabletoshapetheirownlife?MaxWeberworkedon

theconceptofagency.Hesawhumansasindividualsactingoutoffreewilland

determination through conscious choices of individuals, in contrast to

Durkheim´semphasisonhumanactionsaspredominatelybeingdependenton

structuresthatlimitindividualinitiatives.

Immigration regulations are examples of external structures that to a large

extentgovernpeople.Theimmigrationpoliciesareofagreatimportanceforthe

54

younginTehranwhoplanforafutureabroad.Manyknowexactlythepoliciesof

thedifferentcountriesandtheirembassies inTehran.Forexample, theBritish

embassy, in central Tehran by Ferdowsi Street, was stormed by basij, the

paramilitary group, the 29thNovember 2011. The embassy closed, and people

whohadplannedtoapplyforaBritishvisahadtochangetheirplans.Thenews

wasquicklyspreadthroughoutthecity,manycondemningthebasijforstorming

theembassythusdestroyingtheirplanstostudyintheUK.Notuntilthesummer

of2014didtheBritishannouncethattheyintendedtoreopentheembassy. In

themeantime,gettingtoBritainhadbecomealotmorecomplicatedforIranians

since itwasnecessarytogoabroad,toDubai forexample,andapplyforavisa

there.

Similarly, the visa policies of Malaysia determine the future of many

Iranians.Onereasonwhy thousandsof Iranianscame toMalaysiahasbeen its

relatively generous visa-rules. Typically, Iranianswere granted a three-month

staybeforehavingtoapplyforanextension.Bythenmanyhadmanagedtoget

admissiontoauniversity,acquiredastudyvisa,andthuswereallowedtostay

much longer.However, thevisaruleschanged,andcurrently Iraniansareonly

grantedatwo-weekvisaonarrival.Asaconsequence,manyhavebeenforcedto

leaveMalaysia.

KarenEvanshasdeveloped theconceptofboundedagency–akindofagency

influencedbutnotdeterminedby the contextwhere the subjects are situated:

“Theseyoungadults areundoubtedlymanifestinga senseof agency,but there

are a number of boundaries or barriers which circumscribe and sometimes

preventtheexpressionofagency“(Evans,2001:17).Thismeaningofagencyis

the most sensible I have encountered and one that is useful for the present

study.

Humanagencyisabouttheflowoflifeeventsandwhatgovernsthem.Humans

maythemselvesformtheirlivesbutnotentirelyaccordingtotheirownmaking.

Socialsystemsarenever immune fromchange irrespectivehowpowerful they

are. Structures change; hence anthropologists look simultaneously at both

55

continuity and discontinuity and may need to use several theories

simultaneously.Howmuchcanatheorytell?

Edmund Leach envisioned agency as being amanifestation of criminality, the

logicbeingthatanyonebreakingastructureisalsobreakingsomesocietalrules

–withoutagencytherewouldn´tbeanycrime.Creativitycontainsanelementof

hostility to the existing system, he contends. Human action is in this context

rootedinadesiretoundermineestablishedrulesandconventionsinthesociety,

in order to generate new ones. In Iran,with all laws being broken on a daily

basis–listeningtomusicwithfemalesingers,dancingwiththeoppositegender

–thistakeonagencyisespeciallyrelevant.

InthecaseoftheIranianmigrantsinAsiaitiseasytoseehowthemigrantsare

stuck in a structure with visa regulations and restrictions. Still, because of

agency,peoplemaketheirwayoutofthecountryincaseswhenthestructures

permitit.

Ahallforsports,withtheportraitsoftheAliKhameneiandAyatollahKhomeinito

theleft

Surveillancehasbeenusedasamethodofcontrol,andishighlyrelevantwhenit

comes to life inside Iran. The Iranian intelligence service is powerful. It really

56

affects the mind and behavior of everyone – young people get paranoid. The

phonesaresupposedlybugged–thatiswhatpeoplesay–andemailsareread.

Thefactthat it is impossibletoknowwhetheranyoneisactuallybuggingyour

phone conversations adds to theparanoia. To someextent this senseof being

undersurveillanceandseenappliestotheIraniangroupsinIndiaandMalaysia

too.People “know” that Iran ishiringpeoplewhosemain job is tocheckwhat

Iranians abroad are up to. The Iranian authorities have their eyes on them.

Power,fearandsuspicionareentwinedinsurveillance.

Agallery,TehranNovember2015

Thepanopticon,usedfromthelate18thcentury,wasaprisonwhereaminimal

numberofguardscouldwatchtheentireprisonpopulation.Inthecentreofthe

circleshapedprisonwastheguardtowerfromwheretheguardscouldseethe

prisoners.Sincetheprisonerscouldnotseetheguardstheyhadtoassumethat

theywere always beingwatched. Foucault (1995) borrowed themodel of the

panopticon. Faced with the possibility of being constantly under surveillance

and the threatofpunishment theprisonersadjusted theirbehavior.While the

panopticon ostensibly keeps the body entrapped, what is targeted in

surveillance is the psyche. Being constantly watched by an invisible and

unknownpowermakesonewant to adjust to given social norms.Emotionally

57

thereisadifferencebetweenbeinglookedatbysomeonedirectlyandthrough

thelensofacameraoraninvisiblespectator,respectively.

The variety of emotions that surveillance evokes is huge: those being

watchedmightfeelguilty,embarrassed,uneasyorangry;theymayalsofeelsafe

(Koskela,2000:257).Today,cell-phonesandtheInternetplayanimportantrole

fortheyouthtocommunicate,while, ironically,thesametechnicalsystemsare

usedbytheauthoritiestokeeptrackofpeople.Iranhas,afterChina,“themost

active experimental site in the cat andmousegamebetween state authorities’

efforts tocontrol thesemediaandcitizenefforts topush theenvelopeofopen

access and information circulation” (Fisher, 2010:521-522).Thepolicemight,

symbolically,functionlikeapanopticon.

Foucaultwritesthat“hewhoissubjectedtoafieldofvisibility,andwho

knows it, assumes responsibility for the constraints of power; hemakes them

playspontaneouslyuponhimself;he inscribes inhimself thepowerrelation in

whichhesimultaneouslyplaysbothroles;hebecomestheprincipleofhisown

subjection" (Foucault, 1995: 202-203). In 2008 Nokia Siemens supplied Iran

withasophisticatedtelephonemonitoringprogram.Theheadquartersforthese

activities were built by Israeli contractors in the 70s (Fisher, 2010: 524). In

general, although the Iranianmigrants are outside of Iranmany feel that they

areundersurveillancebytheIranianauthorities.

Atea–house,northernIran

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By transnationalism I understand the ties that migrants establish with

institutions, friendsor relatives in their countryof origin and “enable them to

engage in a continuous relationship of exchange” (Paerregaard, 2008: 229).

Transnationalsocialfieldsrefertothefactthatmanymigrantsdonotbreakties

and bonds and social relationships with their homeland, and has been

introduced “to explore flows and movements that extend beyond national

bordersandentailglobal linkagesbetweenpeopleand institutions indifferent

partsoftheworld”(Basch,GlickSchiller,andSzantonBlanc1994:7,quotedin

Paerregaard,2008:7).Someresearchershavequestionedtheusefulnessofthe

conceptsuggestingthatthetermistoobroad.Forexample,Portes,Guarnizoand

Landolt argue “if all or most things that immigrants do are defined as

“transnationalism”, then none is because the term becomes synonymouswith

the total set of experiences of this population” (1999: 219, quoted in

Paerregaard, 2008: 7). Karsten Paerregaard is also critical: “The definition of

transnationalism reveals that it fails to account formigrants´ creation of new

identitiesandtheireffortstoberecognizedasimmigrantsinthehostsociety.It

alsolacksthesensitivitytotheeverydaylifeoftransnationalmigrantsandtheir

interactionwith the social and cultural environment of the receiving country”

(Paerregaard,2008:7).ManyIraniansinIndiaandMalaysiaretainclosefamily

relationships,visitIranwheneverpossible,followIran-relatedmedia,andstrive

somehow to be involved in the political affairs of their home country. One

activity that is common among transnational migrants is to regularly send

moneybackhome–forexample, that istheprincipaltransnationalactivityfor

the majority of Peruvian migrants around the world (Paerregaard, 2008: 8).

Iranians in India and Malaysia are similar in that respect but in a reverse

relation–IraniansthatIhaveencounteredneversendremittanceshometoIran.

Instead,theoppositeistruesinceitisdifficultforIranianstoearnforalivingin

IndiaandMalaysia.Hence,familyissendingmoneytothemfromIran.Because

oftheinternationalsanctionsinternationalcreditcardsdonotworkinIranand

moneycannoteasilybetransferredtoandfromthecountry.Thissituationhas

openedupfordealerscateringtomanyIraniansinPuneandKualaLumpurthus

receivingmoneyfromIranthroughmiddlemen.

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So, among researchers onmigration, it is now a common understanding that

contemporarymigrantsoftenhaveplentyoftiestotheirhomecountrieswhile

livingandbeingincorporatedinthecountrytowhichtheymoved.Migrationhas

alwaysbeen a process that involves living across borders;with today´smedia

communicationiseasy.Stillthepoliticalandculturalimportanceofnation-state

remains clear (Lewitt and Jaworsk, 2007: 130). The study of transnationalism

has ledtoanemergingconsensusamongscholarsthatwecanno longerstudy

migrationsolelyfromahost-countryperspective.

One way to include more transnational perspectives is to use multi-sited

(Marcus 1995) or cosmopolitan (Appadurai 1996) ethnographies that move

beyondsimplystudyingimmigrantsinthereceivingcontextandinsteadconduct

empirical research at all sites of the transnational social field. The goal is to

incorporateboththecontextofthehomelandandthehostcountry,togetathick

mappingofhowglobalprocessesinteractwithlocallivedexperiences.

The hierarchically ranked status of sending nations is often reflected in the

statusofitsdiaspora(Patterson2006,quotedinLevittandJaworsk,2007:144).

A country´s rank within the world´s geopolitical order can strongly influence

howitsemigrantsarereceived.Thus,IranianshavehigherstatusinIndiathanin

Europe,sinceIran´sstatusishigherinIndia.

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2.5Wheneveryoneisatraveller

WhenpreparingformyfieldworkinsouthernIranafewyearsagoImighthave

expected tomeetan immobile culture– that´show I thoughta farawaysmall

towninprovincialIranwouldappear.Soon,Ifoundthatitwasnotthecase.

After having arrived an early morning in Bandar Abbas by bus from

ShirazIhadteainasmallstallandstartedtochatwiththetea-seller.Hehadjust

returnedfromatriptoTurkey,toseeRomanantiquitiesthere.Afterawhilehe

askedmewhatIthoughtofMichaelFoucault.HelovedGabrielGarcíaMarquez,

andsaidthathewastryingtofigureoutwhatMarquez´literarystylewascalled

inPersian.HehadtravelledtoBandarAbbasfromthenorth-westernpartofthe

country, the IranianAzerbaijan, to setupa tea stall in the south,by the coast.

Later, while I travelled along the Persian Gulf in order to explore the zaar

ceremony–aceremonyoriginatingfromtheAfricanHorn,relatedtoexorcism

andspiritpossessionand still existing inEthiopiaandSudan – it seemedas if

everyone was a great traveller. People were connected to the sea. Houses, at

least one posh house that I saw, were built with wood from Tanzania. Other

peoplewhoImethadbeengoingtoKarachiregularlyandlearnedfluentUrdu.

Theywerealltravellers.

Similarly,inTehran,itwasasifeveryonehadarelativeinCanada,Germanyor

Sweden. And everyonewas on theirway to somewhere. Some had submitted

their visa application to a European country recently (unless the embassy in

questionhadbeenclosedaswasthecasewiththeBritishembassy).Othershad

more vagueplans.A commonplanwas to travel toTurkey – Iran andTurkey

haveagreedthat theircitizensdonotneedvisastovisiteachotherscountry–

andtocontinuefromtheretoanycountrypossible.

While reading James Clifford´s “Routes” it is easy to relate his writing about

“Travelling cultures” to the Iraniancontext.Cliffordcites fromAmitavGhosh´s

anthropologicalfieldworkinEgypt.In“Inanantiqueland”–oneofmyfavourite

books–Ghoshrecountsexperiencesfromthevillagewherehespenttimeforhis

PhDproject.Hewrites:“Themeninthevillagehadallthebusyrestlessnessof

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airlinepassengersinatransitlounge”.Thetraditionalvillageasanairlinetransit

lounge–Cliffordthinksthatthereisnobetterimageorfigureforpostmodernity

ormobilitiesandrootlesshistories(Clifford,1997:1).

What counts as fieldwork – and what can the field be? Since the era of

Malinowski and Mead anthropological fieldwork has typically comprised a

longer–usuallyoverayear–stayinaplacefaraway.Suchperiodsinthefield

have been considered as the base on which professional anthropologists and

ethnographers build their work. But in Ghosh´s book, as Clifford points out,

fieldwork is less a matter of localized dwelling and more about travel

encounters.“Everyoneisonthemove,andhasbeensoforcenturies:dwelling-

in-travel” (Clifford, 1997: 2). For me, the field has been wherever I have

encounteredIraniansinPuneandKualaLumpur.

InGhosh´sbooktravelhasbecomeanorm,whiledwellingdemandsexplication.

Why,Cliffordasks,dopeople stayhome?Aconscious choicenot to travel ina

contextwithpowerfulandseductivesymbolsmightbeaformofresistance,not

limitation, Clifford suggests. Similarly, I know people in Tehran who, despite

theycan´tstandthegovernmentandhavebeenlivingabroadforextendedtime

periods,nowinsistonstayingandlivinginIran.Nottoemigratecanbeseenasa

formofresistance.Inothercirclesdoingeverythingonecantoleaveisthenorm

–tostayinIranifonehasthechancetoleavecanthenbeseenasnorm-critical.

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2.6Cultureandaspirationsofmigration,cumulativecausationandmigrationnetworks

ThetermCultureofMigrationreferstothehistoryandsocioculturaldimensions

of the sending community. It describes a situation where migration becomes

ingrainedintotherepertoireofpeople´sbehaviours,andvaluesassociatedwith

migration become part of the community´s values (Cohen and Sirkeci, 2011).

Cohen,inhisanalysisofthecultureofmigrationexperiencesofruralOaxacans

in southern Mexico, writes: “the decision to migrate is accepted by most

Oaxacansasonepathtowardeconomicwell-being”(Cohen,5,2004).

Migrantnetworksplayaveryimportantroleinthemigrationprocess.According

toMasseyetal. (1993), “migrationnetworksaresetsof interpersonal ties that

connectmigrants, formermigrants,andnon-migrantsinoriginanddestination

areasthroughkinship,friendshipandsharedcommunityorigin”(p.728).Having

migration networks is important in lowering the costs of migration and

consequently increasing its benefits. Networks are equally important once

migrantsarriveattheirdestinationandarehelpfulwhenitcomestoproviding

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information on jobs, housing, and other needs for new arrivals (Zai, L, 2007:

490)

Masseyetal.(1994)arguesthatintheinitialstageofmigration,itispeoplewho

are in the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum who are likely to move.

Migration is a risky and costly enterprise and poor people may find it too

expensive,whiletherichpeoplehavelessincentivetogo(Zai,L,2007:490).

Migrationnetwork theorywas initiallymostly preoccupiedwith factors at the

individuallevel.Havingafamilymemberwhohasmigratedorhavingamigrant

friend significantly increases the likelihood of migration for other family

members.Onanotherlevel,theimpactofmigrationonthecommunityhasbeen

considered – and has been labelled “the cumulative causation theory of

migration”. In this perspective, “causation is cumulative in that each act of

migrationaltersthesocialcontextwithinwhichsubsequentmigrationdecisions

aremade,typicallyinwaysthatmakeadditionalmovementmorelikely(Massey

etal.1993:451).

Another very important impact migration has on the migrant-sending

communityisthecreationofa“cultureofmigration”.Migrationchangesvalues

and perceptions in the migrant-sending communities and consequently

reshapes and redefineswhat is considered to be normative behaviour among

youngpeople.Thisisthecaseinmanycommunitieswheremigrationiscommon

–migrationbecomesariteofpassageandthethingtodoforyoungpeople.

Thiscultureofmigrationcanhaveanimpactonchildrenofschool-age,whosee

a future in a foreign countryon the expenseof focussingon school.Migration

network theory and cumulative causation of migration suggest, in sum,

behavioural changes at the individual level and the impact ofmigration at the

communitylevel,allofwhichleadtotheincreaseandperpetuationofmigration.

Eventually, there is a domino–effect and migration becomes a self-feeding

processandindependentoftheoriginalsocioeconomicforcesthatledtoitinthe

firstplace(Liang,2007:492).

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Masseyetal.(1998)arguethatanyaccountofimmigrationmustconsiderfour

basic facts of international movement: the structural forces in developing

societies that promote emigration; the structural forces in developed societies

that attracts immigrants; themotivations, goals, and aspirations of the actors

who respond to these forces by migrating internationally; and the social and

economic structures that arise to connect areas of out- and in-migration.

IraniansgoingtoIndiaandMalaysiadonotfitintothismodel,giventhat,atleast

India,islesssocioeconomicallydevelopedthanIran.

So, when a culture of migration has come about, migrating somewhere else

appearsmore than ever a desirable life project. Discussingmigration, hearing

storiesofmigrationandseeingfamilyandfriendsmigratingcreatesaculturein

whichmigrationisviewedassomethingdesirable–andincreasesonescultural

capital.

ComparedwithDelhi,where I have also lived, the situation in Tehran is very

differentwhen itcomes to thecultureofmigration.Financiallyandmaterially,

young in Tehran are, in general, better off than young students in Delhi. Still,

noneofmyfriendsinDelhiplannedtoleaveIndia–emigratingwasnotspoken

of or dreamt of. Yes,manywould go abroad for a year or a few to study, but

therewasnoobsessioncomparabletowhatwasfeltinTehran.Thegeneralvibe

andatmospherewasmuchmorepositiveandpeopleIencounteredviewedthe

futurewithagreateroptimism.Theeasyandobviousexplanationtothisisthe

way theoppressive IslamicRepublicmakeseveryonewant to leave.When the

gains are so minimal and the risk so high – what is the point of attempting

change and to work in politics? This is in great contrast with student-life in

Delhi, which was incredibly politicized, students working and organizing

themselves,stayingupinthenights,demonstrating,travellingforsocialcauses

inthecountry.ThediversityofstudentlifeinDelhihadnotcreatedacultureof

migrationcomparabletothesituationinTehran(butinotherpartsandcontexts

of India there exists a culture ofmigration, such as in destitute areas ofUttar

65

Pradesh,whereeverysecondmanisgoingtoaGulfState,workingandsending

homemoney).

InTeheranthereisnodoubtaneasilyrecognizedcultureofmigration.Everyone

talksaboutgettingoutofthecountry.However,Cohen´spointthatthedecision

to migrate is thought of as a path towards economic wellbeing, does not

necessarilyringtruewhenitcomestoIraniansmovingabroad.

Acommondistinctionismadebetweenexpatsandmigrantsinwhichexpatsare

assumed to be privileged andwell off. In contrast,migrants are thought of as

being less driven by choice andmore out of compulsion. There are notmany

similarities between a foreigner working as a computer specialist for a

multinational company in Shanghai and a refugee fleeing from a war in the

MiddleEast.

Expatsareusuallydesired,whereasthemigrantsarenot.Where in this

dichotomycantheIranians inPunebeplaced?Theyhaven´tendedupinIndia

entirely by own choice, but rather by lack of opportunities. Neither are they

purely political refugees, andmany talk about Iran in positive terms and are

proudabouttheircountry.

Iranians travelling to India to study, in general belonging to theuppermiddle

class are not economicalmigrants – Iran is amiddle-income countrywhereas

Indiaisthecountryintheworldwiththehighestnumberdestitutecitizens.

Iranisoneofthemostdemonizedcountriesintheworld,bytheWest,andwas

oneof three countries called “TheaxisofEvil”byanAmericanpresident. It is

oneofthemostpoliticizedcountriestoo,andacountrythatplaysamajorrolein

worldpolitics.Inthesummerof2014theworld´seyesweresetonViennaand

thetalksbetweenIranandprimarilytheUnitedStates–amongtheparticipants

weretheforeignministersfromIran,US,UK,Russia,China,FranceandGermany

–aboutIran´snuclearpowerprogramme.

Whereas Iran in the West commonly is perceived as a country of

extremistsandanuancedpictureofthecountryrarelyisgiven,theperceptionof

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IraninIndiaismorepositive;Iranisoftenthoughtofasacountryofculture,and

manyassociatethemwiththeparsiswhosettledinIndiacenturiesago.Iranand

India share much history – Persian was the principal language of the

administration of the Mughal Empire, and some of the best poets writing in

Persianwere living in India. Iran has a higher GDP per capita than India, but

accordingtotheworldpowersIndiaismorebenevolentandcollaborative,with

moresoftpower,anditseconomyisgrowing.Manyhavestrongopinionsabout

the Iran´sreligiousandpoliticalestablishment.Reflecting this, Iranwasoneof

the seven countrieswhose citizens the new American president banned from

enteringtheUSinJanuary2017,onlyaweekafterbeinginaugurated.

2.7Luckyfindingsonfoot–amethodology

Inacafé–restaurantinKoregaonParkinPune,popularamongIranians

Serendipity, “the art of making an unsought finding”, as contrasted against

purposeful experiments, might be an ideal that is relevant in some

anthropological fieldwork.Theconceptofserendipity isall themorefittingfor

myparticularproject since it is believed itwas coinedby theEnglishnovelist

Horace Walpole who based it on a Persian fairy tale, The Three Princes of

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Serendip, inwhich themain characters travel around andmake fantastic and

unexpecteddiscoveries (quoted inSalazar,2013:178). In the taleWalpolenot

only stresses the significanceof luckwhenmakingdiscoveries, butputs equal

emphasis on the importance of being “sagacious” enough to link seemingly

unconnectedphenomenainordertocometoaconclusion.Serendipityhasoften

been understood as purely happy coincidences, but to have the ability to see

connections is of course vital (Salazar, 2013: 178). Since the concept includes

both chance and sagacity, serendipity has been paraphrased “accidental

wisdom”–anidealtostriveforduringanthropologicalfieldwork.Itisapractice

thatrequiresplentyoftimefortheaccidentalfindingstoappear.

Duringmy fieldwork I relied to a large extent on serendipity. Iwant to argue

thatwalkingandserendipityarecloselylinked.Walkingisanexcellentactivity

toconjureupserendipity–tomovethroughacity insearchforsituationsand

encountersconducivetotheresearch,whileatthesametimetakeintheenergy

and atmosphere of a place. InKuala Lumpur and inPune,while on fieldwork,

walking, and relying on serendipity,was probablymymost importantway to

findmy informants. For example, I used to take a walk in Bukit Bintang, the

popularneighbourhoodinKualaLumpur,intheevenings.QuicklyIfoundsome

places where Iranians gathered – nods in the Persian web in Kuala Lumpur.

Relyingonserendipity I focussedonparticularstreetsandcorners,andstroke

upconversationswithIranianswhenIheardPersianbeingspoken.ThatishowI

metMahnazandHussein,bothofwhomwouldbecome important informants.

Indeed, serendipity, along with reflexivity and openness, can be essential in

anthropologicalfieldwork(Salazar,2013:179).Serendipitymayperfectlymark

the intuitive logic that transcends both subjectivity and objectivity, by which

fluidanthropologicalsenseisarticulated(HazanandHertzog,2016:2).

Walkingwas, thus,acrucialmethodduringmyfieldwork.Walking,TimIngold

suggests, is one of themost fundamental human experiences there are, along

withtalking.Lifeisasmuchalongwalkasitisalongconversation(Ingoldand

LeeVergunst,2008:1).Ingold’sclaimthatwalkingisasocialactivityringstrue

accordingtomyexperience:“intheir timings,rhythmsand inflections, the feet

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respondasmuchasdoesthevoicetothepresenceandactivityofothers.Social

relationsarenotenactedinsitubutarepacedoutalongtheground”(ibid.).

FollowingMarcelMauss´essay “Techniquesof thebody” (Mauss1935),where

heelaboratesonhowwaysofmovingthebodyaretaught(howtowalkorrun,

forexample),PierreBourdieuwroteaboutphysicalpractices.Walkingnotonly

expressesthoughtsandfeelingsthathavebeentaught.Walkingisalsoawayof

thinking and feeling, throughwhich an individualmatures and cultural forms

are generated. Canwe consider thinking and feeling asways ofwalking? It is

tempting to agree with Ingold that we not only walk because we are social

beings,butalsoaresocialbeingsbecausewewalk.

Ethnographers are accustomed to carrying out much of their work on

foot, often walking around together with the group of people that is being

studied.Still,thewalkingitselfhasnotattractedmuchattentionamongscholars.

Walkingisoftenpartofthenotesfromthefield,butisalmostalwaysomittedin

thefinalwork.Sinceerringonfoothasbeensuchadefiningpartofmyfieldwork

itwouldbewrongnottoincludeit.Evenmulti-sitedstudies,Ingoldpointsout,

focuson thesites themselves,as though liveswere livedat fixedplacesrather

thanalongroadsthatconnectthem(IngoldandLeeVergunst,2008:3).

Streetscene,Tehran

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2.8BotanizingontheasphaltofTehran,PuneandKualaLumpur

During my fieldwork I carried out much of the work on foot, with others or

alone,alwaysamongothers.OnthepavementsinTehranthetrafficofwalking

peopleisthick.Here,lifeinthepublictakesplaceonthepavementsratherthan

inthecars–insideacaroneisakindofsemi-privatesphere.Sometimes,whenI

askedwherepeoplemeetandmakefriendsinTehran,Iwastoldthatit,among

other places, frequently happenswhilewalking on the streets, (rather than in

placesconnectedtonightlifesincee.g.barsareillegal).

Walking was a way to discover the field – Tehran, Pune and Kuala

Lumpur–togettoknowplacesandpeople.Walkingwasakindofrecreation,of

fun,especiallywalkingwiththebrothersIlivedwithinTehran.Wewalkedand

talked in the evenings, in the Tulip Park. When I was alone, which often

happened,Iwalkedevenmore,inthecentralpartofthecity,choosingstreetsI

hadnotwalkedbefore.ThatwasthewayIfoundplaces,suchascafes,andmade

friends.

Ibelievethatonecanwalkinacitywiththeexplicitpurposeofexploring

it,andthusbemoreopen,receptiveandsensitivetoitsnuances.Tothewalker

exploring cities the concept of the flaneur comes tomind. Charles Baudelaire

wroteabouttheflaneurwhogoesbotanizingontheasphalt,butlamentedsince

he thought the flaneurwasvanishing.Thereasonwas that thearcades,where

the flaneurs originallywere to be found,were being removed and boulevards

were built. The Parisian arcades, the passage, have its equivalence in Tehran,

withthesamename,passage.Theyarealloverthecity,typicallytakingshapeas

coveredlanesfilledwithshopsoneitherside,sometimesonseveralfloors.They

standincontrasttothebazaar;asShahramKhosravi(2008:98)hasshowed,the

passagerepresentingmodernityandthebazaartradition.

Walter Benjamin wrote about the flaneurs: “Basic to flanerie, among

other things, is the idea that the fruits of idleness aremoreprecious than the

fruitsoflabour.Theflaneur,asiswellknown,makes“studies””(Benjamin,1999:

454). To refer toWalterBenjamin feels appropriate especially sinceMehrdad,

70

whom I came to live with in Tehran, was involved in translating Benjamin,

togetherwithAdorno,MercuseandothersintheFrankfurtschool,intoPersian.I

was introduced to Benjamin through Mehrdad and his friends. They would

gather in the late evenings discussing philosophy in general, and Benjamin in

particular,withaseriousnessIwasnotusedtofrommyownmilieu,inSweden.

Often the discussions revolved aroundwhether the books that they had been

translatingwouldbepermittedtobeprintedornot.Theyhadtogetthroughthe

censorshipbytheMinistryofCultureandIslamicGuidance,Ershad.“Youarenot

intouchwithanyuniversityoranyinstitution?”Iasked.“No,no,thatwouldbe

useless,thebestthingwecandoistostudyforourselves”.Thegrouptranslating

and discussing Walter Benjamin in someone’s flat represented an alternative

space,aheterotopia(Foucault1984),inrelationtotheauthorities.

Bywalking I randomly found the places I frequented, and the people I

would spend most of my time with. The most I can do of my stay while on

fieldwork,Ireasoned,istobeout,walkingthestreetsandfindingplaceswhere

peoplemeetandtalk.ThatwashowIthoughtIwouldbecapableofregistering

details and write a description as thick as possible (in Clifford Geertz’ sense

(Geertz,1973:3)).

Ireliedonparticipantobservationsandsemi-structuredinterviews.Iwoulduse

openquestions,askingaboutlifeinPuneorKualaLumpur,reasonsforleaving

Iran andwhatmade them choose India orMalaysia. The interviewswould be

informal in character, inspired by the “narrative interview” – technique, and

theywouldbesemi-structuredtoencouragespontaneousanswers.

