THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION SOAP OPERAS ON ZULU TRADITIONAL MARRIAGES

THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION SOAP OPERAS

ON ZULU TRADITIONAL MARRIAGES

by

Tiema Haji Muindi

OCTOBER 2015

The influence of television soap operas

on Zulu traditional marriages

by

Tiema Haji Muindi

Dissertation in compliance with the requirements for the Master’s Degree in

Technology: Journalism in the Department of Media, Language and

Communication, Durban University of Technology.

I declare that this dissertation is my own work and has not been submitted for

any other degree or examination at any other institution.

Signed: _____________ Date: 30/10/2015

Approved for final submission:

Supervisor: Professor D.D. Pratt (DTech: Language Practice)

Signed: _____________ Date: 30/10/2015

i

ABSTRACT

This study investigated the role of television soap opera in the propagation of

emerging values and new trends of marriages. The focus was on the

possible influence of such a role on Zulu couples’ choice of a specific marital

lifestyle and gender roles, and the consequences, if any, of such an influence

on the couples’ relationships. The theoretical framework was that of

cultivation theory, and the study explored the possible cultivation effects of

watching soap operas aired by the South African Broadcasting Corporation

(SABC1) and Etv television channels.

A qualitative approach was adopted, with data being gathered through focus

group interviews, from a study population based in uMlazi township and

selected through a type of purposive sampling technique. The analysis and

interpretation of the data comprised an exploration of emerging themes which

formed the core of the research findings. The findings suggest that there is a

link between the world of television soap operas and the social reality of its

viewers. It is also apparent that repeated exposure to television soap opera

content is exposing viewers to the weaknesses of Zulu traditional cultural

values, while presenting western practices as a viable alternative; this further

weakens their resolve to maintain Zulu traditional values and practices. The

findings go some way to explaining the cultivation effects of the genre on

cohabitation, ilobolo practice, gender equity and also the consequences of

such influences on marriage practices and interpersonal relationships of

individual couples.

Recommendations made to help the promotion of cultural values of individual

communities were as follows: minimising the broadcasting of foreign soap

operas, as they erode the cultural values of communities; and offering

incentives to scriptwriters and programme producers who produce

programmes using local content reflecting the cultural identity of local

communities.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the help and support given to me by my principle

supervisor Professor D.D. Pratt. I am forever grateful for your support and

guidance. To Dr. R.L. Makhubu, thank you for taking me as your student.

I would also like to acknowledge the support of Dr. Mikhail Peppas and Dr.

René Alicia Smith, with whom a number of the initial ideas for this

dissertation were discussed. To the City Campus Librarian, Ms. Nozipho

Cynthia Majola, who was always willing to lend a hand and ensured that I got

the information I needed: you will always remain a valuable source of

knowledge.

I must also thank all those in the department of Journalism Programme who

in their various capacities made this journey successful.

And thanks must also go to my young boys, Yahya Tiema, Hassan and

Kassim Tiema, and to my last born Siddique Tiema. You have always be an

inspiration to me in my journey as a father.

And lastly, a big thank you to my cousin Abubakar Tataji, my late mother

Mwanaidi Rapando (Mama Gibe), Professor Ngugi Wa Thiongo, Professor

Abdillatiff Abdallah and Ms. Nani Croze. In different ways, you planted the

seed of literature within me. Thank you all.

iii

PREFACE

DECLARATION

I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this dissertation

is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part

submitted it at any university for a degree.

____________________________________

SIGNED: TIEMA HAJI MUINDI

DATE: 30 October 2015

The referencing system used in this dissertation conforms to the Harvard

style as set out in the Referencing guide: Harvard referencing style (Durban

University of Technology Library 2013). EndNote 7 was used to generate the

Reference list, using the DUT Harvard EndNote style 2013.

The convention for use of acronyms and other abbreviations in the text will

be as follows: the term will be written in full on its first use in each chapter

followed by the acronym in brackets. Thereafter, only the acronym will be

used (Hofstee 2006: 189).