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Thepopularhang-outpark-elaleh,Tehran,October2015

2.9Howwasthedatacollected?

The fieldwork presented herein is multi-sited comprising studies on Iranian

groups inKualaLumpurand inPune.Followingconnections,associations,and

relationshipsisattheheartofdesigninganymulti-sitedethnographicresearch

study (Marcus, 1995: 97). Furthermore, ethnography, being local, requires a

close-upperspective;amulti-sitedfieldworkoughttolookforanddiscovernew

connections and associations in which traditional ethnographical concerns

(agency,symbols,andeverydaypractices)cancontinue tobeexpressed,albeit

in different ways (Marcus, 1995: 98). My field starts in Iran, fromwhere the

informants have started their journey and from where they have plenty of

memories.Thesamelanguage,Persian,hasbeenusedinallmycommunications

with Iranians, thusboth in Iran, IndiaandMalaysia. Inasense, the fieldof the

youngIranianexilecommunitiesremainsthesame,althoughthecontextandthe

backgroundchange.IwillthusfollowthepeoplefromTeheran,toKualaLumpur

andPune.Thestudydesignallowsto“tofollowthelifeorbiography”ofpeople.

72

To follow the people might be the most obvious and conventional way to

organizeamulti-sitedethnography,withMalinowski´sArgonautsoftheWestern

Pacific being the archetypical account. To follow and stay with people of a

particulargroupmakesespeciallysenseinmigrationstudies.

Thelifestory,tofollowthelifeorbiography,isanotherwaytostructureastudy

that might well be multi-sited, and I have combined it with the narrative

interview.Thefieldiswhereverthesubjectofstudyisatthemoment–andina

mobile world, and studying migrants, the fieldwork naturally becomes multi-

sited.

Even though mobility and migration have common points – both involve

movement – there are also differences. Mobility involves a more privileged

approachtomovement,whereasmigrationoften is forcedorat least triggered

by external circumstances. Mobilities such as lifestyle-migration has clearly

moretodowithmobilitythanmigrationinthisdichotomy.

The narrative interview (as described by Bauer, 1996) encourages and

stimulatestheintervieweetotellastoryaboutsignificanteventsfromhisorher

life. The idea is to reconstruct events from the perspective of informants. The

narrative interview encourages the informant to choose the topics being

discussed. There is a risk in traditional question-response-schema of many

interviewsthatthe interviewerselectsthethemesawordsthequestions–the

resultmightbethatthedatagatheredrevealsmoreabouttheinterviewerthan

the issues andpeoples that arebeing studied. In away, theonewhoasks the

questionscontrolsthesituation(Bauer,1996:2).

The influenceof the interviewershould ideallybeminimal.Everyday language

shouldbeused,anditisassumedthattheperspectiveoftheintervieweeisbest

revealed in storieswhere the informant is using his or her own spontaneous

language in the narration of events. Still, the narration will have structure –

anyone telling a story follows a self-generation schema – anyone who tells a

storyfollowsbasicrulesofstorytelling(Bauer,1996:3).

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Irrespectiveofsocialclassoreducation,anyonecantellastory,itisauniversal

competence (ibid.)

Inthenarrativeinterview,theinterviewerfamiliarizeshim–orherselfwiththe

fieldbeforetheinterview.Then,oncetheinterviewerandtheintervieweemeet,

the topic of the interview is brought up. The interviewer then lets the

intervieweespeakwithoutinterruptions,onlyusingnon-verbalencouragement

tocontinuethestory.Theonlyquestionaskedis“whathappenedthen?”“How

come?”“Why”.Theinterviewisfollowedbysomesmalltalk.

The main point is to let the interviewee be in charge of interview and to

encouragehisorherviewsandattitudes,ratherthanthoseoftheinterviewer.I

haveusedthistechniqueduringmyfieldwork.Iwouldsometimescomplement

thenarrative interviewwithmoreconventionalquestions, intheformofsmall

talk.

Although the form could have loose fringes, the dialogue would invariably

revolvearoundafewquestions:

– HowislifeinPune/KualaLumpur?

– HowcomeyoudecidedtocometoPune/KualaLumpur?

– WhydidyoudecidetoleaveIran?

– HowissociallifeinPune/KualaLumpur–withwhomdoyouspendtime?

– Howandwheredoyouseeyourselfinafewyears?

I would ask what they do for leasure and about their future plans, and then

follow up with questions (“why? What happened? Where?”). I would have a

notebookandwriteeverythingdownfromtheinterview,andwriteupthenotes

soonthereafterathome,onthecomputer.

Participant observation as a technique is often seen as the hallmark of

anthropology, but it might be a mistake to think that the method is new or

74

exclusively has been used by anthropologists in the academic world. 19th

centurynovelists,Balzacforexample,conductedethnographicalresearchinhis

novels,andmadesurethecharactersworethefashionoftheseason–hebased

his characters on participant observation and ethnographical notes (Okely in

Ingold(ed.),1996:36-37).

I was on fieldwork in Kuala Lumpur during the autumn of 2014. In Pune I

arrivedforthefirsttimeinthesummerof2013andstayedforabouttwoweeks.

Imade connections that Iwould comeback to duringmy later visits. In early

spring2015Iwasbackinthecity.DuringthislattervisitImetTinaandHussein

andhisfriends,whomwouldbeamongmymaininformants.IreturnedtoPune

ayearlater,byspring2016,anddeepenedthefieldworkamongtheinformants

whom I already knew. I followed Iranians, seven in Pune and eight in Kuala

Lumpur,intheireverydaylife.

3. The Green Movement – a marker of a

generation?

Street–art,Tehran,October2015

75

InthischapterIwriteaboutthesummerof2009andhowitaffectedespecially

theyoungpopulation.Afteradescriptionofhowtheeventsunfoldedthatspring

andsummer,therearetheexperiencesofyoungpeoplethatIspoketoincafesin

Tehran 2011-2012. There is also a section about growing up in the Islamic

Republic,andoneaboutIranaftertherevolutionandtheIran-Iraqwar.Theidea

istogiveabackgroundtowhyacultureofmigrationhasdeveloped.

The spring of 2009 Tehranwas oozingwith optimism, the election campaign

being almost festive. Night after night tens of thousands of supporters of the

reformistmovementralliedinapartyatmosphere.Therewerenopolicemenin

sightasaseaofgreenclothesandbannerswasmovingalongValiasrAvenue,the

majorsouth–northaxisacrossTehran.Somewomeneventookofftheirveil–

unthinkable in everyday life in Iran of today

(www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jun/14/iran-tehran-election-results-

riots).OnonesidewasAhmadinejadandontheotherwastheGreenMovement,

thereformists,withdemandsforamorestableeconomy,morelibertyathome

andimprovedrelationswiththerestof theworld(ibid.).MirHusseinMousavi

wasthereformists´candidate,andalthoughhewasaninsiderrepresentingthe

establishmentandhavingworkedfortheIslamicRepublicsincetherevolution,

hewasbymanyseenassomeonenew.Helookedyoungforhisageandmanaged

togalvanizethepowerfulGreenMovement.

Thevitalcampaign,withdemonstrationsandmanifestations,hadbegunduring

spring because of the upcoming election. Mohammad Khatami, the president

between 1997 and 2005, had been popular among the young in Tehran and

introduced reforms – life in Iran becamemore liberal, somemoremusicwas

allowed,andalocalpopularmusicscenehademerged.Theurbanyoungaspired

formorefreedom.IncontrasttotherelativelyliberalyearsduringKhatami,the

ensuing era of Ahmadinejad was, for many, one of disappointments and

crackdowns. After Ahmadinejad´s first term there were hopes that Mousavi,

oncehebecamepresident,wouldemulateKhatamiandeasesocialrestrictions

aswellasimproveinternationalrelations(ibid.).

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OnthestreetsofTehranitseemedthatAhmadinejad´sfirsttermasapresident

soonwouldcometoanend.Theelectionof2009wasthefirsttimeformanyto

vote;evenpeopledisillusionedwiththeIslamicRepublic flockedat thepolling

stations. Itwas like a carnival, peoplewerewaiving flags in takingpart in the

campaign to topple Ahmadinejad, the president that was despised in many

circlesbutespeciallyamongtheurban,educatedyouth.

WhentheresultsoftheelectionwereannouncedonaFridayproclaimingthat,

contrary to most expectations, Ahmadinejad had been re-elected, “people

floodedthestreets,notspeakingtoeachother”,Ahmed,ayoungmaninacaféin

Tehran,toldme.“Itwasasifsomeonehademptiedabucketofcoldwaterover

you. People were shocked,” Ahmed continued. The coming nights people

gatheredontheroofs,shoutingGodisgreat,Allahoakbar,echoingtheIslamic

Revolutionfrom1979whenthesameshoutswereheardbutatthattimeagainst

theShah.AllahoakbarwasheardalloverTeheraninthenightsinthesummer

of2009.

Thestreetswerefilledwithpeoplewalking insilence.PeopleIhavespokento

emphasisehowdignified this silentprotestwas.Therewasnoviolence.Then,

afterafewdays,thepoliceandtheparamilitaryforces,thebasij,armedandon

motorbikes, started to attack the demonstrators.Manywere thrown in jail or

expelled fromuniversities.The SupremeLeader, rahbar, Khamenei, duringhis

Friday prayer at the university in Tehran, made it clear that he would not

tolerate any further upheavals. When the police attacked further violence

followed.Manywerekilled,amongthemNedaSoltanwhosedeathwas filmed,

spreadonsocialmedia,andbecameasymbolfortheGreenMovement.

Individualswhoaffirmedthemovementusedtowearsomethinggreen,acolour

thathadbecomeasymbolof the reformists.Green isalso thesymbolof Islam

andofhope. Itwasagreat ironythatwearingthecolourafterthecrackdowns

begunaftertheelectiondefactobecameillegalinIran–thegreenbannerofthe

prophetbeingavisiblereminderofthenatureoftherepublic(Majd,2010:52).

77

According to many young Iranians with whom I have discussed, the Green

Movement in2009 inspired the “Arabspring” twoyears later.Bycontrast, the

authoritiesinIranclaimthattheeventsthattookplaceintheArabworldduring

spring 2011 reflected the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979. The Arab spring

was essentially a string of Islamic revolutions revolting against dictatorial

secular governments, similar as when the Iranian people overthrew the

authoritarianandsecularShah,theIranianauthoritiesargue.Buttheyoungdo

notagree. “In2009westoodupagainstourdictatorship, justas thepeopleof

Arab countries revoltedagainst theirs.” “First thegovernmentof Syria, a close

allyoftheIslamicRepublicofIran,willfall,andthentheIslamicRepublic,”wasa

predictionthatIheardfromquiteafewyoungIraniansinTehran2012.

Youngpeoplethattookpartintherevoltsthesummerof2009tooksevererisks.

Manywerejailed,losttheirgovernmentaljobs,orwerethrownoutofuniversity.

“Ihavebeenstudyingforanacademicdegreeforfiveyears.IfIamseenonthe

streets demonstrating itwon´t beworth anything. I cannot put that at stake”.

Thosewords,byayoungmaninEsfahanin2009,echoedacommonsentiment

abouttheprotests.Wasitworthtogooutanddemonstrate ifoneriskedtobe

kickedoutofuniversityorlooseone´sjob?Ingeneral,Iraniansthatwereactive

in the protests abroad – in London, Sweden or Toronto – were aware of the

Iranianauthoritiescheckingthem.

ShortlyafterIhadfoundTheBalcony–thecafé–ImetAhmed.Hehadabig

beard,butnot inthebasij– thevoluntaryguards–stylebutrathermuchmore

unruly.Heworeroundglasses,andhewasrollingcigaretteswhilenotdrawing

in his notebook.Heworked in a bookshop on theRevolutionary Street, called

Horizons, and asked me to come for a visit the day after. He was also a

freelancingillustratorandphotographer,besidesbeingamusician.Ahmedloved

toplayjazz.Butplayingjazzwasn´ttoleratedinIran,sohehadtomove,hesaid.

HeplannedtomovetoPariswithhisfather.HehadlinkstoanIranianCultural

Centre,byCanalSaintMartininParis,andwashopingtogetajobtherelater.He

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hadalwayswantedtoworkinabookshopandwashappythathewasabletodo

sobeforeheleft,hesaid.

Inthesummerof2009Ahmedhadbeeninvolved,asmanyofhisfriends,

in theGreenMovement, the jombesh-esabz. Ahmed took to the streets upon

hearingthatAhmadinejadhadbeenre-elected.Hundredsofthousandsofpeople

walkedthestreets.Ahmademphasizedhowdignifiedtheyfelt-somethingthatI

heardfrommanyofthosewhoparticipated.Theyweren´tshoutingbutwalked

silently. Ahmad and two friends, among thousands of people, came to Vanak

square. Police had been transported to Tehran from the countryside together

withthevoluntary forces, thebasij,arrivedtothesquareandstartedtoattack

the demonstrators. Stones were raining on the police and people panicked.

Ahmadandhisfemalefriendsrantotrytoescape,withpolicemenrunningafter

them, and he helped the girls over a door to a private yard. The police, on a

motorbike, took Ahmed´s jacket and speeded away, throwing Ahmad on the

ground.Policecameandbeathimwithbatons.Theyhappenedtobeoutsidea

pharmacy, and the owner, seeingwhat was happening outside, came out and

askedthepolicetostopbeatinghisson–heliedthatAhmadwashisson.Ahmad

tookataxihome,withbruisesonhisbody.

Heworkedatanewspaperasaphotographer.Hewas20yearsold.Oneday,a

fewdaysaftertheelectionresultsweremadepublic–Ahmadinejadhadbeenre-

elected– thepolicearrivedto thenewspaperworkplace.Teargaswasthrown

into the building, which made the employees run outdoors where they were

caught by the police and driven to the Evin prison. Thosewho stayed inside,

despitetheteargas,wereeventuallyforcedoutinchainsbythepolice.Ahmad

wasintheprisonforfourweeks,firstinacellwithotherpeople,amongothersa

mullah. Then hewas transferred to a solitary cellwhere he spent twoweeks.

TheguardstoldhimthathewasfacingthedeathpenaltybutAhmadknewthat

they were faking. They had caught many thousands of people, and could not

execute everyone, he reasoned. But some jailed teenagers broke down upon

hearing that theywere sentenced to death. In the nights relatives and friends

gatheredoutsidetheprisonwaitingfortheirlovedones.

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WhenAhmadwasreleasedeventuallyhefellintoadepressionandspent

onemonthinamentalinstitution.Sincethenhehashadsomesmalljobswaiting

for an opportunity to move abroad. Ahmad recounted this while we were

walking inBandarAbbasby thePersianGulf.As soonas someofficial-looking

personapproachedushesilenced.ExperiencessuchasAhmad´swererecurrent

amongtheyounginTehran–oftenIheardsimilarstories.

3.1EncountersincafésofcentralTehran2011-2012AndhowtheGreenMovementinfluencedyoungpeopleinthecity

Cafes in Tehran are semi-public spaces that have mushroomed in Tehran

during the last decade, and have become a commonmeeting point for young

people. They can be relatively expensive, a coffee up to ten times more

expensivethanincheaperplacesnearby–suchastheoutdoorplaceinpark–e

laleh,“theTulipPark”.Thecafesareasliberalastheycanbeinthepublicsphere

in the Iraniancapital,withanatmosphere that ismuchmoreopenthanout in

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the street. Inside cafes, women are, for example, allowed to smoke without

riskingunwantedattentionfromthereligiouspolice,thegashteershad.

WalkingaroundcentralTehranin2011-2012Isoonbecamearegularcustomer

atafewcafes.Theyusuallyplayedwesternpop–PinkFloydwaspopular.Also

heardwaswesternclassicalmusic,andBeethovenwas thenameofoneof the

mostwell-regardedmusic-shops.Onthewallsmanycaféshadphotosofauthors

–onecaféonthemainRevolutionaryStreetwascalledGodotandhaditswalls

coveredwithphotosofSamuelBeckett.

Oneafternoon,whilewalkingfromtheTulipPark(park–elaleh)downtowards

theRevolutionaryStreet (enqelab) in centralTehran, I sawwhat looked like a

privateapartment,but itwasacafé. Iwalked inandtookaseatnexttoaman

whowondered if I was Russian. He had himself lived in Russia during a few

years for his studies during a few years. He had a child there, and liked

everything that was Russian. Now he worked as the chef in the café, making

pizzas and pasta, and I ordered vegetarian lasagne. At thatmoment I did not

knowthatIwouldbebacktothatcafé,calledTheBalcony,everyotherdayinthe

monthsthatweretofollow.

OnedayattheBalconyanathleticman–abasketballplayer–satdownatmy

table.He,Hasan,hadbeenactiveintheGreenMovementinKaraj,acitynextto

Tehranthatinrecentyearshasgrowntobecomeasatellitetowntothecapital.

Hasanwascountingvotesandknewthat inKarajamajorityof thevotershad

votedfortheopposition.Still,whentheresultwasannounced,Ahmadinejadhad

won in Karaj too. Many people involved in Mir Hussein Mousavi´s campaign

werejailedinKaraj.HasanhadafriendworkingforIranAirwhohadputhimon

apassenger-listonaplanetoKish,thepopularIslandinthePersianGulf,during

theelectiondays.Nowit lookedashehadbeenthere,andnot inKaraj,during

theelectionsohemanagedtoavoidbeingimprisoned.Otherwisehewouldstill

beinprison,hesaid.

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AnotherdayImetafilmmaker,Arash,whosaidthathewantedtomakeafilm

about me. The film would be about a foreigner in Tehran and called The

Immigrant.Arashworked in another caféwherewemet thenextday.There I

wasintroducedtoayoungwoman,Somayeh,whousedtobealawstudentuntil

thesummerof2009whenshewasthrownoutfromtheuniversitysinceshehad

beeninvolvedintheelectioncampaignforMousavi.Shespokeaboutaprofessor

whomshe likedverymuch.TheprofessorwassentstraighttoEvinduringthe

campaign,shesays,mimickinginadramaticway,andhadnotbeenseensince.

Somayeh called the leadersandpowerfulpeople for “sheep-sellers” since they

supposedlywereherdingcattleuntilthepowerfulIslamicRevolutionrewarded

thembygivingthemimportantpositionsinthegovernment.Arashwasplanning

to leavethecountry inthespring. Itwas Januarynow,andhewantedto leave

aroundMay.HewouldstartbygoingtoTurkeyandthencontinuefromthereto

anydestinationpossible.

DuringmytimeincentralTehranIheardnumeroussimilarstoriesfromyoung

peoplemainlyinthecafés.Itseemedasifalmosteveryonewantedtoleavethe

country,toalmostanyplaceabroad–afeelingthathavebecomeacuteafterthat

summer in2009.Therewere rumoursbeing spreadaboutembassiesabout to

open. When I was there the basij stormed the British embassy, and all of a

suddenplentyofpeoplehadtochangetheirplans.Peoplewhohadplannedto

studyorworkintheUK,orgothereforavisit,nowhadtofirsttraveltoDubai

and apply for a visa there. Also, at approximately the same time the French

embassy´sculturesectionclosed,soitwasn´tpossibletoapplyforastudentvisa

forFrance.

Despite all the difficulties there was a certain positively charged atmosphere.

For example, in the nights people would meet for hours in the flat where I

stayed, to discuss literature and philosophy. Life and literature were taken

seriouslyinawaythatI, fromSweden,wasnotusedtoamongyoungeradults.

Friends coming for the evening might stay all night, speaking, reading, and

smokingopiumatthestove-thedrugwasheatedandthewhitesmokeinhaled

froma strawmade froma sheetofpaper. The literaturebeingdiscussedwas

82

Western and Iranian such as for example Adorno and Walter Benjamin. The

music listenedtowassimilarlydiverse:ShostakovichorShajarian,andIranian

classicalandpopfromtheseventies,thusbeforetherevolution.Inthecaféstoo,

the popularity of European classicalmusic and literaturewas clear, often the

walls were covered with photos of European writers. Cafés were called, for

example,KaféPrague,KaféKafka,Mortelle,KaféGodot.Inshort,itwasstriking

howpeopleromanticisedEuropeandtheWest.

Three and a half years later I was back in Tehran. Towalk into the café, the

Balcony,whereeveryoneIhadmetwithhadbeenplanningtoleavethecountry,

wassobering.Now,neitherthestaffnorthecustomersweredreamingofgoing

abroadasmuchasafewyearsago,orhardlyatall.Theowners,acouple,Siamak

andLeili,hadhadasonandthenseparated.Previouslytheyhadbeenplanning

tomoveabroad, first toTurkeyand then furtherwest, towardsSweden, and I

hadfilledininvitationlettersissuedbytheSwedishimmigrationagency.“Iam

notthinkingofmovinganymore,”Simiaksaid.Hewasstillrunninghissmallcafé

and thecustomersweremostly the sameas threeyearsearlier.But somehad

left.Forexample,Reza,33,hadbeenteachingFrenchinTehran–hehadspoken

Frenchwithout(tome)anydiscernableaccent–andusedtorunaradiostation

in the city, in French. Hewas also deeply interested in theatre and had been

activeindifferenttheatregroups,someofthemverypolitical.Hehadrecounted

when he and his friends set up a play outside Evin, the prison known for its

political prisoners – to play theatre directly outside the prison sounded

dangerous,tosaytheleast.HehadmovedtoMontrealnow,whereheworkedin

aMexicanrestaurant.Sadaf,24,whohadbeenaregularatthecafé,hadleftfor

Hamburgtostudyarchitecture.Nima,32,anotherregularcaféguestsomeyears

ago, had left for Turkey with his brother and planned to continue his travel

towardstheWest,Siamaktoldme.

StillIrecognizedseveralcaféguestsfrombefore.Itwasatightgroupof

friendsandcustomers.Thecafeistheclosestonegetstoabarorpubmilieuin

Iran.Siamak lived inaroom in thebasement,and in theevening,afterclosing

the café, a few guests lingered on. We stepped down to the basement. I was

amazedbySiamak´sgenerosity.Hewasincrediblyopenandgiving.Itwaseven

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more impressive considering all the hardships he has suffered the last four

years.Nothinghadreallyworkedouthisway.Whenwemetlasttime,inTehran

2012,hewasplanningtoleavethecountrywithhiswife.JustafterIhadleftthey

foundoutthattheywereexpectingachild.Nowtheboywasthreeyearsoldand

livedwith hismother in southern Iran. Siamakwas glowingwith pride of his

son.Hisroominthebasementwasbare.Thereweretwooldsoftchairsanda

carpet.Therewasnobedorwardrobe.Thecarpetwas coveredwith cigarette

ashes,and theroomwassmoked in.Wetookaseat, togetherwithamanwho

was there a few years ago, a musician. Siamak sat down in a soft chair and

pickedupaplasticbottleofanalcoholicdrinkmadefromraisins.Hepouredup

to everyone, and we cheered. “To become a father was the greatest that has

happened tome”, Siamak said. But nothing had evolved as he and the child´s

mother had planned. He had been in touch with a publisher in Sweden that

publishesbooksinPersian,andsentthemamanuscript.Maybetheycouldhelp

withvisas.“ButIhavereallynoplansofgoinganywhereanymore”,hetoldme.

Twoyoungermen,theywereboth23,satwithus.Theywerestudyinginterior

design and sometimes gave a helping hand in the café. They had grand plans.

TheyplannedtostartadesigncompanybasedinGermanyandtheUSA.Oneof

them,Kave,wouldtakecareofthebusinessfromHamburg,wherehewouldbe

living,whilehisfriendAliwantedtomakeHamburgabaseandworkfromthere.

Wefinishedthebottle,andlieddownonthecarpettosleep.“TheyouthofIranis

themostconfused in theworld”,Siamaksaid in thedarkbefore fallingasleep.

When Iwokeup late thenextdaySiamakwasalreadyup in thecaféworking.

Kavewasalsothere,butAlihadgone.Itwasstrikingtohearhowtheirdreams

weresosimilartothosethatSiamakhadafewyearsago.WhenIwantedtopay

forwhatIhadhadthenightbefore–coffee,cakesanddrinks–Ifailed,Siamak

refusingtoacceptanythingnomatterhowmuchIinsisted.

Afriend,Hasan,hadmovedtoKaraj,justoutsideTehran.Fouryearsagohewas

living incentralTehran,working inacaféandreadingonhis free time. In the

nights his friends used to come and stay until themorning hour, reading and

discussing,oftenspeakingabouthowtogetoutofthecountry.Now,Hasanlived

with his parents and commuted to Tehran every day where he was studying

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theatre at university. “If our leaderswere not so damn corrupt andwere not

looting the country”,Hasan toldme, “then Iwould afford an apartment ofmy

ownandhaveajobwithasalarywhichIcouldlivefrom”.Hasanwascertainly

nottheonlyoneinsuchasituation.Itwasverycommonamongyoungadultsto

live with their parents while studying and also afterwards, while planning to

leave.Hasanhadbeenanengineerstudent,however,afterhavingjoinedastudy

circlehebecameengrossedbyphilosophyandliteratureanddroppedoutfrom

theuniversity.Hewantedtogoabroadtocontinuehisstudiesinsubjectsofhis

newinterests,andtogetherwecomparedtheprospectsofdifferentuniversities

in Europe, in Prague among other places. However, his plans to study abroad

had not been realized, instead he had taken up a course in theatre at the

universityofTehran.

IlivedwithtwobrothersinTehran.Theyoungeronewasmarriedandworked

asanaccountantinahospital.HiswifewaslivingclosetotheCaspianSeaduring

mystay, sohewasalone in the flat,with friendscomingoveroften.Theolder

brother was spending his time applying for jobs and in general looking for

opportunities.OneideawastobuyolivesandoilinthenorthofIranandbring

the goods to Tehran for selling. The plan didn´twork out in the end. Hewas

unmarriedbuthadmetawomanrecentlywithwhomhespoketooften.Inthe

nightsweoftenwatchedserialsatTVandcookedsomethingtogether.

While it seemedas if almost everyonewereplanning to leave the country the

planswererarely realized.Thereweremanyobstacles. Iran,possibly together

withNorthKoreaandCuba,isoneofthemostdemonizedcountriesintheworld

(“theAxisofEvil”).Thedemonizationis,atleastinIran´scase,mutual,astheUS

is still referred to as “The Great Satan”. Along the streets of Tehran there are

paintingscoveringthewallsofthebuildingsoftenwiththemessageofhowevil

the USA is. Outside the former American Embassy in central Tehran, where

American employees were held hostage at the eve of the revolution (1979 –

1981)arepaintingsoftheStatueofLibertyalbeitwiththeheadbeingreplaced

withadeathskull.Andafewblocksaway,bytheKarimKhanBridge,thereisan

American flag, maybe a hundred square meters large, painted on a wall. But

85

insteadofthestarstherearebombsandatthebottomoftheflagistheslogan

“DownwiththeUSA”.

By the autumn2015 the tensions between theWest and Iran seemed to fade.

IranwasanallyagainsttheIslamicStateinIraqandSyria.PresidentRohaniwas

more diplomatic than his predecessor, Ahmadinejad, and foreign politicians –

mostlyEuropeans – couldn´twait, it seemed, to visit Iran. Thenuclear energy

discussionsinGenevabetweenIranandtheworldpowersincludingtheUSwith

its Secretaryof State JohnKerryweregoingwell andadealwas reached.The

Iranianspromisedtoendtheuraniumenrichmentprovidedthattherestofthe

worldwould lift the sanctions.Many thought that now therewould not be as

muchaggressionagainsttheWestinthepublicsphereasbefore-nowitmustbe

importanttoemphasisegoodrelations.ButuponvisitingIraninOctober2015I

noted that theanti-Westpropagandawasaspowerfulasever.Forexample, in

one of themain squares in the centre, Vali Asr, therewas a new poster large

enough to cover thewall of an entirebuilding, depicting apileofdeadbodies

andonthetopanAmericanflag.

“ForwhatwouldIstayhere?”ayoungmanonabusinTehranaskedme.“Here´s

nofunallowed,here´snojobs,andwecanhardlygoanywhere.Whywouldyou

stay?”–thesewerequestionspeopleoftenaskedinTehran.Evenforthosewho

havemoneyinternationaltravelwasdifficultbecauseofthepariastatusofIran

intheworld.InasituationwhenvisastoEurope,NorthAmericaorAustralia–

by tradition popular destinations for Iranians – are hard to get then people

consider other possibilities. India andMalaysiawere two viable options, both

cheaperthanmanyalternativecountries,andvisaseasiertoget.

Youth in urban Iran spending their time in cafés are from quite privileged

classes,upwardlymobile.Typically,thesecafés,inTehran,servethickespressos

and cappuccinos, rather than the traditional drink of choice in Iran, black tea,

and the cultural references are cosmopolitan. They use Facebook, although

blocked (but accessible through VPNs) and forbidden in Iran, and theywatch

videos on Youtube and downloadwestern TV-serials – everyone seems to be

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watching the American serials Game of Thrones and Friends. Many are

photographers and show their work in the cafés. Most regulars are from the

middleandupperclassesandcanaffordtosithoursonadailybasisinthecafés.

Peoplefromlessprivilegedclassesmightshuntheserelativelyexpensiveplaces

–“theyhaveneverworked, theyarespoiled,andwhattheyspeakabout isnot

interestingsincetheyhaven´tparticipatedinlifeanddon´tknowanythingabout

“.Thesewords–utteredinaffection–werebyonefriendwhodidnotfrequent

the cafes, partlybecause theywere too expensive (Hasan, 26,Tehran, January

2012).

Young people are sometimes considered as having special potential for

being“problematic”anddeviatingfromsocialorder.Butitcanalsobeassumed

thatyoungpeople,beingveryactiveinthesocietytheylivein,alsocontributein

a positive way. The agency – the will and possibility to influence one´s life-

course – that people have is conditioned in the sense that the circumstances

people find themselves in set the boundaries for what is possible for an

individual. In Iran being overtly political is associatedwith risk, and people´s

agency is bounded by the society – people are born into a context that is not

alwayseasytogetoutof.Toexpresspoliticalviewsinanyformmaycomewitha

veryhighprice.

3.2GrowingupintheIslamicRepublic

Amongyoungurbanadults,whomakeupalmosttwo-thirdsofIran´spopulation,

there isa lotof frustrationwith thecurrentregime. “Thedemographicshift in

favour of young people who are educated, due to the Islamic Republic´s free

educationpolicies,butunemployedandhighlydissatisfiedwiththeregime,has

ledtothesituationwhereyoungadultshaveunlimitedfreetimetointeractwith

other dissatisfied young people” (Mahdavi, 2009: 9), 2009). People gather in

cafes or sit in parks or cars and amajor discussion topic is how to leave the

country. Obsessed by the idea of going abroad (Khoshravi, 2008: 8) many

Iranianscloselyfollowthedifferentcountries´visaregulations:Someembassies

mayissuevisas,othersmaynot,ormaysimplyclosedown.“WecangotoPoland

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andfromtherecontinuetoagoodcountrysuchasGermanyorSweden”ayoung

maninTehranremarked.

ApopularcaféinTehran,November2015

Iran´s population has increased dramatically, from 25 million in 1965 to 80

millionin2016.Today,Iranisoneofthemostyouthfulcountriesintheworld–

likemanyArabMediterraneancountries.Thisdramaticdemographicchangehas

caused largesocialdifficulties. Incapableofmeeting thedemandsof theyoung

generation the IslamicRepublicmayview theyoungas “a threat to thehealth

andsecurity”ofthesociety.IntheeyesoftheestablishmenttheyoungIranians

are associated with an ethical crisis and are seen as inauthentic (Khoshravi,

2008:5).

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Tehran,November2015

ThegenerationinIranthatwasbroughtupaftertheIslamicRevolutionin1979,

withoutanymemoriesofpre-revolutionary times,hasbeencalled the“burned

generation”(Khoshravi,2008:8).Parents inurbanmiddleclass familiesmight

havespokenaboutlifebeforetherevolutionwhentherewasavitalcomingand

going of students between Iran and the West. Shiraz University was

collaboratingwithHarvard.VisastoEuropeancountriesandtheUSwereeasyto

getwith an Iranianpassport. In contrast,AyatollahKhomeini infamouslyonce

said:“nofunistobehadintheIslamicRepublic”(Mahdavi,2008:20).

By the end of the nineties the burned generation had grown up. Fuelledwith

imagesfromabroad,instarkcontrastwitheverydaylifeinIran,theyoungached

togetoutofthecountry.BeforetheInternet,imagescameoftenfromillegalbut

very common satellite receivers showing European, Indian, Brazilian and

Americanprogramsamongothers.ThesedayspeopleinstallVPNstobeableto

accessforeignandcensoredpagesontheInternet.

Iran slowly opened upwith the reformist leader Khatamiwhowas elected in

1998. Society became more open and the press freer; freedom of speech

increased.As the society seemed to takeamore liberal turn therewasa clear

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optimism inprogressivecircles.Tobea journalistwassuddenlyveryexciting,

almost anything was permitted for publication, and new, progressive papers

opened (de Bellaigue, 2007; 2). At the same time, however, powerful

conservative forces became concerned. If the liberal movement continued,

wherewoulditend?WhatwouldhappentotheidealsoftheIslamicRevolution?

In1998anumberofculturalpersonalities,writers,artistsandjournalistswere

murdered, killings that later were to be known as the chain murders. The

journalist Akbar Ganji revealed that themurderswere orchestrated by ruling

politicians–infact,byfractionsoftheauthorities.Ganjiwasimprisonedforsix

yearsandmovedtotheUSAin2006,afterhehadbeenreleased.

When Ahmadinejad unexpectedly became the president in 2005 hewas quite

unknownamong the general public althoughhehadbecomeelectedmayorof

Tehranin2003.SuddenlytheliberalisationoftheKhatamieraseemeddistant.

Newspaperswereshutdown.Ahmadinejad´saggressiverhetoricputIranonthe

worldmap,but forbad–andsad– reasons.His ill-fittingand too large jacket

was, of course, a calculated move thought to attract voters from the lower

economicalstrataofthesociety.Hehadareputationfornotbeingcorrupted,at

least not much in comparison with some other politicians. The influential

Rafsanjani,forexample,wasreputedtohavebuilthiswealthonpublicmoney–

hebecameasymbolforcorruption.AvoteforAhmadinejadwasoftenareaction

againsttheunlawfulwaysofthepoliticalelite.

Everyday life in Iran is highly politicized in a way that I have not been

confrontedwithelsewhere.Canpoliticsbearticulatedandenactedinotherways

thaninconventional,organizationalways–doespoliticalbehaviouralwayshave

to be verbal? Pardis Mahdavi argues that nonverbal communication can be

political at least in a country such as Iranwhere the state aspires to regulate

morality and social behaviours (Mahdavi, 2009:9). In thatwaydeviance from

thestatemoralcodesbecomesdissent.

James Scott claims that the harder the pressure from above, the smarter the

strategiespeopledeploytocounterthepressure.Hetalksofoneofficialandone

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hiddentranscriptofhowthingsinsocietyshouldbe(Scott,1990:2).Theofficial

transcript in Iran is that martyrs and families of martyrs should be happy

because the martyrs are in heaven; as a matter of fact, soldiers, including

children soldiers, were given a plastic key before they went out to the war

againstIraqforbeingabletoopenthedoortoheaven.Forthefamiliesitmeans

glory to have a shahid in the family. The official transcript says that the basij

militia is a positive force protecting against evil western forces, that wine-

drinkers go to hell, and that the youth of Iran are the world’s happiest. The

hiddentranscriptisaninversionofthisofficialtranscript.Peopleknowthatthe

basij sign up because of the advantages it entails, such as admissions to a

university or easier access to scholarships, rather than out of ideological

convictions. The public transcript refers to the open interaction between the

subordinatedandtheoneswhodominate,“theworkertotheboss,thetenantor

sharecropper to the landlord, (…) amember of the subject race to one of the

dominant race” (Scott, 1990: 2). In Iran the relation is between the

representativesoftheideologyoftheIslamicRepublicandthecommonpeople

whohaven’tbeenable tochoose theirgovernment.Mostviciously is thestrife

betweentheyouthandtheIslamicRepublic’sideology.

Togetan ideaof Iranianyouthculture it isofkey importance toacknowledge

thedifferencebetweentheofficialandtheunofficialyouthdiscourses.In2005,

in Shiraz, a friend ofminewhowas 25 years old at the time remarked: “our

leaderhassaidthatIranhasthemosthealthyyouthintheworld.Eitherhehas

zeroideaofwhatyouthinIranis like,orhesimplylies”.Theculturalworldin

which the young people live in has little in common with the official image.

Mahmood Shahabi delineates three types of Iranian urban youth that can be

useful for thepresent study: local, cosmopolitan, and activist youths (Shahabi,

2006:113).

IntryingtodefinethesetypesofyouthShahabigoesbacktotheurbanisationin

the 1960s when the land reforms under the monarchy caused an influx of

migrantsfromthecountrysidetothecity.Thesemigrantsexperiencedaradical

change in their way of living, education, relations, clothing, and food habits.

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Magazineswerefilledwithphotosofwesternstyle.Inthiserayouthculturewas

often about rejecting the Shah and his regime (Shahabi, 2006: 112). The

revolutioncausedtheyouthtogatherandrevoltagainstthemonarchy.Itledto

amassofradicalizedyouth,andin1979the leaderoftherevolutionAyatollah

Khomeini established the Revolutionary Guards Corps. The Revolutionary

Guardscametoplayanimportantrole inthewaragainstIraqbutalsoagainst

minoritiesinIran.Youngpeoplewereinstrumentalinshapingthenewcountry

aftertherevolution.TheIslamicRegimeemphasized,incontrasttotheShah,the

politicalengagementoftheyouth.

AcommonsightincafésinTehran:teaandashtray

ItisestimatedthattwothirdsofthethirteenmillionpeoplewholiveinTehran

are under the age of thirty. Of the young adultswho are eligible andwant to

work,roughlyhalfareemployed(Mahdavi,2009:39).Youngurbanadults,who

make up almost two-thirds of Iran´s population, aremobile, educated (84 per

centofyoungTehranisareenrolledinuniversityorareuniversitygraduates;65

percentofthesearewomen),andunemployed(theunemploymentrateinthis

groupis35percent)(ibid.).Indeed,Iranhasoneoftheyoungestpopulationsin

world,wherehalfofthetotalpopulationofabout70millionpeopleareunder29

(Shahabi,2006:113).ShahabiandBasmanjidescribeaphenomenonthatcanbe

called “counter culture” (Roszak, 1969) as opposed to an “official” Iranian

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culture.Acounterculturecanbeeverythingthatisnotsanctionedbythestate.

One of the goals of the Islamic Republic has been to address “problems” of

morality, such as socializing with the opposite sex, listening to music with

female singers, and, in general terms, not sharing the ideals if the Republic.

Therefore,whenasubstantialshareofthepopulation–theyoung–iscreating

its own moral values an ideological base of the regime is threatened and a

counterrevolution is being enacted. The state might also dissuade the young

from going abroad to study by deciding that academic degrees from other

countries are not valid in Iran. For example, people toldme that first degrees

from foreign universities would not count in Iran – the authorities want the

youngtostayinIranfortheirBAstudies(butmanydidnotseemtocareabout

this,atleastnotthosewhoplannednottoreturntoIran).Somedonotpartake

inthese“deviant”activitiesatallwhereasothersdo,atleasttosomeextent.The

three major kinds of youths identified by Shahabi (the locally oriented and

traditionalyouth, thecosmopolitanyouth,andthepoliticallyradicaloractivist

youthoftenbeingpartofthevoluntaryforces,thebasij)areofcoursenotclear-

cutidentities.ShahabireferstoWeber´sIdealTypesinarguinginfavourofusing

these archetypes for analytical purposes (Shahabi, 2006: 113). The categories

canberelevantwhenstudyingthe Iranianmigrants inAsia.Whichsocialclass

dotheycomefrom?

Amongmy informants,predominantlyurbanTehranis,everyonewould fit into

the“cosmopolitanyouth”category–andnotonesingleofthemwereinfavour

of the societal ideals of the Islamic Republic. Still, the great majority of the

Iranianyouthisconformist,saysShahabi.Theygrowupandlivethroughtheir

twentieswithoutbeinginvolvedinanyalternativeyouthactivities.Theirviews

and opinions are consistent with those of the Islamic authority. There exists

goodcommunicationbetweenthisgroupandtheoldergeneration.

During the time of the Shah it was the revolutionary youth, embracing an

alternative youth culture, that was the “other” – in contrast to today, when,

officially, “revolutionary”bears themeaningofbeingpro-government:Tobea

enqelabi, literarily a “revolutionary”, is tobe in favourof the IslamicRepublic.

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Today, the “other” or alternative youth culture has been constituted by

cosmopolitanism and is characterized by materialism and hedonism. The

alternativeyouthoftodayandthatoftheeraoftheShahhavetheiropposition

tothegovernmentincommon.Today,the“alternative”youngpeoplearemainly

fromupperandmiddleclassbackgroundsandtendnottobeintopoliticsapart

frombeingagainst theorderof the IslamicRepublic.They identifywithglobal

youthculture-nottheIranianrevolutionaryideology.

The lackof any institutionalizedyouth subculturemeans that counter-cultural

youth lives an underground existence. Often they do not try to negotiate but

ratherhideinprivatehousesandactoutaculturethatisverydifferentfromthe

official version of how the young in Iran should live. Thus the urban

underground culture has hardly anything in commonwith the jargon used by

the representatives of the Islamic Republic. Every Friday there is the Friday

prayerattheUniversityofTehran.It istheideologicalcentreoftheregime,its

nerve,whichthesurroundingsocietyhastorelateto.Themainbuildingofthe

University is locatedontheRevolutionaryStreet inthecentralpartof thecity,

dottedwithcafés,whereyouthofthe“cosmopolitan”typefromthemiddleand

upperclasseshangout.Theyexistnext to traditional, “governmental” typesof

youngpeople,withshirtshanginglooselyovertheirtrousersandhavingashort

beard.TheRevolutionaryStreetmightbethemostpoliticizedspaceinthecity.

At the same time as it represents the heart of the ideology of the Islamic

Republic it is also highly cultural, with the City Theatre by the Vali Asr

crossroadsandthecountlessbookshops.Doubtless,itisacharged,vibrantplace.

FormanyIranianspartoftheattractionofbeingabroadistobeabletoenjoythe

samelife-styleinpublic-withouthavingtohideit-asinprivacy.Aswewillsee

thiscannotalwaysbeachieved,sinceeventhoughtherearenolawsabroadof

the kind of those of the Islamic Republic many feel that they are still under

surveillancebytheRepublic,andself-censorshipisnotunheardof.Thereasonis

fearthattheIslamicRepublicmightactoutrepercussionslater,whenbeingback

inIran.ThisphenomenonisechoingFoucault´snotionofthepanopticon.

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Eventhoughtheofficialandthe“unofficial”,i.e.thealternative,cultureappearto

belargelyisolatedfromoneanothertheymayalsooverlaptosomeextent.One

exampleisinsideacar,whichcanfunctionassomekindofasemiprivatemobile

space.Thus,incarsthesamerulesasonthestreetdonotapply.Women–itis

chieflywomen that are subjected to the regulations of how one is allowed to

dressandnottodress–allowthemselvesnottoweartheheadscarfwhilebeing

inacar,atleastwomenidentifyingthemselveswiththealternativemovement.

Thefemaledressisincrediblypoliticized,anditisveryeasyto–sometimesby

mistake–crosstheboundariesforwhatispermissible.Apairofhighbootsmay,

forexample,attractattentionfromthepolice.

Anotherexampleofhowthealternative,cosmopolitankindofyouthinfluences

thepublicsphereisthewaymusichaspushedtheboundariesforwhatisbeing

regardedasacceptable.ForaroundfifteenyearsaftertheIslamicRevolutionthe

only legal music in Iran comprised war hymns, traditional songs and

instrumental music (Basmenji, 2006: 56). Since then the society has become

morepermissive,andtodaycommitmenttoaparticularstyleofmusic,withthe

associated clothing fashion, signals membership to a particular group. Both

western and domestic bands are popular. Certain pop bands are legal, after

havingsuccessfullyappliedforpermission,andthesefewbandsareallowedto

giveconcertsinsidethecountry.However,accordingtomostpeoplethatImet

incentralTehranthebandsthathavereceivedpermissiontoplayanddistribute

theirmusicarenotinteresting.Thelogicbehindthisopinionisthatanyonethat

has officially been permitted to play live and be open about ones activities

cannotbeaninterestingmusician,sincethegovernmentissoincrediblyharsh.

Anything in the lyrics that might be interpreted as criticism towards the

establishment,evenverymildorambiguouscriticism,isbeingcensored.Whatis

leftandlegalandallowedtobeonthemarketismusicwithbanallyrics,simple

lovesongsforexample.Therefore,itiscommonamongtheurbanyouthtoshun

theartiststhathaveappliedfortheirmusictobelegallypresented.

Allworks of culture have to pass through the “Organ for IslamicGuidance” in

ordertobedistributedorpublished.Imetayoungmanwhohadwrittenabook

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abouthistravelsinEurope.HehadsentittotheOrganforIslamicGuidanceto

go through it. “It may take anything from a week up to a year before they

answer”,he toldme. “Andtheyareunpredictable– it is impossible toknowin

beforehandwhattheywillconsiderasbeingimmoral”.Myfriendhadtowaitfor

ayearbeforetheOrganforIslamicGuidancereplied.Theyhadcensoredhistext

by erasing anything related to politics or sex. But the book was published

eventually;when I returned to Tehran a few years later itwas for sale in the

bookshopsalongtheRevolutionaryStreet.

Thefemaledressisendlesslypoliticized,notleastforwomenwithcosmopolitan,

alternative inclinations. It is subject to negotiationwith both conventions and

the laws of the Islamic Republic. The headscarf, the veil, hejab, became

compulsoryin1983,andnotabidingtothatlawmayresultinimprisonmentfor

anything from ten days to a year. The list is long for what counts as not

respecting the law: not covering the head, showing hair, uncovered arms,

trouserswithoutalongdresscoveringthemetc.Inappropriatehejab–according

to the IslamicRepublic– isofmajor concern. Justas satelliteTV-receiversare

forbidden and illegal, and at the same time being extremely common,women

push the limits forwhat theauthoritiesdecide is legal.Police comes routinely

andgathersatellitereceiversfromtheroofs,andtheownersmayhavetopaya

fine. Similarly, the morality police and basij routinely check and reprimand

women whose headscarf has slid down and thus show too much hair. The

womenmight be interrogated by the police in a bus and possibly driven to a

policestationbeforebeingletfree.

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“Enqelab”,(revolution),thenylonlightsays–closeto“engelab”squareinTehran.

This fashionstands incontrasttowhatmostyoungpeople frequentingcafesand

planningtomoveabroadwouldpreferablywear.

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4.Abroad

So far I have beenwriting about the urban environment in Tehran, andwhat

happenedinthesummerof2009–eventsthat,Iargue,wereamajorreasonfor

manyIranians to leave thecountry. Ialsodiscussedtheoryandconcepts.How

doesIranianmigrationtoAsialooklikeafterarrivalinthehostcountries?How

iseveryday life for the Iranianswho´vegoneabroad to countrieseastof Iran?

Howdoesthefieldappearlike?Dotheyliveinclusters,ordotheyusually live

scattered around the cities? What about the transnational fields? I have two

main sections that concern the receiving contexts. The first part describes the

livesofafewIranianswhomovedtoPune.ThenfollowsachapteronIraniansin

KualaLumpur.Eachpartisintroducedbyadescriptionofthefield.

Visiting Los Angeles in 2011, and especially its neighbourhood Westwood,

labelled“Tehrangeles”becauseofitscloselinkstoTehran,feltlikebeinginIran.

There are Iranian barbershops, ice-cream joints selling the Persian sweet

specialityfalude,bookshopsandrestaurants.NotfarfromtheposhWestwoodis

Beverly Hills, with an estimated twenty-five per cent of its population having

Iranianbackgroundandamayor,JimmyDelshad,whohadgrownupinShirazin

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Iran.SouthernCaliforniawasamajordestinationforpeoplefleeingtheIslamic

revolution and the Iran-Iraq war in the 80s. Now, three decades after the

revolution,PersianisthethirdlargestspokenlanguageinLosAngeles.Inaway,

a“Persian”cityoutsideofIranhasevolved.Thosethatarrived30yearsagoare

gettingold including thepopstarsof the timeof theShah that still arehugely

popular – themost famous probably being Googoosh,with her ownTV-show,

being popular in Iran too thanks to the illegal satellite receivers. Just as

Westwood Boulevard in Los Angeles is filled with shops and restaurants in

Iranian style and the most commonly heard language at the local Coffee and

BeanoutletisPersian,therearepocketsinPuneandKualaLumpurwithequally

muchPersianbeingheard,spokenbypeoplewholeftIranlongafterthosewho

movedwestwardsdrivenbytherevolutionin1979ortheIran-Iraqwar.Lifein

Pune and Kuala Lumpur could give an illusion of being inside Iran given the

great Iranian presence – with the shops providing Persian goods and the

restaurants.

WhenreadingabouttheoriesofmigrationIhaven´tbeenabletofindanytheory

that fits Iranians in Asia. The circumstances seem quite unique.Many Iranian

immigrantsarenoteagertoreturntotheirhomecountry–theymaybeafraidof

doingsobecauseofthepoliticalsituationinIran.Theydonotsendmoneyhome,

as many other migrants, and they don´t identify themselves as economical

migrants.Instead,theyreceivemoneyfromtheirfamiliesandfriendsinIran.

Migrantsoftenmovetocountriesricherthantheirown.Thisisnotthecasewith

theIraniansinIndia–Iranisamiddle-incomecountry,andIndiathecountryin

theworldwith the highest number destitute people. Typically, Iranians don´t

dreamaboutalifeinIndia.Rather,theirpurposeofbeingthereistogetoutof

Iran.Theyarebothlifestylemigrantsandpoliticalmigrants.Sometrytostarta

business with a local partner, though it is difficult to get the necessary

permissions.Typically,IranianmigrantsstayforafewyearsinIndiaorMalaysia

beforereturningtoIran,alternativelygoingelsewhere.

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4.1Trajectories,examples

Pune,acityinthestateofMaharashtra,incentralIndia

Husseinwithhispetdoginhiscar,PuneMarch2016

Already being a popular destination for Iranians India became even more so

whenthousandsofpeopleabruptlydecidedtoleaveIranfollowingtheelection

in 2009. India appeared a natural option to many, a quite easy and realistic

alternative in termsofvisasandcosts. Ithadbecometoodangerous tostay in

IranforanyonethathadbeenactiveintheGreenMovement.Puneisjustafew

hoursawayfromMumbai,orBombay,asmostofitsinhabitantsstillcallthecity

that changed name in 1995. Pune is known for its educational institutions as

wellasforbeingagarrisontown.Itliesonahighaltitudeandissaidtohavea

nice climate around the year. Itwas known as a haven for retired people, for

beingabitsleepy.Butlatelythetownhasbecomeincreasinglylivelywithalarge

studentpopulationfuellingagrowingcaféandbar-scene.Whilewalkingaround

inthecityInoticesignsoutsideseveralresidentialareassaying“Noroomsare

given to rent to bachelor men or foreigners”. Walking from Koregaon Park,

knownfortheOshoAshram,towardstheoldcityandMahatmaGandhiroad,one

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may admire large posters with pictures of the military and soldiers in very

dramaticpositions,jumpingoverfire,swimming,shooting.“Toughtimesdonot

last,toughmendo”onebillboardsays.Theyaspiretorecruityoungmentothe

army.Continuingwalkingoneapproachestherailway,andwhencrossingitone

comesintoaslumarea,withmenplayingcardsontheground,boyscollectinga

pileofemptybeerbottles,andgoatsanddogswalkingaround.Soononearrives

to Mahatma Gandhi road, and continuing along that road, past shops and

restaurants, the character of the street becomes slightly more dense and

crowded and a little rough – it is the older part of the city. There one finds a

bakery with a poster of a faravahar, the guardian angel associated with

Zoroastrianism, Iran´s pre-Islamic religion. The bakery is run by Parsis who

emigratedfromIrangenerationsagosincethey,becauseoftheirreligion,were

at risk of being prosecuted in their home country. Opposite the bakery is a

simplerestaurantcalledRustam´s,alsoaParsiestablishment,thenamebeinga

reference to the national epic of Iran. I ask in the bakery for a good Parsi

restaurant, and the woman behind the counter directs me to a place called

Doberjee.ThereisaZoroastrianfiretempleintheareawhereonlyZoroastrians

areallowed toenter, andawell-knownParsi cafécalledYezdanservingwhite

bread.DuringtheIraniannewyear,noruz,whichiscelebratedbyParsisaswell

as byMuslim Iranians, one can see people walking around this part of Pune,

Camp,lookingforitemstodecoratetheirhaftsin,thetablewithsevensymbolic

items (all startingwith thesound “s”: sabzeh –greensprouts,samanu – sweet

pudding, senjed – dried olive, seer – garlic, seeb – apple, somaq – sumac fruit,

serkeh–vinegar)whichisbeingpreparedfortheIraniannewyear.Themarket

iscalledSharbatwalaChowk.

The Parsis in Pune themselves like to say that they came from Iran in the 7th

centurywhentheArabsinvadedIran.Atthattime,theysay,Zoroastrianshadto

converttoIslamforbeingabletostayinthecountry,sotheyfledtoIndia.Upon

reachingGujaratbyboatthekingofGujaratsentoutamanwithaglassfilledto

the brimwithmilk, as a sign telling that our country is filled and there is no

spaceformorepeople.ButtheZoroastriankingsprinkledsugarontheglassof

milkandsentitbackmeaningthattheZoroastrianjustwouldsweetenGujarat.

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WhydidPunebecomesuchapopulardestinationforIranians?Oneexplanation

isthatPunesincelonghashadareputationforbeingasafestudenttown.Itwas

alsoestablishedasacentreforZoroastrians,withseveralfire-templesandmany

inhabitantscelebratingthePersianNewYear.Amostdecisive factor,however,

hasbeenthedominoeffect.PeopleinIranknewsomeoneinPune,andinformal

groupdiscussionsonsocialmediamadeadecisiontogotoPuneeasier.

IarrivedinPuneforthefirsttimeinthesummerof2013andstayedforabout

twoweeks.ImadeconnectionsthatIwouldcomebacktoduringmylatervisits.

Inearlyspring2015Iwasbackinthecity,thistimetoworkonmyPh.Dthesis.

DuringthisvisitImetTina,andHusseinandhisfriends,whomwouldbeamong

my main informants. I returned to Pune a year later, by spring 2016, and

deepenedthefieldworkamongtheinformantswhomIalreadyknew.

Summer, 2013.AlongFergussonCollage roadonewell-known Iranianplace is

theGoodLuckcafé.Theso-calledIraniancafésandrestaurantsarenotIranian

inthesensethattheyservefoodthat iscommoninIran.But intheGoodLuck

café theyareShiites,asmost Iraniansare,and theycan informyouwhere the

Imambara,theShiitemosque,islocated.TheirforefatherscamefromIran.They

alsoknowwhichcustomersareIranian.InJuly2013awaiteratGoodLuckcafé

introducedme to an Iranianman. Almost immediately, after a fewminutes of

small talk, hedroveme tohis flatwherehewas stayingwith a few friends.A

group of six-seven people were living together and seemed to spendmost of

theirtimetogether.EveryonewasIranian.Weateandchattedabouttheirplans.

Someweremenwellintotheirmiddleages.Theyspokeabouttheirhabits.How

muchdoyouspendonlife´snecessities–food,rent,women–amaninhis40s

askedayoungerman.Howmuch?

ThatsamesummerImetoneyoungIranianmancalledAbbas,whohadbeenin

India for two years.Hewas very articulate, andwas setting up a small pizza-

placeintheareawherehelived,Bhanwan.Hewasregisteredasastudentata

universityinPune.HewasdisappointedabouthisIndianbusinesspartnerwho

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wantedtomaketherestauranttheyhadsetuptogetherinanIndianstylerather

thanIranian.OnemajorreasonforthemtomovetoIndiahadbeentheresultsof

theIranianelectionin2009.OneofAbbasIranianfriends,livinginthesameflat,

was clear that he wanted to move back – when the political situation had

improved.

Twoyearslater,byspring2015,thatwholegroupoffriendshadleftPune.They

werebackinIran.WhilewalkingaroundinPune,intheareawheretheyusedto

live,InoticedthatmostIraniansignshaddisappeared.TheIranianshishaplace

was empty. The restaurant with the “Persian restaurant” sign was not there

anymore.And I didn´t hear anyPersian.Abbashad set up a small business in

Tehran.AllhisfriendshadleftIndia,hetoldmeviaFacebook.

ByMarch2016therearestillpocketsofIranianslivinginthecity,buttheyare

muchfewerthanbefore.Iwasmeetingagroupoftenpeopleandwasspending

extendedperiodsoftimewiththreeofthem,Sarah,SiavashandHussein,whomI

hadmetinPunebythespringof2015.AfterayearorsoinTehran,Abbashad

left for Turkey and continued to Toronto. Now, being in Toronto, he doesn´t

seemtohaveplansofcontinuinghistravel.