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ............................................................................................................................ i

Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................ ii

Preface ............................................................................................................................. iii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1

1.2 The potent nature of television as a primary source of news, information

and entertainment ..................................................................................................

1

1.3 The dynamics of soap opera and its cultivation effects on audiences ............ 3

1.4 Aim and objectives of the study ............................................................................. 5

1.4.1 Aim of the study .................................................................................................... 6

1.4.2 Objectives of the study ........................................................................................ 6

1.5 Overview of subsequent dissertation chapters ................................................... 6

1.6 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 8

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 9

2.2 Mass media, culture and the dynamics of globalisation .................................... 9

2.2.1 Mass media as a disseminator of culture ......................................................... 9

2.2.2 Attempts to “indigenise” the mass media ......................................................... 11

2.2.3 The effects of foreign mass media on indigenous communities ................... 12

2.3 Television, culture and everyday life .................................................................... 12

2.3.1 Television as a domestic medium ...................................................................... 13

2.3.2 A variety of soap operas to “fit” a heterogeneous audience .......................... 14

2.4 Social influence of television on families and individuals .................................. 15

2.4.1 The effects of television on social norms .......................................................... 15

2.4.2 Social problems caused by television ............................................................... 17

2.4.3 Unrealistic marital expectations created by television dramas ..................... 17

2.5 The nature and structure of soap opera ............................................................... 18

2.5.1 The influence, appeal and popularity of soap opera ....................................... 19

2.5.2 Soap operas as providing models for “real life” .............................................. 21

2.6 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 22

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CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 24

3.2 Theoretical framework ............................................................................................ 24

3.2.1 Definition and principle tenets of cultivation theory ...................................... 24

3.2.2 Rationale for the choice of television for a cultivation study ....................... 25

3.2.3 Critiques and studies on cultivation theory .................................................... 26

3.3 Methodology ............................................................................................................. 28

3.3.1 The case for a qualitative approach .................................................................. 28

3.3.2 The rationale for an exploratory design approach........................................... 29

3.3.3 Use of the focus group as a data collection technique ................................... 30

3.3.4 Target population and the selection of participants ........................................ 31

3.3.5 Procedure used in the focus groups.................................................................. 33

3.4 Data analysis and interpretation ............................................................................ 36

3.4.1 Familiarisation with the data ............................................................................... 37

3.4.2 Transcription of data ............................................................................................ 37

3.4.3 Managing/organising the data. .......................................................................... 37

3.4.4 Reading and annotating ..................................................................................... 37

3.4.5 Creating and assigning categories ................................................................... 38

3.4.6 Linking the data and making connections ....................................................... 38

3.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 39

CHAPTER FOUR: THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION SOAP OPERA ON

ZULU MARRIAGE PRACTICES

4.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 41

4.2 The role of soap operas in social life .................................................................... 41

4.2.1 Soap operas as an integral part of family life ................................................... 42

4.2.2 The addictive nature of soap operas ................................................................ 43

4.2.3 Soap operas as providing models for daily living ........................................... 44

4.2.4 Soap operas as reflecting values of daily life .................................................. 46

4.3 Soap opera’s role in influencing trends in marriages practices ........................ 47

4.3.1 Trends and forms of marriages available to the community .......................... 48

4.3.2 How soap opera influences trends in marriages practices ............................ 49

4.3.3 Soap opera’s influence on couples’ interpersonal relationships ................... 55

4.4 The influence of soap operas on gender roles .................................................... 59

4.4.1 The dynamics of soap operas and gender roles in relationships ................. 59

4.4.2 Conflicts in cultural values caused by changing gender roles ....................... 64

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4.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 67

CHAPTER FIVE: THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION SOAP OPERA ON