ThefieldinPune

There are threemain areaswhere Iranians live and hang out in Pune. One is

KoregaonPark,theareafamousforitswelloffresidents,cafesandbars,and,not

least, the Osho ashram. Osho became popular in the 70s and 80s, especially

amongWesterners,asaspiritualguru.Therewasafocusonsexualliberation;in

addition, Osho had at some point the largest collection of Rolls Royce

automobiles in the world. The ashram guests, wearing their red robe, still

constituteacommonsightinthearea.Whilesittinginoneofthemanyoutdoor

cafesorfoodjointsonewillhearPersiansoonerorlater.AsecondareaisNIBM,

103

abitfurtheraway,popularamongMuslimsingeneralandIraniansinparticular.

In theareaarequitea fewIranianrestaurantsandalsoshopsofferingvarious

Persianspecialities.Someoftheteaplacesannounce“IraniChai”.Thethirdarea

is Bhandwan, a good ride from the centre. It is a residential area, with new

buildingscomingupconstantly.OneofthebuildingshostsanIranianrestaurant

onthetopfloor.Itisdarkinside,notmuchsunfiltersthroughthecurtains,and

thelargeroomisfilledwithtakhts,theIranianpieceoffurniturethatservesasa

table.TheplaceisservingghormesabziandsomeotherIraniandishes.

IraniChai,announcesseveralsmallcafesaroundtheareaNIBM.Buttheydon´t

serve any Iranian tea, not anymore. The number of Iranians in Pune ismuch

smaller now than a few years ago and most customers have disappeared.

OppositetherestaurantShandan,servingIraniankebab,istheIranianteaplace

without Iranian tea.Also, there isKhoshboobeauty saloonandBombaySouth

Café.Someshopsselllavashak,thePersiansoursweetdelicacy,forIraniansthat

arestillthereafterthesanctionsthatmadeeverythingsoexpensive.

Puneisalargecity,butsmallwhencomparedtoBombayjustthreehoursaway

by shared taxi or a bus. AlongMahatmaGandhi road, in the centre, there are

cafes thataresaid tobe Iranian.Thestaffhaven´tarrived from Iranrecently -

Pune has had several waves of migration from Iran. The Good Luck café on

Fergusson Collage road is Iranian – the owners speak some Persian and are

shiite Muslims. The Iranian students usually come in the afternoon, they say.

TheyservesandwichesandIndianfood,nottheusualPersiandishes,andletme

knowthewaytotheImambara.

WhileonfieldworkamongIraniansinPuneseveraltransnationalfieldsappear.

Everyone Imeet follow Iraniannews closely.All Iranians I encounter seem to

havemainlyIraniancontactsinPune.Andeveryoneisfinancedbytheirfamilyin

Iran. Because of the economical embargo there are no international ATMs in

Iran;creditcardsissuedinIrandonotworkoutsidethecountryandviceversa.

There are exchange offices in Pune that cater for Iranians. The shops with

Iraniangoodsandtherestaurantsarealsopartofthetransnationallandscape.

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Tina,27,isfromtheCaspiancoastinnorthernIran,andaprivilegedfamily.She

speaksperfectEnglishwithanAmericanaccent,andhasdyedherhairblond.

For the IranianNewYearnouruz Tina and I look for items for the ceremony,

haft sin. We want large garlic, vinegar, and something green.We walk to the

Zoroastrian area, by the end of Mahatma Gandhi road, and ask around for

Iranianshops.WearedirectedtoalittlestorenexttoaZoroastrianfiretemple.

ThehouseoppositethebuildinghasZoroastersymbolsandthereisasmallshop

displayingthehighgreengrasstobeusedinthecelebration.Wegetonegreen

plantandrunintoawoman,anIndianZoroastrian,whoisouttofetchherown

thingsforthehaftsin.

Tinahadbroughtme toNIBM,anareawithmanyMuslims including Iranians.

EventhoughthereweremanymoreIraniansjustacoupleofyearsagoPersianis

stillheardfrequently inthestreets.ThereareplentyofZoroastrianshops,one

imambara – a mosque where Shiites gather for commemoration ceremonies,

mostnotablytheashoura–andafewcafesaroundoneendoftheroad.Weask

forParsishops.Tinaisquitemessy,shelovesdancing,inparticularhip-hop–in

Iransheusedto teachhip-hopdance.Sheknowsallsteps fromthe film“Step-

up”, she tells me. She can´t stand the Iranian government, and how Iran has

developed,butsheisveryfondoftheIranianNewYearcelebrationandlooking

forwardtoanicehaftsin.Wegetatablewatch,acolourfulone,honey,vinegar,

apples,agold fish,anda tableclothwithembroidery.Onceback in the flat,we

puteverythingwehaveboughtonthecloth.

Tina and I first met in a Starbucks café after getting in touch through social

media.ShelivessinceabouthalfayearintheneighbourhoodofKeshavNagar,

nexttoariver.WeroamaroundtheNIBMarealookingforlavashak,theIranian

sour sweet.We search for one shop in particular that we know sells Persian

105

specialities.Thestaff is IndianbutknowPersian.Previously,when therewere

manymoreIraniansinPunethannow,someshopkeepersbegansellingIranian

items-manyIranianshadmoney,andmanywerenostalgicandhomesick.Afew

roadsawayweeatakebab,Iranianstyle.AlsoatthissmallrestauranttheIndian

staffspeaksPersian.Severalshopkeepers found ituseful to learna littleof the

IranianlanguagewhenthecitywasfilledwithIranians.ItfeelslikebeinginIran.

Wegetholdof thehoney, thewatch, thegreenstuff, thegold fish, thevinegar,

eggsandnutsforthenoruzceremony,andreturntotheflat.TheNewYearisto

bedeclaredatfourinthemorningaccordingtotheIraniancalendar,andthere

will be a party organized by the Persian community opening at eleven in the

eveningandendinglateinthemorning.Wearesupposedtogothere,butTinais

notsokeenonit.Wearewaitingforafriendofherswhodoesnotarriveuntil

lateatnight.

AnhourbeforetheNewYearweturnontheTV,online fromthecomputer, to

watchManoto,thePersianchannelsentfromLondon.AllmyfriendsinIranand

abroad do the same right now, she says. She calls her mother in Iran. They

discussthenegotiationsbetweentheIraniangovernmentandtheworldpowers

inSwitzerlandregardingIran´snuclearenergyprogramme.“Theidiotshavemet

up”, they say. Iranians abroad are transnationals in the sense that they are in

closecontactwiththeirfamilyinIranandoftenfollowsuchPersianTV-channels

that are being broadcasted from stations outside of Iran. One of the most

popularchannelsisManoto.Googoosh,thepopiconwhosemostfamoussongs

arefromthetimeoftheShah,appearsinthestudio.Shesingsanoldsong.Then,

justaftertheNewYearhasbeenborn,shepresentsanewsongandavideoand

performsitlive.Tinaisveryexcited.It´sthefirsttimesheisnotinIranforthe

NewYear.Shecan´tsitstill,andexclaimsHappyNewYearoverandoveragain,

loudly,tohertwoguests.Itisfourthirtyinthemorning.

TinalivesnexttoariverinPune,inaflatwiththreeroomsfacingthewater.It´s

a peaceful view, an Indian cliché, with cows wading through the water and

childrenplayingcricketontheriverbank.ShearrivedtoIndiahalfayearago.

106

“I had no idea about India before I came here. It was an instant decision. I

couldn´t stand Iran anymore. I had two options: Dubai and India. In Iran I

couldn´t walk freely, I had to adjust to the dress code, couldn´t wear tight

clothes,andhadtohide fromthepolicewhereverIwent. Ihadto lookout for

the female police. If they catch you they bring you to the police station and

possiblywhip you. You can´t have parties really, andwhen you invite boys to

yourplace,itisasifitwasacrime.Icouldn’tstandit.Idon´tliketobeconstantly

remindedofwhat Idon´t likeabout Iran.My fatheroncespokewithmeabout

IndiawhenIwasachild.MaybethatwasareasonthatIendeduphere.”

“Thebeginningwasquite tough.Allwasnew. Ididn’tknowwhat todohere. I

madesomebadfriends,badpeople.ImetaguywhoIthoughtwashelpfulbut

whoasked for lotsofmoney in theend.Then,whenmy landlord tried torape

me,IfledtoDavid´shouse,myfriend.“

“I realised one thing: people don´t care that much about women here. The

situationisbettereveninIran.David´smotherexperiencedittoo,whenshewas

here.They treatwomenverybadly in India.Everythinggotbetterwhen Imet

David.It´saboutmeetingtherightpeople.”

“My flat is sopeaceful. India ispeaceful. Iwill comebackhere later,maybe to

stayforafewyears.ButwithinafewmonthsIneedtogotoLondonandtohave

mypassportarranged. Iwasborn inLondonandcaneasily return there if I´d

liketo.”

AfterTinawasborn,inLondon,herfamilyquicklymovedbacktoIranwhereshe

grewup.Still,shetriestoclaimaBritishpassport.HersisterlivesinLondonand

has appeared on the TV-show befarmaeed sham, on Manoto. The show is a

realityshowwhereagroupofpeoplecookforeachother.Infrontofthecamera,

away from the host, the guests speak out about the food – what they really

thought of it. The show is immensely popular in Iran. We watch the episode

107

whenTina´ssisteristhere.Tinatellsmehowhersisterdoesn´tknowanything

aboutcookingandhowtheirmotherhadtoinstructherineverystep.

Shecontinues:

“Thesummerof2009wasatrigger.Therewerehugeamountsofpeopleinthe

streets.Peoplethoughtthatit´dbeover,thegovernment,thatsomethingwould

change. People felt threatened afterwards. But the government won´t change.

Theywillneverchange.That´s the feelingwehave.Wewerehoping thatonce

Ahmadinejadleft,it´dbebetter.Andthegovernmentisbetternow,butithasn´t

made a big difference for the people. In Esfahan acidwas thrown on girls, by

forcessupportedbythegovernment.”

“I´dneverwanttomovebackandliveinthatcountry,aslongasitislikethat.”

“Nedawasjustpassingby.Shehadn´tdoneanything.Iwasaroundtherewhenit

happened. I remember seeing her, I saw her on the ground, with blood all

around. AfterNedahadbeenkilledtheprotestsdeclined.Thereweresomany

othersthatwerekilledorwounded.Butherdyingwasfilmed,andthefilmwas

spreadinthemedia,that´swhythekillingofhergotsomuchattention.”

“ManypeopleinIranaresorichthattheyliveinsomethingresemblingcastles.

Andthey live inwhatever freedomthey like.Theyarerichenough,and live in

bubbles.”

“Indianshaveingeneralbeenfriendlywithme.Andwhentheyhaven´titmight

have beenmy fault. People have been respectful. Recently I havemostly been

hanging out with foreign people. It´s somehow easier to make friends with

foreigners. In India everyone smiles, always, although they are poor. It´s the

opposite as compared to Iran. That´s why I am at peace here in India. The

Iranian community here is important for me, since I like to speak in Persian

sometimes.”

108

“Freedomisabigthingformany,tobeabletodowhatonelikes,toparty.They

makeupforthingstheycouldn´tdoinIran.Ididthat,enjoyedfreedomwhenI

travelledabroad,anditisn´tabigdealformesomehow.Butformanythemain

reasontobehereistobeabletoparty.”

“Ifyouwaitforthisgovernmenttochange,thenyou´llrepeatthemistakeIhave

done and justwaist time”. That´swhatmymother tellsme. She spent her life

expectingtheregimetofall.ThebestwecandoistogetoutofIran,atleastfora

while.Iwillcomebackforvisits,butI´llneverlivethereagain.”

“IhadsomepanicattacksandIbrokeupwithmyboyfriendbeforeleavingIran.I

neededabigchange.AfriendhadmovedtoGoa, justtohavefun.Sheinspired

metogotoIndia.”

“Wehadsomuch,wesaweverything,andwedon´thavetheexperienceofliving

inpoverty.“

Next day Tina and I meet an Iranian young man in a shop. We exchange

numbers.ThereweremanymoreIranianshereafewyearsago,hesays.“Most

ofthemhaveleft,sinceithasbecomealotmoreexpensive.TheIranianrialhas

lostverymuchagainsttheIndianrupee.Andthosewithseriouslymuchmoney

don´t travel to Indiaanyway,but toEuropeor theUSA.Also, theuniversityof

Puneisn´tsowellregardedandhighlyrankedinIrananymore”.

Neda,35,fromShiraz,andamiddle-classfamily,hasdyedherhairblond,andis

veryfashionable.AfterquiteafewyearsinIndiashelongselsewhere.

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IhadmetNedaandafriendofhers,Parastoo,outsidearestaurantinPune.Not

longthereafterwemeetinacafénexttotheflatwhereNedaandherfriendslive

together.

One reason why Neda wanted to leave Iran was the entrance exams to the

universities.ThecompetitioninIranisveryhard.SheenjoysbeinginIndia,and

saysthatlifehereisquietandeasy.Onthenegativesideisthatitissofarfrom

home.Shegrewupinabigfamily,withfivesiblings.TheIraniansecretserviceis

incrediblywellinformed,shesays.“Theyknoweverythingaboutevenus,being

hereinIndia.Theyhavetheireyesonus.IhavebeenaboutsevenyearsinIndia,

butwouldliketomovetotheUSA”,saysNeda.Shehaspinknails,andashirtin

thesamecolour.ShewasstudyingEnglishwhenshefirstcametoIndia,thenshe

continuedheruniversitystudies inpsychologyuptoMA-level.At firstshewas

livingwithaboyfriendfromIran,butwhenhereturnedtoIrantheyseparated.

NowsheliveswithherfriendsParastooandLeila.

“Imight go to Russia”, says Leila, “since I have a friend there. Itwill be safer

thereforme.IhadsomeproblemsinIran,andtheIranianembassyinIndiahas

theireyesonme,theycallandcheck,often.It´sbecauseoneofmyuncles,who

wasahigh-profileleaderofaseparatistgroupinBaluchistan.Hewasconsidered

a terrorist, andwas captured and executed. Even though I have no sympathy

with thatdistantrelativeofmine, the Iranianauthorities followme,andcheck

everystepItake.Idon´tfeelsafeeveninIndia,sinceIranandIndiaarefriends-

the relations are okay.Therefore Imightmove toRussia,where I have family

friends.AndRussiawouldbesaferforme”.

Leila was put in jail in Iran for six months, accused of being a terrorist. Her

fatheruse tobea criminal, she says.Today the informationservicehadcalled

hermotherandsaid that theywereafterLeila.Hermothersuggested thatshe

could go to Russia. “I don’t have an option, I need to change my location, to

anywhere”, says Leila. A fewmonths later Leilamoves to Tehran, feeling safe

there.

110

ParastooappliedtoSwedishuniversitiesin2007butwasnotadmitted.Shewas

open foranycountry; shewantedsimply togetoutof Iranandseesomething

new. The lack of freedom in Iran wasn´t so important for her, rather it was

wanderlustandageneraldesiretoseeforeigncountriesthatwaspushingher.

ShesaysthatlifeinIranistoomaterialistic,thatitisverymuchaboutwhomhas

what. Itwasalwayscommonamongpeoplearoundhertogoabroad,shesays.

“MostofmyfriendswantedtoleaveIran.IappliedforatouristvisatoSweden,

butwasdenieditafterthefailedattempttogothereasastudent.Afriendasked

meifIdidn´twanttocometoIndia,andIthoughtthatitmightbeagoodidea.In

India I got in touch with a guy who helped me and other Iranians with

accommodationandpracticalthings.Iarrivedin2011.FirstIwasjusthanging

out with Iranians and didn´t practise that much English, but then I got an

internship in an immigration office, where people were very kind to me and

helpedmelots.Ialsofoundaniceplacetoliveineventually.Irecentlyapplied

foraCanadianstudentvisa.Wecan´tworkinIndia,it´snotlegalforus,andthat

makeslifemoredifficult.”

Farnaz,29,fromHamedanandamiddle-classfamily,seemtobecomfortablein

Pune,inlooseIndiantrousersandflip-flops.

Ipassedby threeblondwomenon the sidewalk. Ididn´thear themspeakbut

they looked Iranian, with their dyed hair. They were surprised to hear a

foreignerspeakPersian.Farnazisherewithtwosiblings,ShoureandVaje,who

arrivedrecentlyfromHamedan.Hownoisyandcrowdedhereis,theysay.

FarnazhasbeeninPuneforfiveyears.SheisfromHamedan.Wemeetlaterat

Yogitree,apopularhang-outinKoregaunPark,aleafyareaofPune.Farnazhas

just finishedherPhDineducationalsciences.Shehashadagoodstay inPune,

butalsolooksforwardtoleave.ShewillgotoDubaiwhereshewantstowork.

Her fiancée lives there, theyhavebeentogether forseveralyears.He is Indian

buttheymetinDubai.

111

“TheproblemwithIndiaisthathere´stoosweet,it´stooeasytobeandremain

here.Peopletakedegreeafterdegreewithoutanyaimsexceptforthedesirenot

tobeinIran.Timespasseswithoutlifeprogressing.We´renotallowedworking

in India. If you live andwork anywhere else, even in Iran, then your life goes

forward,youestablishahome,getacarpossibly,andcanwork.Hereyouhave

aneasyandfunlife,butitdoesn´tleadanywhere.Evenifwetrytoestablishour

livesheremanyofushavetoreturntoIransoonerorlater,outoflackofchoice.

AndoncebackinIranitisasifwehavetostartanewagain.

Iwanttoliveinanewhouse,Ilikenewhouses,nottheoldhouseshere.Ilikethe

housestobenewandfresh.Ihaveadogtoo.IhavevisitedafewplacesinIndia,

butnotthatmany.IwenttoGoaonce.

OnceIwasbefriendedwithanIranianattheofficewhereweextendourvisas.

HisEnglishwasverypoorandheaskedmetohelphim.HelikedIndiabutcould

notstandbeingawayfromhismother.Hemissedhertoomuch.Hisvisadidnot

permithimtoleaveandreturntoIndia,soheaskedmetotelltheadministrators

thathismotherwassickandthathehadtogohometovisither.“

Aroundus,attheYogitreecafé,thereareseveraltableswithIranianguests.We

speakPersianuntilsomeIranians,agroupofsixpeople,amongthemawoman

with tomato-redhair, take a seat aroundus. ThenFarnaz switches toEnglish.

SheisfriendlybutformaltowardstheotherIranianguests.

Farnaz´scousinwasinIndiaandaskedifFarnazdidn’tfeellikecomingalongshe

too. “There are no entrance exams in India, unlike Iran. It´s easier to get into

university here. In Iran there are so few possibilities. Here there isn´t an

interview,nothing.ItisverycommontobribeyoursupervisorinPune,although

Ineverdid.ManypeoplethinkthatIraniansarerichandoftenpeopletrytotake

advantageofthat.

IarrivedinIndiaandstartedmystudieswiththeintentiontoreallyfinishthem,

even though I realized that my studies here would not be super efficient. It

112

hasn´tbeenfantasticallthetime,butsinceIcamehereIoughtnottodropout.

I´vebeenhereforfiveyearsalready.

Igotanapartmentaftermuchtrouble.Ifyouaresingle,studentandnon-Indian

it´snoteasytofindanapartmenttorent.Manylandlordsdonotacceptforeign

tenants. And if they do accept you, being a non-Indian, they think they can

overcharge. Things are messy and complicated here unless you have

connections. Hygiene is a huge problem. But here is peaceful, people have

patienceandtakethingseasy,andthatinfluencesyou–I´vefallenintoaneasy

and slow daily rhythm. Things are getting better. My fiancé is in Dubai, he´s

Indian,andIwillgothereaftermydegree.IndianfilmsareverypopularinIran,

not leastShahRukhKhan.That´showIgot toknowIndiawhengrowingup. I

thought of going to Malaysia, but it would be more expensive. My mind has

becomemoreopenwithallpeopleIhavemet.StillIhavemostlyIranianfriends.

TolearnEnglishisanimportantreasonforpeopletocomehere.Icamestraight

fromHamedan to Pune and havemostly spentmy time in this city. I came to

India to get out of Iran and study. Living in Indiawas never something Iwas

planning.”

One of the women at the other table is called Homa. She is 30 years old. “I

remember once in Iran at the university”, Homa says. “Someone remarked on

howIwasdressed.That´snoneofyourbusiness, Iwantedtosay.Thatkindof

situations is themain reasonwhy I leftmy country, she says.The stupid laws

andsocialrestrictions.AndIhavelovedmytimehereinIndia.Ihavetravelledin

India, lots.FromtheHimalayas to thesouth.Nowmyboyfriend ishere,he´sa

reason forme to stay. He is Indian.We love to travel, and don´tmind simple

buses or trains, we backpack. But our Iranian friends travel in style. They

haven´tgonefurtherthanGoa.Peopledon´tstayhereforlong,theyareherefor

temporarystaysthatmightgetextendedoverandoveragain.”

HomasitswithZahraandAmir,whohavebeeninIndiaforalongtimealready,

aswell aswith Elham andOmidwhohave been here for three days and four

weeksrespectively.TheyarebothstudyingEnglish.Elhamhasthoughtofgoing

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toMalaysiatoo,butchoosePune.“It´scheaperhere”,sheexplains.Sheplansto

studyfortheGRE-exam,inordertocontinuestudiesintheUS.

Hussein, 26, fromTehranandamiddle-class family, isextremely friendlyand

forthcoming, andbecomesoneofmymain interviewees.He radiates ease and

generosity,anddrivesbothascooterandacararoundPune.

Husseinwas inBandarAbbas in2009andgothisvisaforIndiaafterhaving

had to wait only a few hours. He went to India immediately. During the

presidentialelectioncampaignin2009Husseinwasactive inthecampaignfor

MirMousavi.HehadgrownupinTehranbutlivedinBandarAbbas,alargecity

situatedinsouthernIran,bythestraitofHormoz,wherehewasstudyingatthe

university.AftertheelectionresultshadbeendiscloseditwasobviousthatIran

wasnotsafeforhim.Manyofhis friendswerearrested.Noonewhohadbeen

associated with the reformist movement was safe. He decided to leave the

countrytoanywherepossible.HehadneverthoughtofleavingIranbefore–he

hadalwayslikedhishomecountry.HehassomefamilymembersinSwedenwho

triedtopersuadehimtovisitthemandmaybestudyinScandinavia,butatthat

timehewantedtostayinIran.

Thatwashowhefeltuntilthepresidentialelectionin2009.

Husseinarrivesona scooter to theNIBMarea inPune.Wehadmet ina shop

sellingIraniangoodsafewdaysbeforenoruz.Wehadbeenlookingforitemsfor

thehaftsintable,andexchangednumbers.AfewyearsagotherewereIranians

everywhere, Iamtold.Today thereareonly tracesof the former large Iranian

presence.ManycafesannounceIranichai,blackteathat is,butthesedays it is

notbeingserved.MostoftheIranianshavemovedelsewhere,oftenbacktoIran.

Husseindrivesmetoacafé,whichhelikes,intheNIBMarea.

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“ThefirstperiodinIndiawastough”,hesays.Butnowhelikesthecountryvery

much.“Thereisalwayssomethinggoingon”.Whenhearrivedthehousewhere

helivedwasfullofIranians,butnowheistheonlyoneleft.

“IttookjustafewhourstogetanIndianvisa.Iwentthereinthemorningandby

noon itwasready. IwasreadytogotoanycountryoutsideIran.Somepeople

went toMalaysia, but it had a bad reputation, people said that Iranians there

oftenendeduptakinglotsofdrugs,notdoinganythingworthwhile,andwasting

theirlives.SoIndiaseemedmoreappealing.IcouldhavetriedtogotoEurope,

buteverythinghappenedsosuddenly,Ihadtobefast.Theresultsoftheelection

andthecrackdownthatfollowedmadeitdangerousforanyonelikemetostay.I

hadtoleavethecountryasfastaspossible.AndIamverygratefulthatIgotan

Indianvisasoquickly.“

Helivedinasimpleandprovisionalhousethefirstmonthsandusedabicycleto

go to theuniversitywherehewas learningEnglish.The traffic frightenedhim,

thereforehedidn´tuseascooteroramotorcycle,likemostpeopledo.

He was afraid of returning to Iran because of his involvement in the Green

Movement,anddidnotgoback for fiveyears.Then,whenRohaniwaselected

and Ahmadinejad finally left, the atmosphere in the society became more

relaxed,andhefeltsaferreturningbacktoIran.Sohewentforavisit.

In Iran he had been studying computer science and he enrolled in the same

discipline inPune.However, thecourse in Indiawasmoretechnicallyoriented

thantheoneinIran,sohedroppedthecourseandenrolledforadegreeinFine

Arts. Then the sanctions on Iran made everything much more expensive for

Iranians,andhedecidedtotakeaBBAdegree,inbusiness.Hehasbeenlivingin

Puneforsixyearsnow.AtsomepointthereweresomanyIraniansinPunethat

shopkeeperslearnedPersiantoattractcustomers.

“TheIraniansthatarrivedherealongtimeago,bythetimeoftherevolutionin

1979orbefore,aremuchmorereligiousthanweare.OnceIvisitedahouseof

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an Iranianwho had been here for a few decades. I came there since Imaybe

wantedtorentthehouse.Butitwasfullofreligioussymbolsonthewalls,with

quotations from the Quran. I thought that if I would stay there I would take

downthesethings.

ParsiswhohasbeeninIndia forseveralgenerationsusually likeus,unlikethe

Iranianswhohavebeenhereforafewdecadesonly,Husseinsays.“Peoplestill

move to India fromIran,butmuch less thanbefore, since ithasbecomemuch

more expensive here. Those who are really rich move to Europe, the US or

Australia, to study. Iranians coming here, usually from themiddle class, have

some, but not very much, money. After their studies in Pune most of them

return back to Iran although many would prefer to go elsewhere. But upon

returning home, after several years here, many realize that their academic

degreearen´tveryusefulinIran.AnditisnotnecessarilyeasierforIraniansto

gotoEuropethroughIndiathangoingdirectlyfromIran.Goingsomewhereelse

turnsout,inmostcases,tobeunrealistic.Forexample,tocontinuetotheUSis

verydifficult.IwenttotheUSconsulatetoapplyforavisaonce.Theyhadalook

atmypassportanddeniedmyapplicationintenminutes.Ithoughttheywould

have a look onmy credentials, but they denied because ofmy nationality. So

mostpeople returnback to Iran, simplyoutof lackof choice. In someways it

might be like beginning from scratch again, since there are several foreign

academicdegreesthatIrandoesn´trecognize.

PeopleingeneralknownothingaboutIran,especiallythewesterners.Theymix

upIranandIraq.AndoftentheyhavetheideathatIranisabackwardcountry

without anything. Once I went to a seminar, where some western guy asked

whether there were cars in Iran. If there is electricity. At least people know

aboutIranhereinIndia.RelationswereusuallygoodbetweenIndiaandIran.I

havea relative inGermany,whodoesn´t feelwelcome there.Buthere in India

everyoneiswelcome,itisanopenandwarmsociety.

IamneverboredinIndia.There´salwayssomethinghappening,somuchtosee

anddiscover. It issomething I loveabout lifehere.“Husseindisappearsonhis

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scooter after having asked for permission, in a Persianway, tomake amove,

sinceheisseeingafewfriendsintheevening.

Soonthereafterwemeetintheevening.Husseinknowsaplace,a“manlyplace”

hesays,wherenowomenareallowed.Thustherearenowomeninthisloudand

crammedbarwherewehave towait forawhilebefore findinganemptyseat.

HusseinwasinarelationwithanIranianwomanforaboutthreeyearsbutthen

shemovedbacktoIran.Andsincethenhehasnotmetanyone.Hepreferstobe

withan Iranian forbeingable to speak inhismother tonguewithhispartner.

These days there are notmany Persian girls around,which doesn´tmake the

mattereasier.Andhe isn´t that interested in Indians.HeoncedatedaGerman

girlbutlostherimmediatelysinceheapproachedherinthePersianmanner,a

lottooslow,hesays,andbeingtoopolite.Shedisappeared.

DuringtheyearsthatHusseinhas livedinIndiahehasn’t travelledverymuch.

He visited Chennai for two dayswhere hewent to the American consulate to

apply foravisa.He flew there.Hehasalsobeen toMumbai several times, it´s

closeandhehastogonowandthenformatterswithhisvisa.Helikestotravel

instyleandcomfort,hesays,andwouldnevertravelbytrain-herathergoesby

airplane.Healsohasadog inhis flat thatneedsconstant care.Hussein thinks

thatitisnoteasytotravelbecauseofthedog;furthermore,sincehewouldnot

usetrainsorbusestravelbecomesa lotmoreexpensive.Hehasstayedalmost

exclusively inPuneduringhismorethanfiveyears inIndia. Indiawasnevera

place he thought of before he suddenly had to leave Iran. He says that it is

peacefulandsafehere,butIndiahasneverbeenaplaceheiseagertoexplore.

Husseincallsme the followingmorning–he isonhisway toKoregaonPark -

andproposes a lunch together, at aburger joint.We takea seatoutdoors.We

speakinPersianaboutthepeople–Indians–aroundus.Now,cigarettesmoking

ismorecommonhereamongtheyoungthanjustafewyearsago,hesays.Anex

girlfriendmadehimquithissmokinghabitsomeyearsago.

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“InBandarAbbasit´shotbutthereisair-conditioningeverywhere.Youjustneed

tobeexposedtotheheatwhenwalkingfromthecartothehouses.Eventhebus

standshaveaircondition.Soitdoesn´tfeelasbadashere.”Wewanttocontinue

to some cooler place, anywhere with air condition, and end up at Starbucks,

aroundthecorner.

“Iknowseveralwhowereactiveintheelectioncampaignsin2009workingfor

MirMousavi.Theyweresenttojail,andarestillimprisoned.Oneofmyfriends

gotaten-yearsentence.Hewillbealmostfortywhenheisreleased.Hisyouth

andalargepartofhislifewillbegonebecauseoftheregime.”

“Themullahsdieveryold.DoyouknowofJannati?He´sstillthere,93yearsold,

in the government, and has lots of power. In Iran there are several parallel

powerstructures,andmostpowerfulistheSupremeleader,Khamenei.Ihavea

relativewhoknewhimpreviously,whenmyrelativewasworkingintheforeign

ministry.Khameineiwasknownasapopulistandtobecorrupt,heisnotanice

man.Heismad.”

WefinishourCocaCola,afriendofHusseincalls,andwegetout.Ontheroadwe

meettwosistersonanotherscooter.Theyhaveadogontheirvehicle.It´ssizdah

bedar,thirteendaysaftertheIranianNewYear,andeveryoneissupposedtoget

out of their houses for a picnic. But itwas too hot even in the earlymorning

hour,soHusseinandhisfriendsdecidedtostayhome.

Kimiya,25,isfromTehranandalowermiddle-classfamily,fashionable,andon

herwayfromIndia.ThisisherlastfewdaysinPune

She is a friend of Hussein´s, and when we meet she is carrying a number of

paintingsmadebyherteacherinIran.Shewantstosellthem,andwelookout

forpossiblebuyersinthearea.Kimiyahasacarfilledwithbooks.Shehasjust

finishedadegreeinpharmacy,andhasbeenbacktoIranforawhile,butcame

back. She has been living here in India for four years, and likes it. “But

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sometimesitdoesn´tleadanywhere.ThecoursesinIranarereallygood,better

thanhereIwouldsay.HowevergettingadmissionsishardinIran.Ihadlotsof

fun in India, but to progress in life here, that’s not easy. Imight take another

degreeinBangalore,let´ssee.”

Wemadean illegalparking,andwhenKimiya,Husseinandmyselfgetback to

thecaritischained.“TheIndiantrafficrulesmakenosense.Andthechainswith

whichthecarislockedaresoweak,easytobreakforanyone”.Thepolicecome

andwehavetopayafewhundredrupees.“Webribethem,it´sIndiaafterall”,

Kimiyasays.

TheytellmeastoryaboutGanesha,theelephantgod.“Agodwasinabattleand

happenedto,unknowingly,facehissononthebattlefield.Thegodlosthishead

andwas told to go to the forest and kill the first animal he found.Whatever

animal it would be, he would get that animal´s head. It happened to be an

elephant.Peoplebelieveinit!”

In theeveningwemeet inHussein´sapartmentabitoutside thecentre, in the

NIBMarea. It is a newhouse. “InKoregaonPark the houses are old,”Hussein

says.“Iliketoliveinanewplace.”Thesofainthelivingroomisverybeautiful

andtasteful,Iremark.“It´sold,”hesays.“Sixyearsold,IgotitwhenIfirstcame

here.” The flat is filledwith Persian flags, photos of Persepolis in Iran, rugs, a

Christmas tree, Iraniannuts on the table, and lavashak, the Iranian sweet.His

smallwhitedogdemandslotsofattention.Husseincannottravelbecauseofthe

dog. Itmakesany tripreallycomplicated.Wespeakaboutrelationships. “With

communication everything can be solved,” Kimiya says, “but it can be difficult

withsomeonefromanothercountry,likeIndia.”

Onourwayouttothecaragainwemeettwobrothersandtheirmother, from

Tehran. They have lived in Pune for a few years. The mother makes fun of

Indians.Wearrive to the restaurant late,9.30, andarehungry.But let´seatat

somebetterplace, themothersays. “Icaneat,butonly if it´sgood, Iwon´teat

justanything,justforthesakeofeating”.Itistoolatetoorderattherestaurant

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wherewe are, andmost other places are closed. Sowe drive to a night joint

wherepeopleoftencomeafterparties.WeeatandItakeanautorickshabackto

myroom.KimiyaandHusseindrivehome.

Kimiya hopes that the negotiations between Iran and the world powers in

LausanneregardingtheIraniannuclearpowerplantsgowell.Shehasarrivedin

thecafé inKoregaonParkwhereIsit,Herhope is,shesays, that thesanctions

will be lifted so that she can have an international credit card and be able to

transfermoneyabroadeasily.ShecametoIndiain2010andreturnedtoTehran

afterherdegree in2014.“But it´shardto livebackhomewithfamilyafterthe

freedomI´vehadhere”.Hercarisfilledwithbooksaboutpharmacy.

“Many Iranians justwanted to go anywhere abroad, to any country. And they

endedupinIndiasincevisawaseasyandcheaptoget.“

ShecamebacktoIndiaduringthePersianNewYearafewweeksago.Shewants

to enrol in aPhDprogrammeand approached a fewuniversities inBangalore

where theyhavea good reputation inpharmacy.Becauseof the sanctions she

cannotapplyfromIranandpaytheuniversity feefromthere.Shehastocome

withcashtotheactualuniversity.

Wedrivetoaplacethatshelikes,arestaurant/bar/café.Wegoogleplaceswe

would liketovisitsuchasMauritius,Kerala,andIstanbul.Welookathotels in

Eritrea and couchsurfers in Iran. She is not so keen on going to Bangalore

withoutknowinganyone.It´sacitysomuchbiggerthanPunewhereeverything

takesplentyof time, shepoints out. She´d like to live in another countryone

day,neitherinIrannorIndia.

In PuneKimiya used to live by herself in a compoundwith a pool and tennis

court. Shewas in a relationwith an Indianman for some years. “Indians are

warmand friendly,” she says, “but somehow they arehard to trust. Especially

when therelationsbecomecloser.”ShevisitedGoaseveral times,and loved it.

ManyIranianshavepetdogsintheirhomes,butKimiyaisn´tinterestedinpets.

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Hussein,KimiyaandImeetinthecoffeeshopofaniceoldhotelatMGroad.It

smellslikeaplacewhereoldstuffisbeingstored.BothHusseinandKimiyahave

been in Pune for about four years, but they got to know each other only two

weeksago.Thus,althoughIranianstypicallyknowofotherIraniansinthecity,

they hadn´t met before. But Hussein knew of her car, he says, that was how

people used to refer to people they didn´t know: He or her with the yellow

Maruti,theredFord,etc.

Soonthereafter,Husseincomestopickmeupwiththecar.Wearegoingtosee

KimiyaandherfriendPegah.Wedrivetoatasteful,largePersianrestaurant,and

take a seat on a takht. Pegah is inher30s, single, andhas alwayshad foreign

boyfriends, Hussein says. We laugh and joke, lazing around in the large

restaurant. Husseinsays thathe isafraidofgoingback to Iran. “Suddenly the

rules formilitaryservicecanchange,andoncethereImightnotbeallowedto

leave.Thelawsarecapricious, inconsistent.”Anotherproblemofgoingbackto

IranisHussein´sdog.It´dbeexpensivetobringthedog,anddifficult-dogsare

consideredasbeinguncleaninIslam.

“Myfatherworksinaaninsurancecompany.MaybeIwillbeabletofindajob

there”.ButKimiyadidnotsoundlikeshewaslookingforwardtoit.Shehadan

Indianboyfriendmucholder thanher, 45-50 years old andmarried, and very

rich. Shewas impressedbymoney. She stayed in a luxuryhotelwhile visiting

Pune for amonthafterhaving comeback fromavisit in Iran, and the car she

drivesishis.“Sheisbeautifulbutalsosimpleandnice”,saysHussein.“Mysister

was studying here before. Shewas supposed to go toGermany from Iran, but

eventuallyendedupstayinginIran.”

A year later, in November 2015, I meet Kimiya in Tehran. She lives with her

parents,isstudyingGerman,andispreparinganexamthatshehopeswill lead

toavalidationofherIndiandegreeinIran.ShemissesIndiabutisnotplanning

to return. Instead, she would like to move to Germany – that´s why she is

learningGerman.Byautumn2016,KimiyastilllivesinTehranwithherparents.

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Shehasfoundajobasapharmacist,andisbusyworking.Nowshedoesnothave

anyplansofleavingthecountryapartfromshorttriptoIndia,toseeherfriends

there.

Narges. 27, from Tehran and a middle-class background, is tired of the hot

weatherandthespicyfood,andseemstolongbacktoIran.Butshehastofinish

herdegreefirst.

Narges and Mina arrive in the burger-joint where we had met the previous

evening.Theyhave lived in India for the last fiveyears.Thereasonwhy there

are so few Iranians now compared to a few years ago is that Pune university

isn´trecognizedinIrananymore,theysay.“Oncewegohomeweneedtotakea

specialexamtomakeourdegreefromPuneuseful.ButBangaloreUniversityis

recognized; therefore, verymany Iranians go to Bangalore to studymedicine,

dentistry,andothersuchdisciplines.Manystudents fromIranpartyand livea

destructivelifehereinIndia.Butwewereneverinterestedinthat.”

“IneverplannedtoleaveIrananddidmyexamtogetintoanIranianuniversity.

ButIwasn´tadmitted,sothereforeIwenttoIndia.IfI´dhadachancetostayin

IranIwouldhavedoneso”,Minasays.

NargesandMinaarehappyinIndiabuthavedeeperfeelingsforIran.“Wehad

freedominIrantoo,inourhouses,withourfamilies.Thatwasnotareasonfor

ustoleave.ButlifeisgoodhereinIndia.WhenIcame,fiveyearsback,onerupee

was17Iraniantooman,comparedtonow,whenonerupeeisabout70tooman.

Soithasbecomeseveraltimesmoreexpensiveforustolivehere.

India feels more secure than Iran where we always had to look out when

walkingaroundaloneinthecity.Iranisnotsafeforwomen.Ihavearesidence

permittoliveintheUSbutIprefertoliveinIran.Igotagreencardthankstothe

lottery.

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ButrelationsbetweenIraniansand Indiansaren’tgood. Indiansareunfriendly

and have a lot of preconceived ideas about Iranians. Once I was in a traffic

accidentwithmycar.Thecar thatrammed intomine justdisappeared.Sucha

thing would not happen in Iran. People here have another culture. They are

dirty.

If just the government changes, then Iranwill become the best country in the

world.I´dreallyliketolivetherethen.”

Minahas aheavymakeup. She speaksArabic at home - her family came from

Bahrainafewgenerationsback.Shehasadarkredlipstick.Narges,istallerand

speaksTurkishaswell,herfamilybeingAzeri.

“Indiansaren´tgoodtolivewith.Theywalkaroundwithoutindoorshoesinthe

house, for example. They might not use shoes in the toilet”, Mina says. “The

Indian boys like Iranian girls. But the Indian girls do not like us. They get

jealous.“

NargesandMinaplantostartupacompanyoncetheirstudiesarefinished,that

would entail travel both in Iran and abroad including the US. They are into

pharmacy,andtheirbusinessideaistobuydrugsinIndiaandthensellthemin

Iran.

Minahasjustafewmonthsleftofhercourse,whereasNargeshasoneyearleft.

TheyarebothfromShiraz,butmetinIndia.Bothofthemplantohaveonefoot

abroad in the future too. The main reason for coming to India wasn’t the

freedombutthattheydidnotqualifyingettingintoanyuniversityinIran.The

studiesinIndiahavebeenhardbuttheyhavebothmanagedverywell,theysay.

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4.1.1Pune,oneyearlater

Siavashwastheoneamongmyintervieweeswhowasmostinterested

inIndia.HereafteramealinPune.

AyearaftermyfirstlongerfieldworkinPuneIambackinthecity.Politically,it

hasbeenaneventfulandimportantyearforIran.Theextendednegotiationsin

ViennaregardingthenuclearpowerprogramofIrancametoanend.Theworld

powers–theUSbeingthemostprominentactor–cametoanagreementwith

Iran.Sanctionswouldbeliftedandthenuclearproliferationprogrammelimited.

ItseemedasiftherelationsbetweenIranandtheWestweretoimprove.Media

showedcrowdscelebratingandcheeringinTehran,hopingthatrelationswere

tobenormalizedandthatIran´sparia-statusintheworldwouldcometoanend.

ThatishowIfeltwhenvisitingIranintheautumn2015.But,inIran,thingsare

seldom what they appear to be. By a main square in the centre there is an

enormouspostershowingapileofdeadbodies,awarscene.Onthetopofthe

poster is a large American flag. In addition, there are also other, new posters

along the roads, depicting American flags with bombs instead of stars. Still,

relationsare improving,andwestern leadersare frequentlyvisiting Iran.With

the many centres of power in the country there are forces that profit from

havingsourrelationswiththeoutsideworld.Onerarelyknowswhoisreallyin

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chargeofpower.Thesanctionshavemadeitpossibleforsometomakefortunes.

SincetheIraniansinPunetypicallyaretransnationallyengagedthesituationin

Iran is highly relevant for them. For many Iranians abroad the improved

situationathomemaybeanincentivetoreturn.

HusseinandImeetagain, intheNIBMarea.ItisthefirstofMarch,andwehave

notseeneachotherinayear.IamstruckbyhowbigPuneis,itisaveryspread

outplace,anoldgarrisoncity,acantonment.Therearestillmilitaryacademies

thatIpassbywhentravellingbyautofromKoregaonPark.Weweresupposed

to see each other in an Iranian restaurant butmeet on the street instead, he

drivingandIwalking.HeplaysGoogooshinthecar,andwecometoaPunjabi

restaurant. Hussein is going to Iran in twoweeks, fornoruz. He has not been

there for two years. Last timehe celebrated the IranianNewYear inTeheran

wassevenyearsago,in2009,theyearhewenttoIndiaaftertheelection.

Hussein follows Iranian politics closely. It affects his life quite directly. He is

optimistic.Iranseemstobegoingintherightdirection.Thesanctionsaretobe

liftedandthereformistswonintheelectionjustadayago.Europeancompanies

are signing long-term contracts, for up to twenty years, he says, because they

knowthatIranwillbestable.

IaskifhethinksthatmanyexileIranianswillreturntoIrannow.Yes,probably,

he says. “And the president, Rohani, said that they will make Iran good for

Iranians too. Not only good for the foreign companies wanting to “tap the

world´slastremainingmarket”assomeonecalledit.Sothingsseempromising.”

HusseinisexcitedtogetbacktoIranafteralongtimeabroad.Hehasonlyone

moreyear inPune todo forhis course.Hesaid thathemightbe interested in

goingtoSwedenafterwards.ButHusseincannotstayinIranformorethantwo

weeks.Hehasgogetback toPunebecauseofexams;also,hecannot leavehis

dog for a longer time. Thedogwill staywith two Iranian friends,Golnaz and

Homa,whomheandhisdogknowwell.AroundtheNIMBareathereusedtobe

a few places offering “Irani chai”. But not anymore, many cafés that served

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Iraniantea justayearagohavecloseddown.Clearly, thecity isbecoming less

andlessPersian.

HusseinpicksmeupinKoregaonPark inhiscaroneevening,withGolnazand

Homa.Therewillbehelda JonBonJovi tributeevening inaplacenearby,and

we drive there. The sisters Golnaz and Homa are always together. They live

together, theyareclassmates,and theystudy thesamecourse, interiordesign.

They areHussein´s closest friends in Pune, he tellsme. Golnaz andHoma are

abouttofinishtheirfirstdegreeandwouldliketocontinuestudyingandliving

inPune.Theyseemateasehere.Golnazislookingforajobbecauseherparents

willnotsupportheranymore.IfshewantstoworkinIran?“Maybe,whoknows.

ThereweremanyIranianandAfghanstudentshereinPunebefore.Butmostof

themhave graduated and left”, she says. The live band starts to playBon Jovi

coversandtheloudmusicmakesitdifficulttospeak.

Golnaz and Homa are both quiet, and give plain and short answers to my

questions.TheirparentswerehererecentlyforavisitbutwerenotfondofIndia.

Theythought itwasdirty. Iran isbetter thanhere,Homasays.Peoplecometo

India fromIranbecauseof the freedoms, that´sall, shesays.Golnazhavebeen

heresince2011.Thereason,shesays,whytherearen´tthatmanyIranianshere

anymore is that India in recent years has become much more expensive for

Iraniansastheexchangerateshavebecomeunfavourable.

OntheSaturdaybeforethePersianNewYearwegotoafoodfestivaltoeattacos

and fish.Golnaz is a vegetarian.There is a stallwithParsi cuisine, andGolnaz

looks with curiousity. Parsi restaurants are common in Mumbai and Pune.

SiavashandIhavegrilledfish.Heisrestlessandwantstoreturnhomesoon,on

hisscooter.AfterhisstayinPunehewilllookforopportunitiesforstudyingto

PhD,hesays,possiblyinGermany.

HusseinisbackinIranforthefirsttimeintwoyears.WhenIarrivetohishouse

Golnaz and Homa are watching an American show on TV eating watermelon,

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nuts and chips. They have their dog there too,who barks loudly. Both sisters

wear short trousers. Siavash readsHafezaloudduring theevening.Wehavea

glassofIndianrum.GolnazisintouchwithHussein,whoisbytheCaspianSeaat

themoment.SiavashspeaksaboutShiraz,whereheisfrom.IntheflatisanAloe

VeraplantandphotosofPersepolis.Golnazdisappearsforaminuteandcomes

backwithnewredlipstick.

Siavash, 26, from the Caspian coast in northern Iran, and a middle class

background, isexcited tobe in Indiaandwants tosoak theatmosphere in.He

seemstobefullofjoywhenwemeet.

Siavashdidhisfirstdegree,aBAinarchaeology,inShiraz.Hedidhisfieldwork

atPersepolisandfoundartefactsthatwereseveralthousandyearsold,hesays.

Then he moved to Qom for his studies towards a Masters degree in Eastern

religions.Helivestherenow,whennotinIndia.

Siavash isgoing tohaveaclass inHindi, and I joinhim inNIBM.Hehasbeen

hereforsixmonths,anddidn´tknowEnglishnorHindiwhenhearrived.Nowhe

speaks both languages fairly well. The teacher is from Mumbai and asks me

aboutmyresearchandwhatIhavefoundoutabouttheIranians.TheIraniansI

havemethere,shesays,theyseemlostanddon´tknowwheretheyaregoing.

Siavash insists on taking the escalator down even though we are just on the

secondfloor. It´sbecauseheis fromShiraz,wejoke.Theyhaveareputationof

being very lazy.We take his Vespa anddrive to a café for some food. Siavash

wearsavestwithmanypocketsmakinghim look likea journalist.Hecameto

Indiaforavisitin2011,andstayedforamonth.Helikesithere,andwouldlike

tostay.

SiavashwasinShirazduringtheprotestsin2009.“Theyaresuchcowards”,he

says about the government. “Thepeople in Iran are completely different from

the government. You have seen the sisters yesterday. They are not even

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Muslims”, he says, referring to Golnaz and Homa. “Everyone in Iranwants to

leave the country. Since the summer of 2009 there is even less to stay for.

Everyonewantstogo.Theykilledsomany.Ifeelfreehere,andinpeace.InIran,

ifyousayanythingagainstthegovernmentinanewspaperforexample,they´ll

comeandbringyou to jail. Idon´t like therahbar, the leader,Khamenei.But I

don´twanthimtodie,since Idon’tknowwhatwouldhappennext.Maybethe

police, the Sepah, would seize the power. It would be a police state.” In Qom

Siavash knows plenty of mullahs. “Many of them are not religious”, he says.

“They might be atheists. Then there are the political ones too. I know all of

them.”Weareatasmallcafé.WeordertwomasaladosasandSiavashaddresses

thewomanwhoworkstherewith“auntie”–acommonandrespectablewayin

Indiatoaddressanywoman,justasmenarefrequentlycalled“uncle”.

A fewdays later is the IranianNewYear,noruz, and Siavash andGolnazhave

metwithsomefriendstocelebrateatapopularplacecalledShishacafé,runby

an Iranian fromRashtby theCaspianSea.Therearecarpetshanging fromthe

ceilingandplantseverywhere.Itisbeautiful.Weareabouttenpeople.Golnazis

social,shelaughsandtakesinitiatives.Homaisquiet.Everyoneisdressedup.A

youngmanfromTehranwithacolourfult-shirthasorderedaCocaCola,which

he doesn´t think is sufficiently cold. “Change it”, he says to thewaiter. After a

kebabandricetheyorderawaterpipe-ahookah–andtheysmokeandposefor

photos.MoreIraniansarriveintherestaurant.Thereisnoentertainment;they

don´tevenplayIranianmusic.TheownerisfromtheIraniannortherncoast.

ThenextdaySiavashtakesmeonhisVespatomeetGolnazatkaféBliss.Golnaz

wears a helmet. Siavash has had a radical haircut. “Why did you make it so

short?”Golnaz asks. “You look like you´re inmilitary service, as if youwere a

sarbaz”.Siavashexplains:“itismother´sdaytoday,”hesays.“Mymotheralways

wantedmetocutmyhairshort.SoIdiditforher,andshebecameveryhappyto

seemewith this haircut”.We continue to another small place for some Irani

Chai.Golnazdoesn’tthinkthattheplacelooksniceorclean.

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GolnazwillstayinIndiaforanothertwoyears,shesays.Sheisadmittedtoa

master´s course in Pune and is looking for a job. She is very busy. Still, both

GolnazandHomahavetimetomeetmostevenings.WemeetatHussein´splace.

Golnazhasmadegheime,theIraniandish.Thesistersarevegetariansanddonot

eat.Theyhavelivedhereforfiveyearsalready.Iaskthemwheretheywillbein

ten years. Golnaz laughs. “Not in India and not in Iran, somewhere else,” she

says.Siavashdoesn´tknow,itdependsuponwherehewilldohisPhDandgeta

job,hesays. It´spossible to transfermoney fromIran to India throughcertain

channels,suchasexchangeofficesthatspecialiseinthiskindoftransactionsin

Pune.Butbecauseofthesanctionstheprocessisstillillegalandcomplicated.

We-Hussein,hisgirlfriendandherparentsandyoungersister-gatherat little

café.Hussein´sgirlfriendcametoPunewithher familyhalfayearago. In Iran

shehadbeenactiveintheatre.InPuneshestudiesEnglishandwilldoacourse

in hotel management. A family from Esfahan arrives, a mother and two

daughters. They live here in Pune while the father works in Esfahan. He is

visiting Pune at the moment. “I sent them here,” he says. “I work in an oil

company.It´sgoodandsecularhere.”WeallgotothecinemaandwatchBatman.

Siavash´sfavouriteplacetomeetiscafeBliss,closetoNIBMroad.Wedrinksoda

water. Siavashhasbeen feeling sad the last days.Hehasnot been feeling like

goingtoclass.HespeaksaboutlifeinQom.“Youcouldgothere,asaforeigner,”

hetellsme,“andregisterinacourseinShiism.Thegovernmentwouldpayforit

ifyoutellthemyouwouldliketobecomeaShiite.Theywouldgiveyouagood

visa. They would want you as a face, showing people that foreigners, and

especiallyWesterners, likeIrananditsregimeandideology.Qomisareligious

city, where the mullahs are educated. It is said to have particularly many

prostitutestoo.”

SiavashlikesIndiaandhas,contrarytoanyoneelseIknowfromIran,a

greatinterestinthecountry.HestudiesHindiandwillstarttostudySanskritin

twoweeks.HecametoIndiaafewyearsagoforthefirsttimeandsaysthathe

feelsatpeacehere.“Peaceful,withallthenoiseandpollution?”Iask.“Yes,Ifeel

free,maybeitisbecauseofthepoliticalfreedom”,hesays.

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“The Iranians coming here aren´t themost studious ones,” Siavash continues.

“They aren´t very rich either, but of the middle and upper middle classes.

Everyonecan´taffordtocomehere.Buthereischeaperforusthansomeother

countries, such as Turkey. Malaysia is a few stepsmore expensive than here.

UsuallypeoplechooseIndiafortheirstudytobeabletoliveandenjoylifehere.

MostofthemeventuallyreturntoIran.Butnoteveryone–onecan´tgeneralise

toomuch–becausesomehavemanagedtogettoEurope,andoneguycontinued

his studies at Harvard after his degree in Pune. Previously Pune was full of

Iranians,butthenwhenthedollarbecameexpensive,anddramaticallyso,then

peoplecouldnotstayanylonger. Iwantto learnSanskritandHindibecause it

will helpme inwork. In Irannooneknows these languages, andmaybe I can

teachthere.Peoplecomeheretohavefun,buttheystayamongotherIranians,

and even after several years heremany of themdon´t learn English, let alone

Hindi,sincetheyjusthangoutwithotherIranians.Theydon´thaveaninterest,

usually,togettoknowIndians.MostIraniansseethemselvesasbetterthanthe

Indians.Therearesomemixedcouples,butthentheIndianpart isusuallyhalf

IndianandhalfIranian,Ihaveseenthatafewtimes.IcametoPunesinceIheard

thatthepriceswerereasonableandthatitwasastudenttownandasafeplace.

ManyoftheIraniansinPunearefromYazd.Ithastodowiththefactthatmany

oftheoldergenerationsofIranianswholivehereoriginatefromYazd.”

ASomaliyoungmanandtwoYemenimenenterthecafé.Theyareinthesame

class as Siavash. They study English. One of the Yemenimen is going back to

Yemenverysoon.AnIraniancouplearrives.TheyarefromYazd.Theytellme:

“It´s true what you say, people got desperate to leave the country after the

summerof2009.Wehadtworevolutions,one in1979andanotherone in the

summerof2009.Wewantfreedomofspeechandfreedominourminds.People

gocrazyinIranwiththelackoffreedom.Peoplecomeherejusttogetawayfrom

theoppression.“

Thewiferefusestodrinktheteasinceshebelievesthecupsaredirty.Andshe

standsupandlooksdisgustedwhenadogshowsupandiscurious.

130

Siavash and I meet again the next evening. He has suggested an Indian

restaurant,abusyandcrowdedplacecalledZamZam.Therestaurantissimple,

clearlynotaplaceforthestereotypicalIranianstudent–whoisoftenobsessed

withhygiene andwhopurportsnot to be able to eat spicy food – but Siavash

thinksitisagreatplace.SiavashistheonlyIranianIhavemetsofarwhohasa

genuine interest in India. Heworks hard to become better at Hindi. He loves

classicalPersianliterature,andrecitestheclassicalpoetHafezwhilegesturing.

Whenanauto-rickshadriver takesmeona considerabledetour,whichmakes

the tripbothmoreexpensiveandhalfanhour longer, Igetquiteannoyedand

explainforSiavash.Then,SiavashquotesHafez,themessagebeingthatthereis

somuch in theworld to be annoyed at, and you better enjoy life instead.We

orderanIndianbeefgravy,daalandbiryani,withrotis,andwedrinkwaterand

softdrinks.

“India is attractive because it is cheap. But in other aspects it is not an

interesting destination formost Iranians” Siavash tellsme. “One cannot work

here, and refugee status isnotgiven, there´snoasylum.There isno reason to

come here except to have fun with friends. People come to study, but it is a

pretext. There are two groups of people that go to Europe. First the refugees,

they are able to get asylum status as political refugees and then work. Then

there are the very smart students, top students. You remember the little boy

whowasfounddeadonthebeachinGreece?AfterthatplentyofIranianswent

for Europe. They heard that Europe accepts all refugees from Syria and

Afghanistanandthoughtitwouldbeagoodoccasiontogo,possiblytopretend

tobeaSyrian.

Siavasheatswithgreatgusto.Hehadbeenatanexpensiveplacetheothernight

butdidn´tenjoyit.“IfoneisinIndia,thisisthekindofplaceoneshouldgoto.

The food isgoodandalways fresh, lookatall the satisfiedcustomers”he says

beforedisappearingonhisscooter.

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UpontalkingtoSiavashIwasremindedofanencounterinIrantheyearbefore,

inShiraz,October2015.Iapproachasmallcaféopentothestreetinthecentre

ofthecity,rightbytheKarimKhancastle,closetotheZandcrossroads.Aguard

workingnexttotheplaceissittinginthecafé,inhisofficialguarddress,looking

like a police. The man behind the counter is drinking a home-made brew of

raisins.Heinvitesmeforasiptogetherwiththeguard.Hehasfamilymembers

in Sweden and we chat about similarities and differences between Iran and

Sweden.Duringtheeveningsomeofhis friendscometohangout.Onemanis

calledSina.HisyoungerbrotherisrightnowinAthenswherehehasboughta

Greekidentificationcard.ThesamenightheplanstoheadtowardsAustriaand

from there towardsnorthernEurope, toGermanyorSweden. Sinawonders if

theborderbetweenDenmarkandSwedenisstillopen.“Canyouguaranteethat

mybrotherwillbedoingfineifhecomestoSweden?”