ILOBOLO

5.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 68

5.2 The place of ilobolo in the Zulu community ......................................................... 68

5.3 Contrasts in actual ilobolo practice ....................................................................... 71

5.4 The marginalisation of ilobolo practice ................................................................. 73

5.5 Idealised images of soap opera on ilobolo .......................................................... 75

5.6 Other partnership issues identified by participants ............................................ 78

5.7 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 82

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 83

6.2 Influence of soap opera on marriage vs. cohabitation ....................................... 83

6.3 Influence of soap opera on gender roles ............................................................. 86

6.4 Influence of soap operas on ilobolo ...................................................................... 87

6.5 Other issues identified by participants.................................................................. 89

6.6 Soap opera’s influence on marriage practice in general ................................... 89

6.7 Study limitations and implications for further research ...................................... 90

6.8 Recommendations ................................................................................................... 91

6.9 Concluding remarks ................................................................................................ 92

References ...................................................................................................................... 93

Appendix A: Letters of information and consent and ethics checklist ................... 107

Appendix B: Focus group questions............................................................................ 118

Appendix C: Transcripts of focus group discussions ................................................ 121

List of figures and tables:

Figure 2.1 Typical SABC and Etv programme schedules (Datafeed3 2015) ....... 14

Figure 4.1 Cultivation effects of soap operas ................................................. 42

Figure 4.2 Marriage and cohabitation options currently available to participants 48

Figure 4.3 Soap opera as a mediating factor between partners ............................. 58

Figure 5.1 ilobolo as a unifying factor in isiZulu marriage practices ....................... 70

Figure 6.1 Factors mediating on traditional practices and culture .......................... 85

1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

This chapter starts by examining the potent mature of television as the

primary source of news, information and entertainment for many individuals

and households. It also looks at how the medium has woven itself into the

fabric of the family, and exercises control, through its programme scheduling,

over the social lives of its viewers. It then discusses the dynamics of soap

opera and its possible cultivation effects on audiences. After stating the aim

and objectives of the study, and giving an overview of the rest of the

dissertation, the chapter concludes by summing up the key points covered.

1.2 The potent nature of television as a primary source of

news, information and entertainment

For the longest time in human history, stories were told only face to face, and

a community, as posited by Gerbner (1998), was defined by the rituals,

mythologies, and imageries held in common. Likewise, the traditional

primary sources of knowledge and information in the Zulu community, which

is the group involved in this study, were the community elders, who were also

the custodians of such values and practices that defined the community.

However, the global wave of shared images and information of the mass

media’s television programme genres, such as soap operas, have now

become the mainstream of the common symbolic environment into which our

children are born and in which we all live out our lives (Gerbner 1998). As

Marsella (2005) explains, the hegemonic content of television arises from the

events and forces that control globalisation. Such forces are the few

powerful nations and institutions such as the United States of America (USA),

Russia, the United Kingdom (UK), China, the International Monetary Fund

(IMF), Hollywood, the United Nations (UN) and the mass media.

The focal point of television in this research is its position in the lives of its

viewers as a primary source of news, information and entertainment. It also

2

plays a vital role in family dynamics, in what Morley (1986) suggests are

“the politics of the family.” These point to the dynamics of interpersonal

relationships among individual members of a household. In this regard,

Morley (1986) indicates that television may function as a cause of conflict,

especially when family members or individuals in a household disagree on

whether or not to watch a particular programme or if the television set should

be switched on at all. Lull (1982) notes that, in a household, the backdrop of

sounds and pictures of a television set provide a companion for

accomplishing household chores and routines such as a school homework.

Morley (1986) points out another use of television programmes and

characters, that of being a source of references known in common and used

by the viewers to clarify issues that they discuss. For instance, children and

adults use television examples to explain things to each other, and to give

the examples and instances which will illustrate the point that an individual is

trying to make.

Television is also credited with modelling families and individual viewers.

Ellis (1982) states that television works to construct “complicity” with the

viewer, that is, the construction of the “ideal family” out of the “TV family” and

the “real” viewing family. He argues that television uses this complicity to win

the viewers’ consent to television’s role as their “eye” on the world by

presenting to the viewers the picture of an ideal family or ideal role models.