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4.2Trajectories,examples

“IalwaysthinkofIran,butdon´twanttobethere,not

now.”

Anotherhostcity:KualaLumpur,capitalofMalaysia

CentralKualaLumpur,autumn2014

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Thefield

TheIraniansinKualaLumpurarespreadthroughoutthecity.Muchofthelifein

thecitycentrerevolvesaroundhugemallsfunctioningascitieswithinthecity.

Betweentwoofthemostpopularandposhmalls,theSuriaKLCCandPavilion,

runsanindoorpath,anoverakilometrelongtunnelhoveringthreemetersover

the city demonstrating that much of the public life – the shops, streets and

restaurants– isbeing lived inside themalls.Themallsareas livelyanddense

withpeopleasanyofthestreetsaroundtheCentralMarketinthecolonialcity

centre.InsidethePavilion,whichislikeacathedralofshopsshapedlikeacupola

whenviewedfromtheinside,youseeplentyofIranians.Iexperiencedthatone

ismore likelytoseegroupsof Iranians inmallssuchasKLCCandthePavilion

than in the city centre, Chinatown or Little India. By comparison, western

touristsandbackpackerstendtogravitatetowardscentralKualaLumpur.

The areas around KLCC and Bukit Bintang, where the Pavilion is located, are

expensive andmost people, including Iranians, stay in other neighbourhoods.

AroundAmpangPoint,forexample,afewkilometresaway–a20minbus-ride

fromKLCC–thereareat least threeIranianrestaurantsandacoupleofshops

sellingPersianfoodsandalcohol-freeIranianbeer,IstakandDelester.

Ethnographicscenes,KualaLumpurOctober–November2014

InKualaLumpurmanypeopletoldmewhatAlionedayrecounted:

“Three years ago there were tens of thousands of Iranians in Kuala Lumpur.

Here, in thePavilionmall, you thoughtyouwere inTehran.Then the financial

crisis inIranhappened,andthingschanged.WhenIarrivedfiveyearsagoone

ringit(thecurrencyinMalaysia)was200rialsbutnowitis1300.Ithasbecome

sixtimesmoreexpensiveforushere.”Aliisaccompaniedwithawoman,Mena.

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Mena,28,hasanairofluxury,andisfromarichfamilyinTehran.Sheshowsme

photosonherphoneofherwhitesmalldogwholiveswithherinKualaLumpur.

MenahaslivedinKualaLumpurforthreeyears.ThefirstperiodinMalaysia,she

says,shejuststayedhomeandcried.ShewasaloneandcouldnotspeakEnglish.

ThreeyearslatershelikesherlifeinKualaLumpur,stillsheaspirestoleavethe

country, to go to Europe, within a year. She lives just next to KLCC in an

upmarketbuilding.Whenshegoesout,sheusuallygoestoKLCCorthePavilion,

“themostposhmallsinKualaLumpur”,shesays.

“Malaysia is growing and developing, and it´smodern”, she says.We sit in an

ItaliancaféinthePavilion.TherewerenoseatsattheStarbucksoutletopposite

us.MenashowspicturesofherdogthatsheboughtinKualaLumpur.“Icannot

takehimoutof the flat”, she says. “Peopledon´t likedogshere. It is aMuslim

country”, she says, “and Idon´t likeMuslims.Thedog ismybest friend, I love

him,andhelovesme”,shesays.

Menastudiesinnovativedesign.“Itappearstobeamoderncity,withthesesky-

scrapers, but it´s just the surface. In reality Malaysia is a pretty backward

country”, shesayswhenwewalk in theparkbyKLCC.Sheappears tobevery

welloff.ShehaspaidsomeonetowriteherproposalforPhDstudiesinEurope,

andasksmeifIknowanyoneinGermanywheresheplanstogo.Herfamilyisin

the jewellery business in Iran. She has not brought any gold here, she says.

“WhatIwearnowisfakegold.Oneofmyfriendswasrobbedhereinthestreet

andhernecklacewasstolen.Thisisnotasafecountry.Iamespeciallyafraidof

the Indians, and I don´t like the black people. I know it´s bad, but that´s the

truth.”

ThefollowingweekMenastayedindoorsforseveraldayswithherdog,refusing

to go out. She was depressed because of what was happening in Iran. The

morality police had thrown acid on girls in Isfahan recently, she said. “I hate

IslamandMuslims”,shesaid.“Allwrongisbecauseofthem.Muslimsdon´tlike

dogs,butIlovethem.InIrantheyshootdogsonthestreet”,shesays.

135

FromtheItaliancafé,Amici,wefaceanenormousscreenshowingcommercials

and clips from fashion shows. Next to us is the mall with six floors filled by

luxurybrandssuchasArmaniandPrada.

A few minutes walk from the mall towards Bukit Bintang, with a few Arab

restaurants, there isaplaceannouncingMiddleEasterncuisine. It isaPersian

restaurant,akolbe,ahutinPersian,andallitscustomersseemtobeIranian.Kia

isworkingthere,andiseagertospeak.Heisdesperatetogetoutofthecountry,

“toaplacewhere Ican live,work,andhavea family”,hesays.Asarefugeehe

cannotreturntoIran.“Weliveawretchedlifehere,”hesays,andshowsanID-

cardfromtheUNstatinghisstatusasarefugee.Hewantshisstorytobeheard.

“I lovechildren”,he says,but can´tbring themuphere. Heshowsmea letter

whichhewrotetotheUN,andasksmetopublishit.Ifhisstorygetsknown,he

willbehelped,hereasons.IntheletterheemphasisesthatheisaChristianand

lovesGod.HewritesthathewantstoliveinaChristiancountryandthathewas

torturedinIran.InIranheconvertedfromIslamtoChristianity,wasputinjail,

and tortured for five years.He has lived inMalaysia for a few years, and it is

betterthanIran,butheistired,hesays.

During the evening the Persian restaurant fills upwith people having tea and

food.

Mahnaz, 33, from amiddle class family by the Persian Gulf, has a bohemian

style,andiseasytospeakto.Shewearslongnecklacesandcolourfulclothes.

MahnazwasoutintheBukitBintangareawithafriendofhers–alsoIranian–

whenwefirstmetandstartedtotalk.Wedecidedtomeetagainlater.

Mahnazisanartist.ShecametoMalaysiaandenrolledattheuniversityinKuala

Lumpur,intheart-school.Everyweekendshesellsherartwork,handicrafts,ina

mall in theoutskirtsofKualaLumpur.Sheproducesart that iscommonin the

popularalternativefleamarketinTehran,jomebazaar,“TheFridayMarket.”“In

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Iran itwasdifficult tomakea living fromtheart,”shesays, “Iranhassomany

artists,femaleartiststoo.Buthereitiseasier.Ipaintwalletsandpen-cases,and

makeearringsofpencilssimilartotheonesthatarepopularinthejomebazaar.”

ShesellsherartworkatatableintheAmcorpmallduringthewholeweekend.

Sheispaintingsomeofherworkatthesametime,sothattimepassesfaster.

Wehaveacoffeeoutsidethemall.MahnazchosetocometoMalaysiabecauseit

wascheap.SheconsideredGermanyasherfirstoption,butMalaysiawaseasier

andcheaper.WhenshearrivedshedidnotknowanyEnglishsothefirstyearin

MalaysiashestudiedEnglish.Thensheappliedtotheart-school,wasadmitted,

andenrolledintheprogram.

“I like the artistic freedom here,” she says. “And the conditions are better for

artistshereinMalaysiathaninIran.Icansellmyworkformoremoneyhere.I

stand out as a female artist.Many ofmy customers have been from countries

outsideofMalaysia,suchasAustralia.Malayspreferabstractart,notfigurative.”

“I wanted to see something new, to be exposed to a newmilieu. I wanted to

changetheenvironmentaroundmeandfindnewrawmaterialformypaintings.

Manysaythatfreedomisthemainreasonforcomingheresincethereisnoneed

towearhijabandsoon.Ialsocameforthisreason,butmymainreasonwasthat

itwouldbegoodformywork.StillI likeIran.ButifIreturnitwillbehardfor

me.Ihavenonetworkthere.IamnotoptimisticaboutthefutureofIran.Butmy

fatherwantsmeback,heisquitelonelyaftermymotherpassedaway.Iwantto

go to Australia, I have become friendswith one Australianwho Imet here in

KualaLumpurandwholikesmywork.Iplantogothereasatouristandthenget

anartistvisa.”

“Ibrought loadsofoldpaintings from Iran,works that Ihaddonea long time

back.Icouldsellthemhere.Afewrestaurantsandbarsareinterestedinmyart.

InIranpeoplewouldnotbuythem.Mylifewasalwaysaboutpainting.Formany

years I was struggling in Iran as a painter, without any success. Here I am

suddenlybeingsuccessful.”

137

“Imarriedat20anddivorcedat25.MyhusbandwasadrugaddictandIworked

asateachertosupportusboth.HeusedthemoneyImadefordrugs.Ihavebad

experiencesofIran,butgobackforholidays.Ihaveonelifetolive,andIwantto

liveabroadwhileIamstillyoung.ImightseemyselfbackinIranwhenIam45-

50toteach,butnotyet.Istillwanttoexplore.”

Thesummerof2009isfreshinhermind.

“I was demonstrating in Tehran during the Green Movement. I took photos,

whichmademeevenmorevulnerablesincetheywereafterpeopledocumenting

theviolence.TheGreenMovementhappenedatthesametimeasmydivorce.It

was horrible. I wrotemy testament, just in case. I realised that somehow the

movement was not going anywhere. After I divorced I decided to leave the

country.”

Mahnaz studies at the University of Malaya. One day I accompany her to the

campus.Itisnotuncommontoseenot-so-youngIraniansasuniversitystudents,

some are in in their fifties. One friend of Mahnaz arrived from Iran with her

mother,andbothofthemregisteredattheuniversity.Similarly,oneofhermale

friends came with his father, and both enrolled at the university too. To be

registeredasastudentisoneoftheeasiestwaystobeabletoliveinMalaysiafor

somelengthoftime.

Theuniversitycampusisvastandspreadoutandhasquitea fewIranianfood

joints catering for the sizable Iranianpresence.Under a tin-roof, resembling a

hugetent,thereareseveralfoodstallsservingthestudents.Inonecornerstands

khanumenamazi,anIranianladypreparingfood.ThisisMahnazfavouritestall.

Alsohere it is striking to seehowold some students are, oftenwell into their

middle age. Mahnaz explains that the Iranian government does not accept

foreign undergraduate degrees. People have to do their first degree in Iran

beforetheycangotouniversitiesabroad.

138

Mahnaz arrived inMalaysia four years ago. Shehashad several exhibitions in

the city. “Most Iranians in Kuala Lumpur were simply fleeing from Iran, and

many of them plan to continue to Australia,” she says. “TheMalay people are

friendly,althoughIamnotinterestedinthemen.Idon´tfindthemattractive.”

She knows everyone, both owners and guests, in the cafes in Bukit Bintang.

Manyofherpaintingsarenightlyportraits–shederivesalotofinspirationfrom

nocturnalKualaLumpur.ShewouldnotbeabletodisplayherpaintingsinIran,

becauseofthenatureofthemotifs,butrepeatsfrequentlythatsheisveryfond

ofherhomecountryandmightreturnthereifnootheroptionsmaterializewhen

herMalaysianvisaexpiresinhalfayear.Hergrowingreputationasanartistin

KualaLumpurmakesitharderforhertoleave.

Thereareat least twostallswith Iranians in theAmcarpmall everyweekend.

Except forMahnaz,with her hand-made crafts, there isMali, awoman in her

mid-thirties.Mali lives inKualaLumpurwithherhusbandanddaughter since

morethanthreeyears.ThedaughtergoestoschoolandspeaksChinese,Malay

and English, apart from Persian. “Chinese is hard to learn but increasingly

important to know, it might be a great asset to master the language in the

future,” she sayswithpride. In the cornernext to her threemen, in their late

middleyears,sitwithguitarsandplay.TheyaskifIcansing.Normallytheysit

onthegroundfloorwhenplaying,anduseamplifiersandmicrophones,butthis

weekend there has not been enough time to bring all the equipment, they

explain.ComebacknextSaturday,therewillbemusicthen.”

Mohsen, 24, from a middle class background in Tehran, gesticulates

energeticallywhilespeaking.Heisveryopenandwillingtospeak.

InBukitBintang,aroundbarkingcolourfulneon-signs,thereisalivebandonthe

pavement. Loudspeakers blast out electronic music and enormous billboards

139

shine.JustahundredmetersawayisthestreetwhereMahnazusuallygoesout,

atleastonWednesdayswhenthedrinksarefreeforwomen.

Mohsen,24,worksinaPersianrestaurantnexttothemainstreetinChangkat,

BukitBintang.Atteno´clockintheeveningtherestaurantisempty.Mohsenhas

beenlivinginMalaysiafortwoyears.Helikestowritearticlesfornewspapers,

aswellasdramaforthetheatre,aboutvarioussocietalmattersandreligion.But

he lost hismotivation towrite under the conditions stipulated by the Iranian

government.HehadbeenstudyingchemistryinIranbeforeleavingthecountry.

Afterthesummerof2009hehadproblemswiththeauthoritiesanddecidedto

leave.Hehadbeendemonstratinginthestreets.

Herecallsarideinataxionedayduringthesummerof2009.Thedriverwasof

his parents´ generation and had been protesting against the Shah in 1979 in

supportofwhatlaterbecameknownastheIslamicRevolution.“Wewereunited

backthen”thedriverhadsaid,urgingMohsenandhisgenerationtounite.“The

problemtodayisthatyouaretooscattered.”

MohsencametoMalaysiawiththehopetobeabletowriteandexpresshimself

freely.Hegesticulateswhilehespeaks.“ArevolutioniswhatisneededinIran,”

hesays.“IalwayshaveIranonmymindbutdon´twanttobethere,notnow,I

don´thavemuchtoreturnto.”InIranhewouldhavetostarteverythinganew.

ButabroadpeoplehavesonegativeassociationswithIran.“Iconstantlyhaveto

defendmycountry,”hesays.HeremembersonceinTeheranwhencomingback

fromapartytogetherwithhismother.Hewasateenager.Hekissedhismother

onthechin.Thepolicesawitandstoppedthecar.Thepolicethoughttheywere

acouple.“Youcannotkissanyonelikethat,”thepolicesaid.Mohsenlaughsand

shakeshisheadindisbelief.

“InmanywaysIcannotsaythatIamproudofmycountry.Peoplelookatmeas

iftheywereafraidofme.Icameheretoworkandlive,butlifeisn´teasy.Iwait

for something to happen. The future is unclear. It is because of the Iranian

governmentthatIamnotinmyowncountry.Onlyasmallminorityisinfavour

140

of the government. Butmany people don’t care about politics as long as they

havefoodonthetable.Itisdangeroustobeindifferenttosocietyandpoliticsas

longasoneisn´tgoinghungry.”

Around 10.45 PM I have almost finished the gheime, the Iranian stew with

lentils,meatandsomepotatochipsonthetop.Aroundfifteenpeopleenterthe

restaurant.TheyarepartofagrouptravellingfromIranforaweek´svacation.

Donya, 25, has been living in Kuala Lumpur for a few years and is the tour

leader.Suddenlytheplacegetscrowdedandbusy.Alltakeaseatindoors.ADJ

playscontemporaryPersianhits,thelightisdimandthemusicsoloudthatitis

hard tospeak.Peopleorder food.Thegroup ismixed, there isayoungcouple,

onemiddle-agedcouple,awomanwiththehijab–sheistheonlywomaninthe

restaurantwearingit–andafewcrowdedtables.Amanplayingthekeyboard

with a singer replaces the DJ. The singer is a relative of Ebi, the Persian

superstar,Donya tellsme.Hesingsbothclassicsandnewsongs,everything in

Persian.

Themusiciansencouragepeopletogetuponthedance-floor.Donyacirculates

between the tables, making sure that everyone is confortable. She brings her

glassofbeertoonetable,theguestsputtheirnosesnexttotheglass,smell,and

soonthereisonthetableonebeerforeachman.Alcoholis,ofcourse,forbidden

inIran,andbeerisexpensiveanddifficulttofind,althoughliquorotherwiseis

easytogetholdof.

Theownerof theplace showsup.Hecame fromTehranelevenyearsago.His

father joinedhim threeyearsagoand isalways in the restaurant. “Malaysia is

good but Iran is more cultivated, the father says”. “The Malays have a low

culture.“

Weeatandeventuallythebandmanagestogetpeopleonthedance-floor.It is

suchamixedcrowd, thecouple in their fifties, thewoman in theblackchador

andherhusbandwhobytheendof theevening lightsacigarettetohavewith

hisPepsi,thehappygroupofsixpeoplewithabottleofvodkaontheirtable,the

141

men documenting the evening with their phone cameras. The young and

beautifulcouplesitforthemselves,andnexttothestagethereisalonelywoman

drinking and chain-smoking while she sings along to the songs. She is the

girlfriendofthebandsinger,Donyatellsme.

There isnothing that indicates thatweare inMalaysia.The foodandmusic is

PersianandeveryonespeakPersian.ItislikeinIranbutwithliberties.Itislike

howIimaginelifeinIranbeforetheIslamicRevolution.

Thetouristsaredrivenbacktotheirhotelinabus,andafewofus–including

theownerAli,Saman,a26-yearoldmanfromEsfahanwhohaslivedinMalaysia

thelasteightyears,andDonya–stay.AlihasbroughtabottleofChivasRegalto

thetable.TheycommutetoIrannowandthenbutSamanhasnotbeentherethis

year.HeworksatatravelagencybringingIranianstoMalaysia.Wecontinueto

anIrishpubnextdoor.TheplaceiscrowdedandwegetexcitedwhenaPersian

songisplayed.Thissongis Iranian,Samansays,butIdon´tagree–thesinger,

Arash,grewupinSweden.Donya,25,iswithherflowerydressthemostdressed

up guest. She came to Malaysia three years ago and lives with three other

Iranian women. She studies and at the same time works as a tour guide for

Iranian tourists. She does not socialisemuchwith the local population. She is

afraidofIndians,shesays.PreviouslyshehadaLebaneseboyfriend.

Amir,26,fromamiddle-classbackgroundinMashad,hasbeard,andastylethat

givesahintthathelikeshardrockmusic.

Amir, likes to put on his earphones and listen to Finnish metal music while

walkinginthesnow.“Itissuchacoldmusic,”hesays.“IwanttoseeFinlandat

least for a fewmonths some time.” He is fromMashad and came toMalaysia

three years ago. He had been to Armenia once before to do the TOEFL, the

English language test. Except for that trip he has not been outside of Iran.He

couldnotdotheTOEFLtestinIranbecauseofthesanctions.

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“Iran is doing well compared to our neighbours,” he says. “Iraq is chaos,

Afghanistan is still violent, andPakistan too. Iwentoutof Iranbecauseof the

limitedopportunitiesthere.IworkedinMashadforafewyearsforacompanyin

electronics.Icouldhavechosenothercountries,Europe,AustraliaortheUS,but

the process of applying for a visa would take such a long time,” he says. “To

MalaysiaIcouldgeteasily, therewasnoneedforavisa. Iraniansweregivena

three-monthsvisaatarrival.”

HelikesMalaysia,butdoesnotseehimselfhereinthefuture.“MostIranianssee

Malaysiaasasteptosomewhereelse,”hesays.

“Many want to leave Iran because of the limitations in the daily life. It is

especiallycriticalforwomen.ThebadfinancialsituationinIranmakesitdifficult

toplanafuture.Pricesfluctuatesomuch.Andunlessyouhaveconnectionsitis

verydifficult togetanywhere.Theexchangerates for foreigncurrenciesgoup

anddown. It ishardtostartupabusinessbuyingandsellinggoods. Iwantan

ordinary life, toworkandhavea salary that I can liveon. I couldverywell to

stay inMalaysiabut it is impossible togetapermanent residencepermit.You

get a temporary permission, and might be able to extend it, but never a

permanentone.IwouldliketocontinuetoasafecountrywhereIcanwork.The

US or Australiamight be good since I study electrical engineering. They have

good schools if Iwant to continuemy studies, and there aremany companies

relatedtomyfield.”

“I love the international environment here. I have friends from everywhere.

Most of the Iranians I know have partners from Iran or from other foreign

countries.ItisnotcommontoseeIranianswithMalaysianpartners–theytend

tosticktofellowIraniansorWesterners.Mostofthemdonotplantostayhere.

If they have very good results from a university in Malaysia and a proper

specialisationtheymightbeabletogosomewhereelse.Butthosewithaverage

results usually have to return to Iran. And once back in Iran their Malaysian

degree,evenofhighacademicnote,maynotbeworthmuch.”

143

“A few years ago itwas easier for Iranians to come here. They gave visas for

threemonthsattheairport.Thenyouhadtimetocheckoutuniversitiesandto

apply for other visas.Nowwe get visas for only twoweeks and the exchange

ratehasdeteriorated.WegetfivetimeslessMalaysianringitforourIranianrials

thanafewyearsago.”

WehavehadaburgerwithbluecheeseontopataplacecalledFuelshacknextto

Lowyatplaza incentralKualaLumpur.Thestreetsare filledwithvendorsand

musicisheardfromstreetbands.Publiclifeislivelyandcolourful.Thetropical

rains flush thecityeveryday. “It isas if someonewaspouring fromabucket,”

Amir says. After the burger we continue to the cheapest place for a drink in

BukitBintang.Itisashopinthebarareawithspaceoutsidetheshoptostand.

Therearenochairsandnotoiletbutpeoplegather,itfunctionsasabar.Apart

fromustherearethreePersian-speakingyoungmen.

“Idon´tusually speak toother Iranians, or look for them,Amir says.Theyare

quiteoftenkolavardari,“theytakeyourhat”–theycheatandabuseyou.WhenI

arrived,forexample,someonetoldmeawrongexchangerate.Weevenhavea

pageonFacebook,IranianCheatersInMalaysia.WeIraniansarequiteoftennot

comfortablewithotherPersiansabroad.Itcanbehardtotrustthembecauseof

thesituationinIran.Youmightbeafraidofbeingseenwithoutahijaborsaying

something about Iran and its government. Someone might report something

back to Iran that could cause problems later. I like many things about my

countryandalwaysgoback.Butitisnotagoodplacetolivein.”

AmirhasconstantlyhadtofaceprejudicesagainstIranians.“Recently, Iwasin

Singapore for visa-work. I used couchsurfing to look for accommodation and

stayedwithaGermanwoman.WhensheaskedfromwhereIwas,andItoldher,

shelookedsurprised.Iran?Arepeoplefromtherelikeyou?Yes,Isaid,whatdid

you think? She became embarrassed and understood how dumb her question

hadbeen.Shethought Iranianswouldhave longbeards,maybesomething like

Pakistanis.ButIdon´tblameher,Iblameourgovernment,whohasnotshowed

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abetter faceof Iran to theworld. It is their fault,notpeople like thatGerman

woman.”

“With the chaos in neighbouring countries Iran stands in a better light. It is

arguably the most powerful country in the region. If people from different

countrieswouldmeetmoreoftenandmingletherewouldnotbeanyconflicts,”

Amir says. “I am happywithmy stay here, I enjoy it, but I can seemyself in

anothercountryinafewyears,notIranandnotMalaysia,butsomewhereelse,”

Amirsays.

AmpangPointisanotherareainKualaLumpurwithastrongPersianpresence.

ThereareafewPersianshops,announcedas“MiddleEastern”.AmpangPointis

located a few kilometres from KLCC and the Petrona towers. Two women

chatting in Persian, presumably mother and daughter, get off the bus by the

small,localmall.TherearetwosupermarketswithPersianscriptinthedisplays

announcing Iranian alcohol-free beer, Istak and Delester, nuts and canned

ghorme sabzi and gheime. There are at least three Persian restaurants in the

area.Oneofthem,theTehranrestaurant,isemptyapartfromtheemployeesand

theownerHasan.

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AtrainstationinKualaLumpur

Hasan, 34, fromabusiness family inTehran,wearsa suit, andhasa soft and

easy-goingattitude.

He has been here on and off for eight years. His father arrived first, fourteen

yearsago.Hasanfollowed,initiallyintendingtostudymedicine.Buthewasnot

pleased with the academic programme, and it was expensive, so he quit. His

father had opened a restaurant and Hasan joined him. He likes Malaysia. He

reallylikesIrantooandisfortunatetobeabletogobackandforthquiteoften

sincehealsohasatravelcompanytogetherwithhisfamily.HegoestoTehran

onceeverymonthorso.Heopenedupthetravelagencyin2008withhisfather

andafriend.“Itiseasytostartacompanybuthardtomakemoney,”hesays.

“TheMalaysianvisaisalwaysatrouble,andthecountryisnotthatsafe.Andto

beIraniancanbetroublesome.IhadabankaccountatHSBCbutatoneoccasion

itwascloseddown,theonlyreasonbeingthatIamIranian.”

146

He has had good relations with Malays and was together with a Malaysian

womanforsevenyears.Theywantedtostaytogetherbuttheirfamiliesdidnot

letthemmarry.ShewasfromSabah,Borneo.“TheMalaypeoplearegood.Iwas

luckytomeether.”

“Iwas26yearsoldwhenIleftIran.IhadagroceryshoparoundHafezincentral

Teheran.Imissmyfamilyandthecoldwinter.IloveIranandwillgetbackone

day. The Iranian police works so well. They come quickly when anything

happens.InMalaysiathepolicedoesnotworkasgood.Formetherestrictionsin

lifeinIran–thelackofpersonalfreedom–andthemoralitypolicewerenotan

issue.”

“And,actuallytheMalaypoliceactinasimilarmoralisticway.Theyalsoharass

young couples.Once they came tomy girlfriend and asked aboutme. It is not

thatdifferentfromIran.AndtheTurkishpoliceareworsethanboththeIranian

andMalay.Theyharasspeople, and ask formoney.TheMalaypolice are very

conservativeandcorrupt.Still,Ilovelivinghere.”

Fariba, 36, from a middle class background in Tehran, is agitated, and gets

upsetandemotionalwhilespeakingaboutIran.

The park behind KLCC is impressive with its greenery, the jogging trails, the

artificialwaterfalls,thetropicaltrees,thebencheshereandthere,andthesmall

pavilions where people hang out. Around the park the posh skyline of Kuala

LumpurriseswiththePetronatowersandTrader´shotel.Fariba,36,livesinthe

area.SheisfromTehran.

FaribamovedfirsttoYerevan,inArmenia.Itwashardtogetajobtherewithout

knowingArmenianorRussiansoshereturnedtoIran.ButbeingaChristianshe

wantedtogetoutofthecountry.“Iranislikeaprison,”shesays.Shewashoping

tobeable tomove toFrancebut itdidnotworkout. She spoke toa friend in

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Malaysiawhopersuadedhertocome.Shehesitatedbutsaidtoherselfthatshe

couldtryitforsometime.

WhenshearrivedinMalaysiaitwasasifshebecameherself,somethingshenot

hadbeenabletobeinIran–atleastnotinpublic.“Itfeltlikecomingoutofjail.

People were not afraid on the streets, people were happy, and free to be

whoevertheywere.”

“InIran”,shesays,“Iwasalwaysonalertonthestreets.Peopletherearemad,

theyhavetwodifferentpersonalities,oneinprivateandanotherinpublic.God

hasaplanforeveryoneandIwasnotmeanttobethere.Aslongastheyseethe

leaders as religious authorities they do not rebel. They force you to be in a

certainway,butwhy?Theyhavetoopenup.Peoplearenotkindtoeachother.

Theyeatoneanother.IfeelpityforthepeopleinIran.WhyshouldIbeasthey

wantme tobe?Whogives them the right to impose theirwayonme? I don´t

want anyone telling me how I should be. It feels like a prison. God does not

judge,buttheleaders,theyjudge.Peoplearenothonest,theyspeakbehindyour

back,theydon´ttrustoneanother.Iamnotinterestedinpolitics,buttheyforce

ustobepolitical.”

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5.Somewhereabroad,somewhereontheway

KualaLumpur,October2014

Inmanyways,ashortinterviewinKualaLumpurwithZahra,26,fromTehran,

expresses some important points expressed by all my informants. She had

arrivedtwoweeksagoandwassupposedtodoamasterdegreeinEnglishbut

changedhermindonceshearrived inMalaysia. Itwasbetter inIran,shesays.

“WhenweleaveIranitdoesnotreallymatterwherewego.Wejustwanttobe

comfortable.Coupleswanttobeinaswimmingpoolbyahoteltogether,maybe

withtheirchild.InIranthatwouldbeillegal.”Shereadsherprayersbutdoesnot

wearveil.ShelikesthefreedominMalaysiabutisnotinterestedinlivingthere

atthemoment.SoshewillreturntoTeheranbuteventuallysheplansto leave

Iran for another country with more freedoms. Zahra expressed the common

feelingthatthepush-factorsarestrongerthanthepull-factors,forIraniansgoing

to India and Malaysia. The push-factors, to leave the oppressive Islamic

Republic,werestrongerthanthealluresofPuneandKualaLumpur.Still there

was a senseof adventure, freedom, andexpansionduring a relatively careless

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periodofliminality–forIraniansmigratingtoPuneandMalaysiatravellingand

seeingnewexperienceswas typically important, just as the push-factors from

Iran.Inthiscase,migrationiscloselyrelatedtotravelling,aslifestylemigration.

ManyIraniansinKualaLumpurandPunecanbedescribedaslifestylemigrants

in search for the “good life”, leisure, andescape (BensonandO´Reilly2012) –

they are relatively privileged and well educated, and might be compared to

British migrants in rural France, or Scandinavians moving to Andalucía. A

common narrative among them is that the journey fills a function in making

theirlivesmoremeaningful.

Inthischaptertherearediscussionsaboutdifferentaspectsofthespecifictopic

of this thesis– Iranianmigration inAsia.Then therearesectionswithgeneral

conclusions,lesstiedtothespecificcontextofmystudy.

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Wantingsomethingelse,aformofresistance

MyinformantscamefromdifferentplacesinIranaswellasfromdifferentsocial

circles,but theywerealsosimilar inmanyways,suchasbeingsecular,having

anti-regime sentiments, and being educated. Typically one needs some

privileged background to be able to travel abroad, but the really rich don´t

choose India or Malaysia – they go to the West, according to several of my

informants.

“Theseweremy last fewmonths in Iran. I rent a room inKaraj for the

timebeing.YouarewelcometocomeoverandstaywithmeuntilIamoff.Iwill

first go to Istanbul, and then wherever it will be possible. If you have any

contacts,anything,pleaseletmeknow.”

“IloveSpain,ithasalwaysbeenmyfavouritecountry.Oneofmydreams

in life, itmaysoundsimpleandnothingtoyou,but it istosit inabarinSpain

one whole night, until the morning. And the people there are just like us

Iranians.”

”Iranisnotaplacetolivein.Ithasgoodpeopleandthehighestculture,

but thesituationtoday isbad. Ithas todowithpoliticsandcorruption. Iran is

superioroverourneighbourswhenitcomestoculture,levelofcivilization,and

sophistication.Somethingwillhappensoonerorlater,andafewyearsafterthat,

Iranwillbeagoodcountrytolivein.Butnotyet.”

InTehranIperceivedmanyyoungpeople´shopesoflivingelsewhere,or

in Iranwithanothergovernment, asawaynot to cooperate, tonotaccept the

presentregime’sviewofwhatorderthereshouldbe.Forexample,manyrefused

toattendthehugebookfairthatwasheldinTeheraninAprildespitebeingfond

ofreadingandofbooks,becausetherewouldbeplentyofmoralitypolice.The

discrepancybetweenlifeinpublicandinprivateisoneofmanyparticularitiesof

theIranianexperiencethathasfunctionedasatriggerforpeopletoleave.

Migratingcanbeviewedasaquietprotest,asilentpoliticalactnotarticulatedin

words. While the revolution and the ensuing war caused waves of Iranian

migrantstotheWest,andforemosttosouthernCalifornia,theIraniansinPune

andKualaLumpurhaveleftlargelybecauseoftheresultsoftheelectionin2009.

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The Islamic Revolution resulted in a diaspora of Iranians around the world,

many ofwhom still, albeit for different reasons, are unable to return to their

home country. The largest diaspora is in the West – in the US and Europe

(Amirani,Shoku,2012)–buttheIraniancommunitiesinIndiaandinMalaysia

are large too. Historically, Iranians have arrived in India in several waves, at

least since the 17th century, and there is a common emotional bond between

Iraniansand Indians.Sucha link ismanifested forexampleduring thePersian

NewYearinPunewhenpeoplegoshoppingforthehaftsin.Itisnotunlikelyfor

IraniansnewlyarrivedtoIndiatorunintosomeonewhoseforefathersmigrated

from Iran– it is as if thedifferentwavesofmigration somehowknowof each

other,andcommunicate.

Iranianmigration to India andMalaysia takes place in a contextwhere

IranhasbeendemonizedintheWestsincetheIslamicRevolution.Manyofmy

informantsinIndiasaidthatIraniansinEuropeoftenarefacedwithracismand

anti-immigrantsentiments.However, in India,with itshistorical tieswithIran,

theconnotationsarequitedifferentandIndiansoftenhaveapositive imageof

Iran.Thus,thesocialandculturalcapitalforIraniansinIndiaishigh–andIran

is economically more affluent per capita than India. Spending days in cafes,

discussing plans to go abroad can be political, an act of non-collaboration –

enactingadifferentviewoflifethantheonesupportedbythehegemonicpower.

Street-art,Tehran,November2015

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5.1Transnationalismanddiaspora

Thereare several spheresof transnationalismrelevant to the Iraniansabroad.

Transnationalism can be used in describing the Iranian diaspora considering

thatmany Iranians inPuneandMalaysia retainvery close relationswith Iran.

Iranians in India and Malaysia have to be in regular touch with the Iranian

authorities to extend their passports and the ones in Pune visit Mumbai

regularly for this reason. These links can be used for the Iranian authorities´

surveillance–theofficialsattheconsulatemayaskwhattheIraniansareupto,

andinterrogatethem.

Almost all of the Iranians that Imet abroad followwhat is happening in Iran

throughIranianmediaincludingthesayingsoftheSupremeLeader–afterall,

thesituationinIranaffectsboththemselvesandthelivesoftheirrelativesand

friendsinIran.

Bonds with friends and family back in Iran are strong. The immigrants

communicate frequentlywith relatives and friends in theirhome country, and

are often supported economically by them.Money is being sent between Iran

andIndia/MalaysiafromexchangeofficesinPuneandKualaLumpurthatmake

a profit from the sanctions on Iran and the fact that ATMs in Iran are not

connected to the international financial system. Thus, Iranians have to bring

cashwhengoingabroadandforeignersvisitingIranhavetodothesame.Allof

myinterlocutorssaidthatanimportantreasonwhytheyhadgoneabroadwere

friendsthatwerealreadythere,orwordofmouth.Networksplayanimportant

role when Iranians decide to go abroad – people in Pune or Kuala Lumpur

influencetheirIranianfriendstocometoo.

The diasporic ties are in general very pervasive. Originally referring to Greek

coloniesinwesternAsiaandtheMediterraneanthetermdiasporaearlycameto

denote the Jewishcommunityafter thedestructionof the templeof Jerusalem.

Asananalyticalterm,diasporareferstoasharedbelongingofageographically

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scatteredpopulationwitha collectivememoryof ahomeland.Thesedays it is

used for all kinds of groups that maintain a sense of ethnic difference and a

consciousness of originating from somewhere else. The notion of victimhood

thatthetermcarriedwhenappliedtoJewsortheAfrican-Americandiasporahas

nowadaysbeenalleviated.

In Pune the cliques of Iranian groupsweremostly spending timewith

eachother.Theyrarelyhadclosetieswiththecitizensoftheirhostcountryor

with other Asians. In both Pune and Kuala Lumpur there were diasporic

activitiesorganizedbyIranians,suchasorganizingalargepartyforthePersian

NewYear.Chaharshambesuri,anotherIranianfesttheWednesdayprecedingthe

New Year, involving people jumping over fires, was also celebrated. The

festivities,whereandwhen,wereannouncedthroughsocialmedia.

In Pune there are shops that specialize in Iranian foods, and in both Kuala

Lumpur and Pune there are Persian restaurants catering for mainly Iranians,

even though there weremore shops and restaurants in 2011-2012when the

numberof Iranians in the twocitiespeaked.Amajorreason for thedecreased

numberofIraniansisthattheUSdollarbecamemuchmoreexpensivevisavithe

Iranian rial; consequently, plenty of people could not afford to stay – living

expenses went up by several hundred per cents. Also, in Malaysia the visa

regulations for Iranians suddenly became less generous. Before, around 2011

and2012,Iraniansweregivenathree-monthvisaonarrival,whichmeantthat

therewasadequatetimetoenrolatuniversityandgetastudentvisatobeable

tostayfor longerperiods.Butin2014visasweregivenforonlytwoweekson

arrival.AnotherreasonthatmadetheoptionofreturningtoIranmorerealistic

and attractive was when Ahmadinejad´s presidency was over and the more

progressiveHassanRohanicametopowerin2013.AtthatpointmanyIranians

thathadhadtoleaveIranquicklyin2009judgedthatitwouldbesafetoreturn,

atleastforavisit.

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5.2Pride,partly triggeredby thedemonizationof Iran

bytheWest

Several of my interlocutors emphasised how strange and hostile conceptions

Westerners in Malaysia and India had of Iran. The Iranians often found

themselveshaving todefend Iranandconvey that Iraniansarenotextremists,

terrorists, or fundamentalist Muslims. These attitudes were not expressed, to

thesamedegreeatleast,inencounterswithIndiansandMalays.

“You are Iranian? I thought Iranians would be different” a German

woman told Amir in Kuala Lumpur. “Iran?Where are your suicide bombs”, a

BritishwomanaskedMahnaz,theartist,inacaféinKualaLumpuroneevening.

Similarly,Mahnazrecountswhensheandafriend,alsoIranian,mettwomenin

abarandwereasked if theywere terrorists.Mahnazspent thewholeevening

withthemdiscussingIran.ManyEuropeanslivinginorvisitingMalaysiaaswell

as many Malays expressed such ideas. “I feel accused by just being Iranian”,

Mahnaz said. InPune,Husseinhad toexplain toaEuropeanexchange student

that cars existed in Iran – the European had assumed Iran to be very

underdeveloped.ThatwassomethingIheardinIrantoo–amongthosewhohad

visited Europe, a common experience was that people thought that Iran was

extremely backward. “Do you have mobile phones in Iran?” a young Iranian

musicianwasaskedwhenvisitingBudapest.

“Idon´tblamethem.Iblamemygovernmentforgivingsuchabadimageofour

countrytothesurroundingworld”,Mohsen,workingattheEasternHutinKuala

Lumpur,said.

ThatWesterners in Malaysia and India hardly knew anything about Iran and

thatIraniansthereforeoftenhadtoexplainandspeakaboutIranwascommonly

expressed bymy interlocutors inMalaysia. By contrast, none of them uttered

anythingsimilarabouttheIndiansandMalays–especiallynotabouttheIndians.

“People know about Iran here” Hussein in Pune said. This may seem logical

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considering that Iran and India, unlike Iran andMalaysia, have been in close

contactoverthecenturiesandhaveanoverlappinghistory;theyarealsocloser

geographically. The Parsis, who are Zoroastrians, in Bombay and Pune, for

example, have made the “Iranian” aspect of life in India more entrenched. In

Iran,Malaysia is frequently seen as a pleasant tropical countrywhereas India

oftenisregardedasdirtyandpoor–buttheexileIranianstypicallydonotface

thenegativeattitudesinIndiaastheysometimesdoinMalaysia.

InIndia,Iranhaslongbeenthoughtofasacountryofpoetsandsophistication

havingalanguagesimilartoUrdu,whichwasthelanguageusedbythepoetsin

Delhi duringMoghul times, until theBritish banned the language after having

occupiedIndiainthe18thcentury.AtthattimethecourtlanguageinIndiawas

Persian–itwasthelanguageofcourtcultureaswellasoftheadministration.In

theRedFortinDelhi,engravedandfilledwithgold,arethesewordsinPersian

language: “agar ferdoos hast, haminjast o haminjast o haminjast” (if paradise

exists,itisrighthere,righthere,righthere).

Cultural intimacy,asformulatedbyMichaelHerzfeld(1997),expressesaspects

ofaculturalidentitythatmaybeconsideredasourceofinternationalcriticism

for the state, but are nevertheless used to provide people of a particular

communitywithasenseofcomfort.ForIraniansabroadasenseofsuperiority

that iscommonandhasbeennurtured in Irancan indeedgiveasensebothof

unityandcomfort.On theotherhand itmayeasilybeasourceof ridiculeand

antipathyforoutsiders.Forexample,inwidecirclesspeakingof“Aryangenes”is

accepted – a phrase I have heard countless times in Iran is “we areArians” –

seeminglyunawarethatthetermhasnotbeenpopularintheWestsinceWW2.

There is a sentiment that on one hand Iran is being demonized in the world

whileontheotherhandIraniansaremoresophisticatedthanothers.

“IsAviciiSwedish?”Husseinasked.“HehasanIranianproducerormanager”,he

continued. “Someoneworkingwithhimwasat least Iranian”. InTehran,while

watching the TV-serial Game of Thrones, my friend pointed out that the

composer of the signaturemelodywas Iranian. That André Agassi, the tennis

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player,hadanIranianbackgroundwassomethingIheardmorethanonce.While

many Iranians in Kuala Lumpur and, albeit to a smaller extent, in Pune feel

defensiveaboutIranbecauseofpeople´signoranceabouttheirhomecountryit

isalsoverycommonthattheyexpressagreatprideofIranandbeingIranian.

InBukitBintang inKualaLumpur I spoke to aGermanman living there. “The

Persians are the worst racists I have encountered,” he toldme. “They have a

problem with how they perceive themselves. It is as if they were some folk

nobler than others. Many have commented on phenomena that few Germans

would have a clue of, and none would care about. We are both Arians, the

Germans and the Iranians, they say. I knew a Persian girl. She was a blatant

racist,andaskedmehowIcouldeverthinkofgoingoutwithablackgirl.They

wanttomakepeoplethinkthattheyarerich,evenif theyarenot, theyloveto

boast,andthey lookdownonothernationalities.Onlysurfaceandappearance

mattertothem.Andabouttheshowingoff theirapparentwealth- that isvery

simple. If theywereaffluent, theywouldnotbehere.Thentheir fatherswould

havepaid40000USDper semester for them to go to theWest. They arenot

evensupportiveofother fellow Iranians. IhaveworkedwithseveralPersians.

Theygossipandstabeachotherinthebackallthetime.”

“IraniansfeelsuperiortotheIndians”SiavashtoldmeinPune.Thereisagreat

prideamongIraniansinIndiaandMalaysiaandtheideathattheirowncountry

isculturallysuperioriswidespread.Remarkssuchas“Indiansaredirty”kasifor

“their (theMalay´s) culture is low” (bifarhang/ farhangeshonpaeenast)were

common, at least among Iranians who just had arrived. However, after a few

years abroad many have a more positive image of the host country, and the

feelingofbeingculturallymoreadvancedtypicallybecomeslesspronounced.

ToworkonthisPhDproject,includinggoingonfieldwork,hasbeenahumbling

experience–whataspectsofthefieldtofocuson,whichquestionstodwellonet

ceterahavebeenmyownchoices–and indeed,whathasbeenoverlooked? In

contrasttoanovelbyafictionwriter,ananthropologicalfieldmonographwould

be discredited had the anthropologists only pretended to have been on

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fieldwork. However, the differences might be smaller than we spontaneously

think–“fromthefirstideastofieldwork,note-takingandmonograph,thereare

value judgements and choices. The necessary selectivity, the omissions, the

accretionsandtheoreticalparadigmsleadistoacknowledgethatthemonograph

isalsoaproductandconstructof theanthropologist´sacademicandhistorical

time(Okely,inIngold(ed),1996:37).

Anthropologists may be professionally trained and take a pride in being as

unbiasedaspossible.Still,unfailingly,theconceptionswehavedeterminewhich

aspects of realityweobserve andwhichwe ignore – conceptualization stands

thereforeatthecoreofanthropologicalwork(EmanuelMarx,31,nomadicturn).

It is easy to project preconceptions into a text in the guise of established

theories.Wehavetobeconstantly“drillinginthehardrockofourmindinorder

toovercomeourstereotypesandmentalblocks”(ibid).Weneedtoquestionthe

conceptions we have gathered through fieldwork to avoid getting stuck in

commonplaceknowledgecreatedbyusandbythepeoplewestudy.Therehasto

be a dialectic relation between our selective observations and tentative

interpretation for us to reach closer to an understanding of a reality that so

unwillinglyletitselftobeconceptualized(ibid).

OutsidetheformerUSembassyinTehran,November2015

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Iranians feel that theWest has a negative image of Iran and they themselves

typicallydespisetheIranianregime.InordertorelatetoanIranianidentityto

beproudofmanyclingtothegloriouspast.Itmightbetooeasyforanoutsider,

an observer, to judge attitudes among Iranians that one may feel are too

patriotic – there is, of course, a huge difference between going somewhere

becauseone is interested in thecountry inquestion (as Ialwayshavehad the

luxurytodo)ascomparedtogoingsomewherebecauseonedoesnotwantto,or

can, stay in theplacewhereone is. Someonewho is going somewhere for the

sake of going anywhere, to get away, might be less interested in the new

environment.And,toputthingsinperspective,deridingtheenvironmentoneis

visiting is very common among travellers and visitors – for example,western

packagetouristsoftenexpressshockwhenarrivinginIndiaandsuddenlybeing

exposedtothepoverty,garbageonthestreet,failingelectricitycables,etc.The

same phenomenon was probably, until recently, true for Scandinavians going

almostanywhereabroad–“thewaterwasn´tsafetodrinkincontinentalEurope,

thestreetsweredirty”,etc.

As we have seen, pride among Iranians exist together with opposite, equally

pervasive sentiments – the feeling of having to defend oneself and of being a

victimof racism– a kindof superiority/inferiority complex–ogedeh. Iranians

oftenhavethiscomplex,whichinturnis likelytoaffecttheirbehaviour(Majd,

2010: 85). The superiority/inferiority complex may cause Iranians to see

themselvesasvictimsoftheWestbutalsobeenormouslyproudoftheirculture

and “sometimes too confident in an innate superiority” (Majd, 2010: 172).

Iranians typically refer their superiority to the long history of a sophisticated

homecountrythathashadrecognizablebordersformillennia,whileatthesame

timetheysufferfromfeelinginferiorbecauseofWest´seconomicaladvantages

(Majd, 2010: 172).Ogedeh was felt amongmost of the Iranians I met during

fieldwork – the feeling of being nobler than others while at the same time,

especiallywhenbeingamongforeignersabroad,representingacountrythat is

oftenmisunderstoodatleastintheWest.

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WhileIrecognisedastrongnationalistictendencywhileonfieldwork(anditis

easyformetofeelantipathytowardsnationalism),Ialsoseethereasonforit–

thefeelingofbeingmisunderstoodandtherefore,strivingforabalance,having

to defend one´s home country and its politics. During fieldwork, and while

writing ethnography and discussing sensitive topics, I often remembered

MichaelHerzfeld´spoint“Ifwearetomakeareasoneddefenceofethnography,

wemustbewillingtotreatalearnedanalysisasnolessdiagnosticofitsauthor´s

worldview(cosmologyorideology)thanarevillagers´gossipanddailypractise

oftheirs”(Herzfeld,1997:101).

Although Iranians abroad often left Iran because of disagreement with their

government the Islamic Republic´s version of nationalism sometimes confer

withthatofmanyofthecountry´smigrants.Theprideofthecultureandhistory

may joinmost Iranians together, but the IslamicRepublic´s tendency to stress

the specific Islamichistory isoftennot sharedbyyoung students. Instead, the

Iranians I met during fieldwork were often emphasizing Iran´s pre-Islamic

heritage,wearingnecklaceswith faravahar, a figure signifyingZoroastrianism,

andhavingphotosofPersepolisintheirflats.Thisnationalismmayberelatedto

Imagined communities, where Benedict Anderson (1983) argues that

communitiesareimaginedbecausemembersofthecommunitycannotallknow

eachother.

“Here´s better to live than in Koregaon Park, since the houses are newer in

VimanNagar,Husseinsaidinacarwhilehedrovethroughtheareain2016.In

hisflat,whilehecommentedonabeautifulwoodensofahehad,hesaidthatit

had become old, implying that he didn´t like the sofa anymore. These kind of

comments were common and represent a concept I don´t recognise from

anywhereelse.Arehousesbettertoliveinwhentheyarenew?Isnotlivinginan

oldhousedesirableandassociatedwithcharacterandculturalcapital?InPune

inMarch2015,IinterviewedSarawhohadbeenlivinginIndiaforafewyears.

ShelivedinKoregaonPark–bymanyregardedasoneofthebestplacestostay

in while in Pune although disliked by Hussein – but would prefer to live

somewhere else,where the houseswerenewer. I think that the insistence on

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thingsthatareconsideredasnewisanexpressionofbeingdifferent.Inthesame

vein,itwashardtofindIraniansthatlikedIndianorspicyfood.

Donya, 25, and I walked around in Little India in Kuala Lumpur the week

preceding Diwali, the Hindu celebration. We were supposed to stop and eat

something,andwewalkedbyasouthIndianplace.Iorderedathosai–aSouth

Indiandish,similartoacrepe–inIndiacalleddosa,andaskedifshewouldlike

one too. She has been living in Malaysia for over three years, and hadn´t yet

eateninsucha“simple”restaurant.“Theyarenotclean”,shesaid.InPune,when

weweretoeat,myIranianfriendsoftendrovespontaneouslytoKentuckyFried

ChickenorsomeotherWestern-stylefastfoodjoint,notanyofthelocalIndian–

and in my opinion much better – restaurants. Similarly, in Delhi, some years

before,IhadfriendsfromTehranwhowouldnoteatinanyIndianrestaurants

sincetheydidn´tconsidererthem“clean”.

Oneway to interpret this emphasis on “clean” places and “new” houses is to

thinkofitasawaytodistinguishoneselffromthelocalpopulation.Inthebook

Purity and Danger, Mary Douglas writes that “the ideas about separating,

purifying, demarcating and publishing transgressions have as their main

function to impose system on an inherently untidy experience” (Douglas, 5,

1966).Andfurther,“ifuncleanlinessismatteroutofplace,wemustapproachit

through order. Uncleanliness or dirt is that which must not be included if a

patternistobemaintained”(Douglas,1966:50).Theinsistenceon“cleanliness”

–forwhat inthiscaseisadifferentcuisine–canbeanexpressiontokeepthe

orderofbeingdifferentanddistinguishoneselffromthelocalpopulation.

Most Iranians whom I meet in Pune have dogs. It must be incredibly

inconvenient,anditwassurprisingtoseetowhatextentthedogsappearedto

governsomanypeople´s lives.“IstillhavenotbeentoGoa,sinceIdon´tknow

what I would do with my dog,” says Hussein. “And I would have considered

goingback to Iran in the summer, but it is so complicated tobringmydog. It

might be possible, but it is very complicated” he says. A few years later, we

discusswhetheritwouldbepossibletobringthedogtoEurope,sinceHusseinis

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thinkingofcontinuinghisstudiesinGermanyorSweden.Buthewouldnotmake

amovewithoutthedog.

OnceHussein and I sawGolnaz andHomaon a scooter in the front of us.We

drovefastertocatchup.Thesistershadadogbetweenthemonthescooter,and

Husseinhadhis in frontofhim. I didnot suspect to see that theyhada small

poodletoo.Anotherday,intheYogitreecaféinKoregaonParkinPune,thetable

nexttominewasoccupiedbyagroupofPersian-speakers.AfterawhileIjoined

them.Under the table, I realised after some time,was a restingdog, the same

kind of poodle as both Hussein and Golnaz and Homa had. Poodles are not

particularlycommoninIndia.Ifanythingpeoplehavedogsasguardinghouses.

WhydoesoneseesomanyIranianswithdogsinIndia?(Tohavedogsaspetsis

notcommoninIndia,norisitcommoninIran).InIranitisforbiddentohavepet

dogs–dogs in thestreetareshotby thepolice,and therearecrack-downson

dogowners (KamaliDehghan,6November2014).The reason is thatdogsare

considered unclean in Islam.Having dogs can thus be seen as anotherway of

making a point that one is not pro-regime. Alternatively, people might link

havingpetstoaposhandwesternlife-style–thedogsthatarepopularamong

Iranians abroad are in my experience small dogs that makes one think of

celebrities´petsinHollywood.

Atea-house,Shiraz,November2015

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5.3Migration,reflexivity

There are as many reasons for Iranians going abroad as the number of

individuals who have left. Is there anything that connects the artist in Bukit

Bintang,thedesperatemanintherestaurant,andthewomanintheflatwithher

doginKualaLumpur?TheyallregardIranastheirhomecountry,butnow,being

abroad,theyliveverydifferentlives.IsitmeaningfultowriteabouttheIranians

inKualaLumpurandinPuneasiftheywereadefinablegroup?Isitpossibleto

generalisewithinandbetweengroupsofindividualswhohavetheirnationality

astheonlycommonground?

Itmightbe impossibletomakesuchgeneralizations,andIagreewithAnthony

Cohen when he writes that acknowledging that knowledge about ourselves

seemsquiteunattainable–theessentialselfbeingfrustratinglyelusive–“must

suggest the absurdity of general statements about societies or their collective

constituents”(inIngold(ed.),1996:29).Still,Ialsobelievethatforanthropology

to be worth doing theremust be generalizations (in Ingold (ed.) 1996: 30) –

anthropology should not be some kind of art or psychotherapy – and in the

context of this thesis there are themes coming again and again that make

generalizationsquitesensible.ThereareinIranstrongtendenciesoflongingand

going abroad. To hear of someone who has moved to Malaysia or India for

studiesandlifeiscommoninurbanIran.Eventhoughmyinformantswerefew

it is clear that many of the themes expressed by them are valid for large

segmentsof the Iranianurbanpopulation and tell something important in the

contextoftoday´sIran.

Ibelievethatthe“I” inthenarrative,theanthropologicalself,andthereflexive

style can help to recognize that “those whom we study are, like ourselves,

compositeofselves,ascomplexasweare,asuncomfortableasweareourselves

withgeneralizationsaboutourselves” (Cohen, in Ingold(ed.),1996:29).Still, I

seethedangerinfocussingtoomuchontheanthropologist´sself,andIammore

interestedinlearningaboutcommunities,placesandculturesthatIdon´tknow

muchaboutthananindividual´s–theanthropologist´s–emotionalresponses.I

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alsoagreewithAnthonyGood thatanthropology ismore thana literarygenre

and cannot be only reflexive or autobiographical (Good, in Ingold (ed.), 1996:

35).

Even though nationality arguably is a basic characteristic of an individual (I

wouldbeuncomfortable if someonedefinedmewithgivencharacteristicsand

qualitiesbasedonmynationality),justastherecertainlystillarethingsthatlink

meespeciallywithmygenerationalcompatriots,theexperiencesofgrowingup

in the Islamic Republic, with its particular limitations, unemployment, and

economicaldifficultiescontributingtoadesiretomoveabroad,formacommon

sentiment.Growingupaschildrenofthosewhomadetherevolutionhasshaped

ageneration.EveryonethatImetonfieldworkexpressedadesiretoliveoutside

of Iran but no one said he or she aspired to stay permanently in India or

Malaysia.AtPuneUniversityIspoketoaprofessorinanthropologywhohadhad

fiveIranianPhDstudents.“TheyareallbackinIran,teachinganthropology”she

said. “The Iranians come here for a few years, but none of them stay” –

something that was true in my experiences, from discussions in Pune, Kuala

Lumpur,andTehran.

“The value of individualism” (Beck 1999) implies that peoplemake theirway

into the labourmarketon their own initiative andare themselves responsible

fortheircareers,successes,andfailures–anattitudethatcanbedecisiveforthe

potentialmigrant.

Withouttheirurge,desireandcuriosity,peoplewouldnothavelefttheir

country– the individualagencyplayedtherole.Theagency isboundeddue to

restrictionssuchas immigrationregulationsandunpredictableexchangerates.

Also, the economy of the individual families was important in determining

whether people would be able to migrate – Iranian immigrants are usually

financedbytheirfamiliesinIran.

One common reason for Iranians going to India andMalaysia is that it is very

hardtoget intouniversity inIran.Theentranceexamtoget intouniversity,of

French model – a concour – is very demanding and only a fraction of the

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applicants get through (Khoshravi, 2008: 7). Often I heard that a contributing

reasonforyoungerIraniansgoingabroadwasthattheyhadnotbeenadmitted

to the course they had applied for in Iran. Many Iranians consider India and

Malaysia countries socially downgrading (compared to Iran) and unfit for

permanentsettlement.InsteadtheyseeIndiaorMalaysiaasajumpingboardfor

along-termmigrationstrategy.

InhisstudiesonGhanianmigrantsinGermany,BorisNieswandconcludedthat

themigrantsoftenhadalowsocialstatusintheirnewcountry,butthatthestay

inGermanyatthesametimeincreasedtheirsocialstatusinGhana.Thisbecame

obvious once they had returned. Nieswand refers to this phenomenon as the

statusparadoxofmigration(Nieswand,2011).Thisstatusparadoxisinvertedin

thecaseof the Iranians,at least in India.Malaysia isseenasanexoticcountry

and is so far away and relatively expensive that it comeswith some status to

have been able to afford living there, but India typically is typically not

associated with high status in Iran. According to an interlocutor in Pune,

IranianswhomovetoMalaysiaareusuallyricherthantheoneswhogoto live

andstudy in India.However,onceabroadIwouldsaythat the Iranianshavea

highsocialstatusinbothcountries.