Such attributes as these give television a degree of control over its viewers’

interpersonal relationships and life routines. As Fiske (1987) suggests, the

medium is becoming a subtle cultural agent by constructing an ideal subject

position which it invites the viewers to occupy. If they do this, they are

rewarded with the ideological pleasure that is provided by experiencing, once

again, that the dominant ideological practice, apparently, works: the

meanings of the world and of the subjectivities that it produces appear to

make sense. In this regard, argue Shrum, Burroughs and Rindfleisch (2005),

cultivation theory would assert that television will influence personal values

as well as societal perceptions, as dominant programme content becomes

assimilated into personal value structures over time.

3

Television has also become a centralised system of storytelling. The drama

series, commercials, news and other programmes, such as soap operas,

bring a relatively coherent system of images and messages into every home

and to every individual viewer, while ensuring that they all have a programme

of interest to watch. Transcending historic barriers of literacy and mobility,

the medium has become the primary common source of socialisation and

everyday information of otherwise heterogeneous populations. As with

religion, the social function of this medium lies in the continual repetition of

stories (myths, “facts,” lessons, and so on) that serve to define the world and

legitimise a particular social order (Morgan, Shanahan and Signorielli 2009).

This research attempts to explore a possible link between the television soap

opera genre’s portrayal of marriage patterns and practices, and what takes

place in actual Zulu communities. In particular, the study investigates the

influence of televisions soap operas on Zulu marriage practices and the

consequences this influence Zulu marriage or partnership practices.

1.3 The dynamics of soap opera and its cultivation effects on

audiences

Soap opera is a well-known television genre, and both the South African

Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) and Etv television channels have soap

operas that run throughout the week. SABC1, SABC2 and SABC3 channels

have a bouquet of soap operas which include the following:

Skeem Saam,

Generations – The Legacy,

Uzalo,

7de Laan,

Muvhango,

Days of our lives,

The bold and the beautiful and,

Isidingo: The need,

4

Etv has the following soap operas:

Ashes to Ashes

Sistahood

Rhythm City

Scandal

Umlilo, and

Days of summer

All these soap operas follow the common pattern of this genre, that is, a

unique traditional narrative structure of endless plots while mirroring the life

challenges of characters, families and even a community. Problems are

often solved haphazardly without a climax, and a character may dominate the

narrative and then suddenly become irrelevant. Sometimes a major event

(such as a storm or a revealed secret) can, without warning, change the

direction of the narrative (Derry 1983).

Historically, the soap opera genre offerings continues from day to day with

reruns during the day and the weekends, too. Some, like Rhythm City and

Scandals, both aired by Etv television channel, have been on air for the last

eight and ten years respectively, while SABC1’s Generations has been on

the air for the last twenty years - a testimony to the popularity of “soapies”.

The popularity and continuity of these programmes are due to various

motivational factors associated with them. Some are linked to the genre's

structural conventions of endless plots, repetitive character types and

product-laden settings, which simulate an ersatz realism and facilitate the

development of intimate viewer–character parasocial relationships over time

(Russell, Russell and Stern 2005). Some audiences are attracted to

watching the genre as a way of emotional release (understanding that others

share similar concerns), personal gratification (vicarious participation in

characters’ lives to fill gaps in one’s own), companionship (relating to

characters as if they were a circle of friends – “the social universe of choice”)

5

and escape (entering a fantasy world to forget about the real one) (Fowles

1982).

The danger of such habitual viewing of portrayals is that it leads audiences to

“cultivate” television information by integrating it into their real-world

perceptions and judgments, as argued by Shrum (1999). The more active

viewers not only receive higher amounts of gratification from their media use,

but are also affected by such active and gratifying exposure. According to

Levy and Windahl (1985), such effects could manifest in their beliefs and

lifestyles, increasing the amount of conversation amongst soap opera

audiences. The manifestation of soap opera influence can be seen in

people’s social network accounts, such as Facebook and Twitter, and also in

offices, factories, homes and even public places, with people earnestly

debating what they saw on the screen last night, with some even taking hard-

line positions on certain issues or characters.