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5.4Youth,authoritarianregimes,andcounterculture

Whatarethepullandpush-factorsfortheIraniansgoingtoIndiaandMalaysia?

Thepush-factorsincludewhatisthoughtofasthegeneraloppressivenessofthe

IslamicRepublic,which formanyculminatedandbecameunbearableand/or

dangerousduringthesummerof2009.Thepull-factors for IndiaandMalaysia

are, arguably, not as strong as the push-factors. The totalitarian nature of the

Iranianregime,withitsmoralitypoliceandforbiddingculture,togetherwiththe

high unemployment and economical downward spiral, has helped creating a

culture ofmigration in urban Iran among the young. The culture ofmigration

canbedescribedasanon-movementinBayat´ssense, inthewaythemigrants

arenoorganizedalbeitsomanysharesthesameplans.

Itcanbearguedthenthatalackoffreedomofspeech,andastiflingvibecaused

by the authoritarian regime, together with the socio-economical context, has

caused the culture of migration. Compare this with Delhi, with its vibrant

studentculture–demonstrations,politicalactivity,latenightseminarsetcetera

–thattomyexperiencedoesnothaveacultureofmigrationcomparabletothe

oneinTehran.

There is a seemingly contradiction between Bayat´s non-movements, where

people make quite passive choices while still being political, and Scott´s

strategies of the poor – everyday strategies people find in order to resist the

hegemonic order. The two approaches are however not incompatible, and

people can have severalways atwork simultaneously in order to live the life

individualswanttolive.

Connected to an authoritarian regime is state surveillance of its inhabitants –

conspicuousinIran.Asexpressedbymany,andfeltbymyself,oneconsequence

is an uneasy feeling – one never knows who is listening or what kind of

behaviour that, for the time being, is considered as acceptable by the regime.

Theresultcanbeself-censorship,possiblyagoalofthetotalitarianregime.The

samemechanism isalsovalidabroad. Iraniansknow that the IslamicRepublic

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mighthave itseyeson themwherever theymaybe. Ifoneplans togoback to

Iranonemightrefrain fromparticipating inanypoliticalactivity thatcouldbe

viewedasbeinghostiletotheIslamicRepublic.

Maryam,26,fromTehran,waslivingandstudyinginLondonthesummerofthe

GreenRevolution. She, amonghundredsof people,wasdemonstratingoutside

theIranianembassybyHydePark.“Theywerefilmingthedemonstrators”,she

tells me. Many in the crowd, the majority being exile Iranians, covered their

facessothattheywouldnotberecognized.Maryamdidn´tdaretoreturntoIran

forseveralyears.“ManyusedtheoccasiontoapplyforasylumintheUK.Butit

meansthatonehastogiveupone´sIraniancitizenship.AndIwasnotwillingto

dothat.ManyofmyfriendsmanagedtogetpermanentresidencyintheUKafter

thatsummer.NowitishardforthemtoreturntotheUK.Theyknoweverything,

anyway,” she emphasised and laughed. It´s easy to get paranoidwhen dealing

with the authorities of the Islamic Republic – they are notoriously non–

consistent.Whatisconsideredlegalonedaymightnotremainsothenextday.

Theexperienceofbeingwatchedcreatesanuneasinessandfear.“LeavingIran

feltlikecomingoutofajail”,saidFaribainKualaLumpur.“WhatIcan´tstandis

theirtalkaboutmorality–asiftheywouldhaveany”,shecontinued.Although

FaribacomparedleavingIranwithcomingoutofjail,implyingthatsurveillance

wasnotanissueabroad,manyotherswerespeakingaboutthecontrolthatthe

IslamicRepublicexercisedinPuneandKualaLumpur,checkingontheactivities

oftheIranianstudents.

The categories “hegemonic culture”, “traditional” and “counter culture”, are of

course, not clear-cut and always overlap to some degree. Still, for the sake of

analysis,itmakessensetospeakofthesecategories.Forexample,whattomake

of the basij, the paramilitary youth, purportedlyworking for the ideals of the

Islamic Republic? Less accessible for outsiders than the “counter culture” –

youth, the revolutionary basij, are less understood. How do they position

themselvesinthecity?AnarticleinMay2017inLeMondepointsoutthatthey

are as fashionable as anyone, and tries to renew their image away from the

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sombre outlook they are known to have. They are also known to have been

ruthlesslybattlingthedemonstratorsonthestreetsthesummerin2009.Since

1979,thelookofthebasijhasnotevolvedmuch–darkclothes,looseshirts.But

thisisabouttochange–therevolutionaryyouthtakespartofforeignmediaas

everyoneelse,andnavigatesbetween the idealsof therevolutionandaglobal

culturetransmittedviasocialmediaandTV.Manyappear,however,firmintheir

idealsandtheyare loyal to theSupremeLeader,AliKhamenei,whowants the

youthtochallengetheWest in its“culturalwar”with“Iranianvalues”(Imbert,

Le Monde, 23.05.2017). Still, the basij identities are of course as plastic as

anyone´s and a common reason to become abasij is plainly the advantages a

membership ensues – in terms of scholarships, entrance to universities, and

employmentopportunities.

Anethnographicalvignette

“Whoarethebasij?Whowouldwanttobeoneofthem?”Ionceaskedayoung

manafterchatting fora fewhoursona long-distancebusbetweenShirazand

BandarAbbas.Helookedperplexed.“Well,Iamoneofthem.Icannotaffordnot

tobe.Alltheadvantages,thescholarships,Ican´taffordnottobeamember”,he

said, while at the same time being frustrated with the government and life

situationanddreamingofgoingabroad.

The character of the Iranian regime is not the sole reason for leaving Iran for

somewhere else. Migration may be seen as a way of life and offers fun,

adventure,andachancetobroadenone´ssocialnetworks–itcanbeconsidered

a riteofpassage, anattractive step towardsadulthood in life -peoplewant to

spread their wings and experience something new. Liminality in the sense of

VictorTurner–astateofbeingsuspended,ofnotbeinginasituationwhereone

was before but not yet in the desired state to come – is a term that fits the

Iranians inPune andKualaLumpur, and thisperiodof liminality canoftenbe

greatlyextended.Canawholelifebespentinliminality?

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5.5TheGreenMovementandtheArabSpring

WritingabouttheprotestsintheArabworldthatbrokeoutinlate2010,media

turned their attention to “Arab youth” and elected it as the protagonist of the

uprisings (Sánchez García et al. 2015: 46). Unemployment, betrayed life

expectations, and increasing obstacles to emigration towards Europe sparked

according toobserversandprotagonists theyouthrage.Youthand their living

conditionsthenbecameamajorissueinnationalaswellasinternationalpolitics

(Marks2013,Murphy2012).

It is interesting and relevant to compare the Arab spring with the Green

Movement.AccordingtomanyoftheyoungIraniansImetinTehran,Puneand

Kuala Lumpur, the Green Movement in 2009 inspired the outbreak of the

uprisings in the Arab world in 2010. “First Assad will fall, then the Islamic

RepublicofIran”,wasacommentIheardmanytimes–theAssadregimeinSyria

beingstaunchlysupportedbytheIslamicRepublic.However,thespoke-persons

oftheIslamicRepublicdidnotagree.Accordingtothem,theIslamicRevolution

in1979waswhathadinspiredtheuprisingsintheArabworld.

Indeed,whichIranianuprising,theIslamicRevolutionthatoverthrewtheShah

in 1979, or the Green Movement in 2009, that challenged the pillars of the

IslamicRepublic,ismostrelevantwhenspeakingabouttheArabSpring?During

theprotestsinTunisiaandotherArabcountries,manyreformistIranianleaders

claimed the Green Movement as the Arab uprising´s main inspiration. Mir

Hossain Mousavi, the leader of the Green Movement, wrote during the Arab

uprisingonhisFacebookpagethat:

“ThestartingpointofwhatwearenowwitnessingonthestreetsofTunis,Sanaa,

Cairo, Alexandria, and Suez an be undoubtedly traced back to the days of the

15th,18th,and20thofJune2009,whenpeopletooktothestreetsofTehraninthe

millions shouting “Where ismy vote?” andpeacefully demanded that they get

backtheirdeniedrights”(quotedinBajoghliandKeshavarzian2016)

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A popular slogan shared on Facebook and laterwas heard in protests around

IrandrewparallelsbetweentheeventsintheArabworldandthefrustrationof

many of the Iranian protesters: “Tunisia could do it, but we couldn´t (Tunis

tunist,manatoonistim)(BajoghliandKeshavarzian2016).

Mir HosseinMousavi´s Facebook-post and the slogan heard in Iran expressed

the view of the Green Movement, the reformists. However, everyone did not

agree on the link between the Arab uprisings and the Green Movement.

Predictably,TheSupremeLeaderoftheIslamicRepublic,AliKhamenei,wasof

anotheropinion:

“Today´s events inNorth ofAfrica, Egypt, Tunisia and certain other countries,

have another sense for the Iranian nation. They have specialmeaning for the

Iraniannation.Thisisthesameas“Islamicawakening”,whichistheresultofthe

victoryof thebig revolutionof the Iraniannation” (quoted inKurzman,2012:

162).

ThesetwodifferentinterpretationsoftheArabSpringechothehegemonicand

the counter culture respectively in Iran. The chaos that followed in the Arab

world was spared Iran, and one can argue that the Arab Spring made the

reformistmovementinIranmoredifficult–Iranisabouttheonlystablecountry

in a very volatile region, and this strengthens the regime. The reasons to

immigratearearguablynotasacuteinIranasinmanyArabcountries,butthe

cultureofmigrationisneverthelessstronginIran.

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5.6Marriage:themostimportantmarkerforbecoming

adult?

Adefining step into the adult life in the Iranian contexthas traditionallybeen

marriage.WiththeIslamicRepublic´semphasisoneducationthelevelandpart

of the populationwith a university degree has risen dramatically. Among the

Iranians I met in Tehran and I spent time with abroad, education would be

finishedbeforemarriagecameintoquestion–toliveasacouplewithoutbeing

married is neither socially nor legally accepted in Iran. Although marriage

remainsan importantstep towardssocialadulthood,noneof the interlocutors

thatIwasintouchwithoutsideIranwasmarried–onewasdivorced–andvery

few of those I met in Iran were married. None of them married while being

abroad(duringtheperiodofmystudy).AmongtheIranianurbanyouththeage

of marriage has risen dramatically – as well as the divorce rate

(http://humanities1.tau.ac.il/iranian/en/previous-reviews/10-iran-pulse-

en/82-38).With the postponement ofmarriage the life trajectories have been

altered in urban Iran, and a few years abroad might today act as a bridge

towards adulthood. But can a period abroad be a step towards adulthood as

importantasgettingmarried?Tofacilitateanunderstandingoftrajectoriesitis

beneficialtohavealongertimeframe.

Several authors stress the importance of three spheres in the transition to

adulthood:education,employmentandpoliticalparticipation(Kovacheva,2008;

Leccardi and Feixa, 2012). While analysing the life course, personal

characteristics, agency, and the sociocultural context should be taken into

account (Mayer, 2009). Speaking about the possibilities the individual has to

shape his or her life, governing norms and conditions change according to

context,meaningthatyoungpeopleadjusttheirbehaviourtowhatthesituation

requiresof them–agencycanbesaid tobearaperformativemeaning (García

Sánchezetal.2017:6)

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Some social identities are imposed by society, especially on the young. Mary

Douglas remarks that any social category is defined by identity attributes

(1970). Behind the label “youth” there are identities that intersect, creating

disadvantagedorprivilegedcircumstances,whichwillinfluencetheindividual´s

lifecourse(Furlong,2009).Althoughtheschool-to-work-transitionoftenisseen

asthemainstepinbecomingadult,accordingtovariousauthors,marriageisthe

step to achieving socialmaturity in theArabMediterranean countries (Rough,

1987; Singerman, 1997; Ghannam, 2012) – and the situation is arguably

comparableinIran.Asmyworkshow,socialage,classandgenderintersectand

conditionedthelivesofthegenerationmarkedbythesummer2009inIran.

Whenmenandwomenwhoreachsocialadulthoodlatetheyfindthemselvesina

liminal space in which they are neither children nor independent adults

(Singerman, Singerman and Amar, 2009; Bayat, 2012; Konig, 2010; Sukarieh,

2012;Ghannam2013). In this situation,marriageorganises seeminglydistinct

dimensionsoflifesuchaslabour,law,values,gender,politicsormigration–the

idea is thatmarriage is the way to achieve “social maturity”. In the words of

Sánchez García (2017), it has to do with “deep structure”. Marriage is

crosscutting, drawing together economics, education, politics and culture, and

offerscontinuityinuncertaintimes(SánchezGarcíaetal.2017:9).

AssuggestedbySánchezGarcía,marriageisa“socialtotalfact”asdescribedby

Mauss (1996): “These phenomena are at once legal, economic, religious,

aesthetic, morphological and so on. They are legal in that they concern

individual and collective rights, organize and diffuse morality; they may be

entirelyobligatory,orsubjectsimplytopraiseordisapproval.Theyareatonce

politicalanddomestic,beingofinterestbothtoclassesandtoclansandfamilies.

They are religious; they concern true religion, animism, magic and diffuse

religiousmentality.Theyareeconomic,forthenotionsofvalue,utility,interest,

luxury, wealth, acquisition, accumulation, consumption and liberal and

sumptuousexpendituresareallpresent…“(Mauss,1966(1925):76-77).

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If socialmaturity isachievedwithmarriageandestablishinga family, then,by

thesamelogic,unmarriedindividualsareinaliminalposition–inatransitory

state.Beingnotmarriedyetisseenas“astateofpreparationandanticipationof

a status still not realised” (Rough, 1987; Singerman, 2007;Koning, 2010).Are

peoplemigratingfromIrantoIndiaandMalaysiasubvertingthismodel–andif

so,inwhatway?MahnazinKualaLumpur,whohaddivorcedherhusbandwho

had drug-problems, came back to Iran later. “I don´t think I fit in the

environmenthere in Iran”, she complained.A fewyears abroad functions as a

rite of passage, and going abroad can be seen as part of a counter-culture, a

culture of migration that blossoms in a milieu where anti-governmental

sentimentsarestrong.Still,althoughsome“socialmaturity”andculturalcapital

can be acquired through a period abroad, marriage remains of paramount

importance–a“deepstructure”,inthewordsofSánchezGarcía(2017),doesnot

budgeeasily.

Young Iranians are often trapped by unemployment and failure of family

formation,aswellasahegemonicculture,representedbythesociallyadult,that

isquicktojudge“deviant”attitudes.Manycannotaffordtostartfamiliesorto

getahome,andtheycannotbefullyindependentandenjoytheprivilegesand

responsibilitiesofsocialadulthoodassociatedwithmarriedstatus–andevena

few years abroad does not change this pattern. Even if they have acquired

economicindependence,theyareexcludedfromsocialandciviclife–adulthood

isnotcompletebeforemarriageisafact(SánchezGarcíaetal.2017:23).

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5.7Pull-and-pushfactorsinacomparativeperspective

The push factors – the reasons for leaving Iran – among the Iranians I

encounteredwere,commonly,thesummerof2009andtheviolentresponseof

the Republic to the demonstrations following the election. The economical

insecurity in Iranwasanotherreason toemigrate–manydidnotseea future

thereduetolackofjobs.Also,itcouldbeeasiertogetintouniversityinIndiaor

MalaysiathaninIran;emigrationthereforeappearedasagoodoption.

ThepullfactorsforIndiaandMalaysiawereforemostthatitwasrealistictoget

avisatoanyofthesecountriesandthatlivingcoststherewerelow.Compared

to the current situation among the youth in North Africa aspiring tomove to

Europe, the Iraniansmoving to India orMalaysia did not go there because of

economicalreasonsorthatthehostcountrieswouldprovidebetteremployment

opportunities,withhigherincome(Sánchez-Montijano et al 2017. 27).Aswehave

seen,IranianstypicallyviewIndiaorMalaysiaasabridgetosomewhereelse(if

the perceived bridge remains a bridge or turns into a cul-de-sac is another

question–manyendedup in Iranaftera fewyearsabroad).Nevertheless, for

IraniansmovingtoPuneorKualaLumpurtheyearsabroadcanbeaperiodof

greaterfreedom,liminality,andariteofpassagetowardsadulthood.

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5.8Finalremarks–migrationasawaytosay“no”

For an Iranian generation brought up after the Islamic Revolution, without

memoriesof theShahand themonarchy, the summerof2009often shattered

hopesonemighthavehadabouttheIslamicRepublic,andtriggeredadesireto

leave the country. Thedemonizationof Iranby theWest (“the axis of evil”, “a

terrorist state” et cetera) has contributed to people being both anxious and

proud about their nationality – anxious since Iran is somisunderstood in the

West, proud because of the rich history and cultural heritage. In order to

distance oneself from the Islamic Republic, many young Iranians in Kuala

Lumpur and Pune emphasise the pre-Islamic history of Iran. Although every

migratingstoryisunique,therearecommonthemesthatthisgenerationshare,

suchastheexperienceoftheGreenMovement,amarkerofageneration.

The totalitarian regime of the Islamic Republic, as well as what can be the

repressivesocialandmoralnorms,hascontributedtoacultureofmigration–to

migrateiswidelyseenaviableprojectforthefuture.Tomigrateispartlyarite

ofpassagetoo,awaytogrowup.Still,marriageremainsastructuredeeperthan

migration,andismoreimportantasawaytoreachsocialadulthood.Becauseof

boundedagency,althoughmost Iranians that Imetwouldprefer tomigrate to

theWest,many end up going to India orMalaysia.With performative agency,

people navigate between the different worlds and realities that the complex

Iraniancontextrequires.

When abroad, and especially in a context that one has not entirely chosen by

choice,itbecomesimportanttodistinguishoneselfvis-à-visthelocalpopulation.

Relatedtoculturalintimacy,thiscantaketheformofemphasisingandglorifying

onesownculture,orarejectionofthelocalcuisine.

Notagreeingonapoliticalideologycantakemanyforms,includinglessobvious

ones.When explicit political action is connected to real danger, or the loss of

one´syouth(ifoneisjailedandsentencedtoadecadeinjail,whichisaveritable

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risk),protestcantakemoresubtleforms.Examplesofthisarenottocollaborate,

or to ignore public holidays and commemorations that the state highlights.

Anotherexampleismigration–toaspireanddecidetoleavetoanothercountry,

where themorals of the IslamicRepublic are not valid.Migration can thus be

seenasapoliticalactofnon-collaboration,awaytosay“no”tothepoliticaland

socialcircumstancesonefindsoneselfin.

InfurtherresearchitwouldbeinterestingtocontinuetofollowtheIraniansin

Pune and Kuala Lumpur – do they end on living in the West somewhere

eventually?AmongthosewhoreturntoIran,howdoestheexperienceofafew

years in IndiaorMalaysiaaffect their life?Another interestingquestionwould

be toexploreother Iraniancommunities–how is the situation inDubai,or in

Turkey,onthewaytotheWest?

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6.Afterwards,elsewhere

AfterafewyearsinIndiaorMalaysia,althoughlifetrajectorieswerediversified

and lifepathsdidnotnecessarilybecomemuch clearer, some trends couldbe

discerned. Among the Iranians in Pune no one had been projecting a future

there,andaccordingly,whentheuniversitystudieswerefinishedtheystrivedto

leave Pune for somewhere else. But, the years abroad did often not lead to

greatersecurity,suchasajobandastablelife.Rather,theexperienceofhaving

studiedabroadisseenasaphaseinlifewherepeoplegainculturalcapital;many

hopethatknowinggoodEnglishafterlivinginanEnglish-speakingenvironment

may be attractive for employers even back home. Among thosewho have left

IndiaorMalaysia,everyone that Imetspeaks fondlyof the timeabroad.Some

returned to Iran and started working in their field of studies. However, a

common feeling, after a few years in India or Malaysia, is disappointment or

disillusionwhentheopportunitiesthatoneprojecteddidnotmaterialize,when

supposeddoorstothirdcountries–typicallyintheWest–didnotopen.

So, consistent with the plans, a few years after moving from Iran to India or

MalaysiamostoftheIraniansthatImethadmovedsomewhereelse.Amongmy

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interlocutorsnoonehadplannedtostayandsettleinIndiaorMalaysia.When

the studieswere finished, and no further plansmaterialized, people left Pune

andKualaLumpur.Usuallytheyfounditdifficulttocontinuetoathirdcountry

since visas havebeenhard to get. Somehad gottenwork in Iranwhile others

found themselves in an unclear situation, planning to go somewhere – and

waitingforsomethingtohappen.

AftermeetingKimiyainPunein2015shehadreturnedtoIranwhereshewas

validating her degree in pharmacy from Pune. Shewas also applying toMA-

coursesinIndiainpharmacyandstudiedGerman,withtheideaofworkingand

livinginGermanysomeday.AyearlatersheworkedasapharmacistinIranand

didnothaveanyimmediateplanstoleave.ShespokefondlyofIndia(sheloved

Goaandwent thereoftenasastudent)andwantedtoreturn forvisits,maybe

fortheIranianNewYear.SheliveswithherparentsinTehrannow,worksasa

pharmacist,andplanstovisitIndiaforholidayswhenpossible.

MahnazinMalaysiawasplanningtogotoAustraliawiththehelpfromafriend

shehadmadeinKualaLumpur.ItwasanAustralianwomanwholikedherart.

Theplansdidnotmaterializeandsinceherstudieswerecomingtoanendshe

had troublesextendingherMalaysianvisaandhad to return to Iran.First she

wenttoBandarAbbaswhereshegrewupandhasherfamily.Thereshefoundit

hardtofindanynetworkrelevanttoherwork–theartsceneinBandarAbbas

cannotbecomparedtotheoneinTehran.Shewasnothappywithhersituation

andwentbacktoKualaLumpurforaconference,failedtostaythereforalonger

time,returned,andonceinIranagainshemovedtoTehran.Shethoughtofher

situationassomewhereinbetweenbeingsettledandtravelling.Sheaspiredto

leaveforsomewhereelse.

HusseininPunehasanotheryearofhisstudies,thereafterthingsareuncertain.

HestaysinhisbeautifulflatintheoutskirtsofPuneandstudiesforexamsthat

will leadtoadegreeinfinance.Hehasrecentlymetagirlwithwhomhehasa

relation, she from Iran. After this last year of his studies he plans to continue

elsewhere,possiblyinEurope.AfterhavingtoleaveIranswiftlyafterthe2009

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electionhedidnotdare to return to Iran formanyyears.He loves Iranand is

more optimistic about its future now than before. He has relatives in Sweden

andmaybehewillmovethere,eitherforstudiesorforlifeandwork–butonlyif

itwouldbepossibletobringhisdogtoSweden.

AyearaftermyfieldworkinPuneGolnazandHomastilllivedthere.Whenasked

whereshewillbeinafewyears,Golnazsaid“somewhereelse,butnotinIndia

norinIran”.ShewasclearaboutherloveforPunebutisnotkeenonstayingfor

too long. Returning to Iran does not appear as an attractive option. But, after

having finishedherBA, she found apart-time job inPune for a company, and

travelsinIndia,toSuratandAhmedabadamongotherplaces,forherwork.She

planstovisitIranthesummer2017foravacationcombinedwithvisa-work.

SiavashhasleftIndiaandisbackinIrantocontinuehisstudiesinQom.

Neda was about to finish her studies in Pune during the spring of 2015 and

returnedtoShirazinthesummerthatsameyear.InNovember2015Imetherin

Shiraz.Shedidnotwork,norstudy.ShewasthinkingofgoingtoEnglandifshe

gotavisa.SheaskedwhyIdidn´tstay inabetterhotel,orwhyIdidnotgoto

ShirazbyairratherthanbybusfromTehran–thecommonIranianemphasison

luxury, I thought (“why not fly and stay in a luxury hotel?”). We met by the

AffifabadgardensincentralShirazandIassumedwewouldspendsometimein

the beautiful historical centre. Instead, we drove far away, one hour´s ride

outside thecity, to thebiggest shoppingmall in thearea.Theshoppingcentre

wasenormous,emptyandmassive.Weparkedinanundergroundparking-lot,a

hugeemptyspace.Thebuildinghadanapocalypticfeeltoit.Atlastwefounda

place serving kebab in tents giving an “authentic” air to the barren concrete-

landscape. Neda did not want to stay in Iran, she planned to continue to

somewhere else, like England. But her conceptions of how to get there were

vague.“Maybeyouknowhowtogetthere.Iwanttoworkorstudy,tolivethere,”

she said. By spring 2016 she had her own apartment in Shiraz. Her plans to

movetotheWesthadnotprogressedbutshesaidthatshewouldmakeatryin

179

August 2016. Still, by autumn 2016 she lived in Shiraz and worked as a

psychologist.

Abbas,oneofthefirstIraniansImetinPuneinthesummerof2013,hadbeen

living in India since 2010, studying as well as setting up a business with an

Indian partner. He was an energetic personality working constantly with his

business,arestaurantofferingPersianaswellasIndiandishes.However,Abbas

andtheIndianbusinesspartnerdidnotgowellalonganymore.Abbashadmade

itclearthatinordertoattracttheIranianpopulationinPunethefoodcouldnot

bespicy.ButtheIndianpartnerinsistedinhisopinionthatPersianfoodwould

notbepopularamongIndiancustomers–afterall,therestaurantwaslocatedin

PunewherethegreatmajorityareIndians.Youdon´tunderstand,Abbassaidto

theIndianpartner,thatIraniansdon´teatspicyfood.Theformercolleaguesdid

notpartongoodterms.

Two years later, by spring 2015, that whole group of friends had left

India. They were all back in Iran. While walking around in Pune in the area

wheretheyusedtoliveInoticedthatmostIraniansignsweregone.TheIranian

shishaplacewasempty.Therestaurantwiththe“Persianrestaurant”signwas

notthereanymore. Ididn´thearanyPersianbeingspoken.Abbashadsetupa

smallbusiness inTehran.However,bythefallof2015Abbashadleft Irantoo,

andwas in Turkey together with several friends who also had been in India.

TheywereinDenizli,insouthernTurkey,planningtotraveltowardsEurope.A

few months later Abbas had arrived in Toronto where he worked in a

restaurant.Thingshad,finally,workedoutreallywell.

In Tehran I meet Alireza who had been in Pune in 2013. Alireza had been

studyingforaMBAinPune,andhadfoundajobinTehraninacompanydealing

withcars.HisofficewassituatedinthemiddleofTehran,bytheVali-Asrsquare,

inaquiteemptyflatwithanimpressiveviewovercentralTehran.Alirezawould

gototheairportafterwehadmettopickupsomecar-partsthathadarrivedby

boatinBandarAbbas.

180

TehranOctober2015

181

7.GlossaryAli:theprophetMuhammad´scousin,andaccordingtoShiitestherighteoussuccessorofMuhammad.AniconinIran,oftendepictedinagreenrobeandasword.AliKhamenei:rahbar,SupremeLeaderoftheIslamicRepublicofIransince1989.Allahoakbar“Godisgreat”,anexpressionofcelebrationinIslamiccountriesAsadari:beatingonthechestthatShiitesdoinceremoniesduringashouraBasij:theparamilitaryvolunteersAshoura:thecommemorativemourningofthemurderofHusseininKarbalatheyearof680.Chaharshambesuri:thefestivaloffire,celebratedthelastWednesdaybeforeNorouzEmamKhomeini:ThefirstSupremeLeader,rahbar,oftheIslamicRepublicEvinjail:AnotoriousprisoninTehranwithpoliticalprisonersGashte-ershad:themoralitypoliceroamingthestreetsinIranHejab:theveilthatwomenhavetowearinpublicinIranHussein:thesonofAli(ProphetMuhammad´scousin).HusseinwaskilledinKarbala.Jombesh–esabz:TheGreenMovement,thereformistmovementduringthesummer2009Nasri:foodhandedoutforfreeduringreligiousfestivalsNorouz:theIranianNewYearPahlavi–dynasty:thelastdynastyoftheIranianmonarchy,foundedbyRezaShahin1925andsucceededbyMuhammadRezaShah,overthrownduringtheIslamicRevolutionin1979Rahbar:“SupremeLeader”,leaderoftheIslamicRepublic.ThefirstrahbarwasAyatollahKhomeini,andsincehediedin1989,AliKhameneihasbeentherahbar,the“SupremeLeader”.

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Shahid:“martyr”,especiallyinthecontextoftheIran-Iraqwarandsoldierswhodied,andaccordingtothem,reachedheaven.Yaali:acommoninvocationofgoodspirits,anexclamationhonouringAli,thecousinoftheProphet

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