Such conversations and debates are also influenced by the endless plots and

images which keep on bringing out different topics and angles to the

storyline. And, as Whetmore and Kielwasser (1983) noted, such debates

and conversations indicate the extent to which soap operas influence

viewers’ beliefs about the way the world works by means of the sum total of

interactions, behaviours, and values present in television content (Cantor and

Pingree 1983). Such viewers also exhibit viewing behaviours that reflect

heightened activity and involvement in the genre as the viewers respond to

the genre's portrayals of situations and characters' behaviours and lifestyles

as though they were real individuals. This, coupled with the endless plots

and a content targeted at a mass audience, makes it a potent tool in the

transmission of values and beliefs, according to Barwise, Ehrenberg and

Goodhardt (1982).

1.4 Aim and objectives of the study

This study is guided by the following aim and objectives.

6

1.4.1 Aim of the study

The overall aim of the study is to assess the influence of television soap

operas on Zulu traditional marriage practices among Zulu residents of uMlazi

township.

1.4.2 Objectives of the study

The objectives of the study are as follows:

To determine the influence of the television soap operas on values and

new trends of marriage practices among Zulu residents of uMlazi

township, KwaZulu-Natal.

To examine the extent and consequences of such changes for married

couples and individuals in relationships.

1.5 Overview of subsequent dissertation chapters

Chapter Two reviews the literature relating to mass media, television and

globalisation, and shows the global flow of media content. It then discusses

television, culture and everyday life, describing the social influence of

television on families and individuals. Next, the nature and structure of soap

opera is discussed, showing the influence, appeal and popularity of this

genre. The chapter concludes with the formulation of the research questions

used to guide the inquiry

Chapter Three deals with the theoretical framework adopted in this study,

cultivation theory, providing the definition and principle tenets of the theory

and the rationale for the choice of television for a cultivation study, and

critiques and studies on cultivation theory. The methodology used is then

described, giving the rationale for a qualitative approach and the reasons for

using an exploratory design approach. The use of the focus group as a data

collection technique is then discussed, together with the target population,

the selection of participants, and the procedure used in the focus groups.

Analysis and interpretation of the data are then described.

7

Chapter Four deals with the findings and analysis in terms of how they

answer research questions 1.b and 1.c, regarding what role have soap

operas have played in influencing trends in marriages practices with regard

to the co-habitation instead of marriage and the development of gender

equity in marriage practices. After a description of soap opera’s role in

participants’ social life generally, an account is then given of the role soap

operas have played in influencing trends in marriage practices, focusing on

adoption of co-habitation instead of marriage, and the development of gender

equity in marriage practices. The chapter then looks at the impact of such

changes on marriage practices.

Chapter Five presents the findings and analysis on the role of television soap

opera in influencing the practice of ilobolo practice and the impact of such an

influence on marriage practices. The chapter starts with contextualisation of

ilobolo from a Zulu traditional perspective, looking at some of the core values,

roles and responsibilities associated with it. It also looks at the divergent

status and concepts of ilobolo, its reference as source of male domination

and female subordination, its commercial aspects, and its role in

strengthening relationships and imparting social legitimacy on couples. The

chapter then describes the cultivation role of soap opera in terms of its

representation of cohabitation, gender equity, mixed marriages and the legal

system, explaining how such factors have impacted on the practice of ilobolo,

and the social reality and interpersonal relationships of married couples and

individuals in a relationship. The chapter also sums up other issues identified

by participants as relating to partnership practices, which were found to

revolve mainly around the issue of ilobolo.

Chapter Six provides the conclusions and recommendations of the study,

based on the findings, highlights some significant findings in relation to the

research objectives and questions, and makes suggestions for future

research. It concludes that television soap opera has a cultivation effect on

the participants of this study, who also use the genre as a model for daily

living. It also concludes that the “soapie” genre has a the strong influence on

marriage practices, cohabitation, ilobolo and the role of culture in mediating

8

such factors. Other independent factors, however, such as labour migration,

economic empowerment, education and government policies, were also

found to influence marriage practices.

1.6 Conclusion

This chapter has touched on some of the main themes of the research. It

has emphasised the importance of television and the role it plays in

individuals and families as a primary source of news, information and

entertainment, and has also shown how television programmes influence

individual behaviours of the viewers, as well as the interpersonal

relationships of family members. It has been suggested that the medium of

television provides a companion for accomplishing household chores and

other life routines of the viewers, but may also function as the cause of

conflict within a household or between individuals. The chapter has also

discussed the motivational factors involved in watching soap operas, its

unique narrative structure, and the role it plays as a subtle cultural agent.

Finally, the aim and objectives have been stated, narrowing down the scope

of the research to assessing the influence of television soap operas on Zulu

traditional marriage practices among Zulu residents of uMlazi township. An

overview of the rest of the chapters has also been given. The literature

informing this study will be reviewed in Chapter Two.

9

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

Chapter Two reviews the literature relating to mass media, television and

globalisation, showing the global flow of media content. It then goes on to

discuss television, culture and everyday life, describing the social influence of

television on families and individuals. Next, the nature and structure of soap

opera is dealt with, illustrating the influence, appeal and popularity of this

genre. The chapter concludes with the formulation of the research questions

used to guide the inquiry.

2.2 Mass media, culture and the dynamics of globalisation

Mass media has been defined as follows: the electronic media of radio,

television, film, and recorded music and the print media of newspapers,

magazines, and popular literature are at once artefacts, experiences,

practices and processes (Spitulnik 1993). McQuail (1979) whose study

investigated the influence and effects of mass media, argues that the mass

media are highly diverse both in content and in forms of organisation, and

include a very wide range of content which could have effects on society.

2.2.1 Mass media as a disseminator of culture

As DeFleur (1970) states, theoretically, media can influence norms and the

definitions of the situation for individuals in various ways. The content can

reinforce existing patterns and behaviours, thus leading people to believe

that given social norms are being maintained by society. The media can also

create new shared convictions about topics with little saliency or knowledge

on the part of the populace. Finally, the media has the capacity to change

existing norms, thereby converting people from one form of behaviour to

another.

The powerful nature of mass media has made it become the prime producer

and distributor of culture, values and beliefs in societies. The industry is also

10

commercially driven within a consumer-oriented environment that

encourages multiple, contra-flows of media content (Thussu 2007). It is this

flow that has resulted in television soap operas being exported to other

countries. For example, Latin American soap operas are broadcast in

Kenya, Uganda and South Africa, among other countries. South African

television series Scandal, Rhythm City, Generation and Egoli have a

following in Kenya, while Kenya’s television programmes, Lies that bind and

Noose of gold are broadcast in South Africa through Digital satellite television

(DStv) channels. Tomlinson (1997) refers to this as reversed cultural

imperialism – a reference to countries dominating not only their local

markets, but also exporting their media products to other countries.

There are other television genres, such as sports, music and news, that are

part of this global-wave of shared images and information. There are also the

24/7 television news network channels such as the United States of

America’s (USA’s) Cable News Network (CNN), British owned British

Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Russia’s public broadcaster, Russia Today

(RT), China Cable Television (CCTV) owned by the China government, Iran’s

Press TV and Qatar owned Al Jazeera television network. These all have a

strong presence, not only in South Africa but also globally. A study by

Gamson et al. (1992) on the social construction of reality through media

images reveals that the lens through which such information and images are

received is not neutral but conveys the power and point of view of the political

and economic elites who control them. The unique aspect of television is the

manner in which whole process seem so normal and natural that the very art

of cultivation effect is invisible to the viewers.

This continuous contra-flow of media content, according to Thussu (2007),

has been made possible by globalisation of the digital revolution, which has

ensured that media content is instantaneously delivered and widely

accessible in a uniform format. Thussu (2007) notes that such a free flow of

media content can also shape and change cultural identities, transform

societies, and help create political coalitions and new transnational private

and public spheres.

11

2.2.2 Attempts to “indigenise” the mass media

The global-flow of mass media content has both positive and negative

influence on the viewers. In an attempt to curb the negative influence and

preserve local community identities, South Africa has made an effort - and

some progress - in the promotion of indigenous media, production,

distribution and broadcasting of what could be regarded as indigenous media

content. Spitulnik (1993) describes “indigenous media” as a cover term for a

broad spectrum of media phenomena, ranging from community-owned and

operated radio, television, and video operations to locally-produced

programmes that appear on a national television.

However, efforts to indigenise the mass media have failed to produce the

desired results, considering that the country’s print and electronic products

borrow heavily from other nations either in form, content or both. South

African produced television programmes such as Big Brother Mzansi, a

reality television show, is a replica in form and content to Big Brother UK,

while Perfect wedding, another of South Africa’s television series focusing on

the challenges of organising what could be termed as a ‘’perfect’’ wedding, is

local in content but similar in form to the USA’s television series Rich bride,

poor bride.

The indigenisation efforts have also put South Africa between competing

needs. The initiative is aimed at preserving the country's cultural identities

while attempting to capture the global market through the production of a

homogeneous content which could be appealing not only to South African

market but also to a global audience. To achieve this, South Africa has to

find a balance between appealing to the local audience and meeting the

needs of a heterogeneous global audience market. The explanation of the

source of such a complication is noted in a study on the threat of audience

westernisation to Nigeria’s indigenisation model of media broadcast by

Patrick (2014), who argues that the African dream of a purely indigenous

media content is being mired by the forces of globalisation, the ever changing

tastes of the audiences and the difficulty of coming up with what could be

termed as an authentic local content.

12

2.2.3 The effects of foreign mass media on indigenous communities

The media industry is saturated with content that exposes the weaknesses of

the values and practices of indigenous communities and thus demeans them.

This poses a great challenge for any community interested in preserving its

cultural identity and values. One such community is the South African Zulu

community, predominantly found in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. This

community, the subject of this study, is exposed to foreign values and norms

owing to what Patrick (2014) refers to a plethora of forces linked to

globalisation forces. Such forces include television imperialism, whose

content could be regarded as a force which is predatory on weaker cultures

of the globe. It is in this framework of a dynamic global media industry that

South Africa has fallen prey to its homogenising tendencies through the

consumption of material and cultural products which may eventually lead to

the erosion of local identities, cultural values and ideologies (Chadha and

Kavoori 2000).

2.3 Television, culture and everyday life

Fiske (1987) describes television as consisting of the programmes that are

transmitted, the meanings and pleasures that are produced from them, and,

to a lesser extent, the way these are incorporated into the daily routine of its

audiences. Its programmes are standardised fixed entities, produced and

sold as commodities, and organised by schedulers into distribution packages.

For many scholars such as McLuhan (1964) and Fiske (1987), McLuhan

(1964); (Fiske 1987), one of the more socially significant events of the

twentieth century has been the introduction and rapid diffusion of television in

our societies, for not only families but individuals too. Their findings of their

study indicate that television has gradually changed our lifestyles, political

systems and social policies, and has transformed communities, and shaped

the way we view ourselves in relation to others. It has also managed to

occupy a central position, in many households, as a primary source of news,

information and entertainment. Other scholars (see Griffin (2011) refer to

television as society’s “institutional storyteller”, providing a coherent picture of

13

what exists, what is important, what is related to what, and what is

supposedly right. It has also become a key member of the household, with

virtually unlimited access to every member of the family.

2.3.1 Television as a domestic medium

According to Griffin (2011), television is essentially a domestic medium, and

the programme schedule is woven around the household routines by which

family life is organised. This could be seen from the variety of television

programmes and the viewing schedules which attempt to address the needs

and expectations of all family members. However, family members cannot

be considered as a homogenous audience, but consist of a wide variety of

groups, whose members actively read television text in order to produce from

it meanings that connect with their social life experiences.

Television has also become the centre of collective attention in the living

room of a household, although individuals might be conducting their own

activities, focused elsewhere, at the same time. Families and households

are therefore drawn together by television as they watch their favourite

programmes. At times individual viewers are divided by arguments during

this shared experience (Saxbe, Graesch and Alvik 2011).

The medium has also integrated itself in the lives of many of its viewers

through the scheduling of its programmes, which is part of its mode of

address to the domestic viewer (Ellis 1982). The scheduling is based upon

the premise of the wife/mother being at home during the day, and then joined

by the children from school at about 4.30 pm. This shift is marked equally

clearly by a change in both programme type and advertisements. Then, at

about 6.00 pm, the father of the household, other family members and also

individuals living alone are expected to be back from work; so the early

evening news is broadcast to gather them into the audience. This is typically

followed by a “softer” local news and news magazine programme aimed at

consolidating the individual members of the audience for the prime-time

viewing of soap operas (Ellis 1982). Figure 2.1 shows a typical example of

South African television scheduling.

14

Figure 2.1 Typical SABC and Etv programme schedules (Datafeed3 2015)

As per Figure 2.1, a comparison between SABC1 and Etv television channels

programme schedules indicate a common pattern of a change of programme

line-ups in the evening, with soap operas having more airtime than any other

genre. For example, from 18:30 to 20:30 pm SABC1 has three soap operas,

Skeem Saam, Generations -The Legacy and Uzalo, while Etv has a line-up

of four soap operas, Rhythm City, Scandal, Ashes to Ashes and Umlilo. All

are preceded by prime time news and reality show programmes. This

suggests that on a daily basis and five days a week viewers are exposed to

value-laden soap operas which are also part of their daily life routine.

15

2.3.2 A variety of soap operas to “fit” a heterogeneous audience

The number and variety of soap operas targeting different audiences and the

time allocated for each one of them guarantees maximum exposure and

audience attention of these programmes to their audiences, especially taking

into account the endless plots found in soap opera narratives. Fiske’s (1987)

view of this is that, for its own purposes, television attempts to homogenise

this variety so that one programme can reach as many different audiences as

possible.

2.4 Social influence of television on families and individuals

The study of Hamilton and Lawless (1956) focussed on television within the

social matrix, and, in their findings, they noted that television is being used

for recreational purposes, and is one of the activities in which all family

members participate during the course of a week. Although this research is

somewhat dated, it lends some support to the argument that television is a

major source of news and entertainment in many households. There is a

more recent study by Brody, Stoneman and Sanders (1980) which supports

the validity of such a supposition. This study, based on the effects of

television viewing on family interactions, revealed that television plays an

important role as a socialising agent in our society, in addition to the roles

played by parents, siblings, peers, and schools.

According to other studies (Greeson 1991; Allen 1992; O'Guinn and Shrum

1997; Chapin 2000; Lund and Blaedon 2003), such a habit of television

watching has become so common that viewers may simply be too immersed

in it to observe its influence on their lives, including on their values, beliefs

and even the way they live. O'Guinn and Shrum (1997) note that it is the

intricate ways it is woven into the everyday lives of so many people that

make it so difficult to realise television’s influence over them. It is something

which is so much a part of day-to-day existence that it remains invisible in

terms of being something to be analysed or consciously considered.

16

2.4.1 The effects of television on social norms

Television also provides a compelling medium for influencing a normative

national consciousness, and through the use of language, image and sound,

it (re)produces and represent a vision of the world for its audiences (Ives

2007). And although one might expect some changes in the nature of

television structure due to an increase in the number of channels and some

corresponding increase in programming diversity, many scholars (Fiske

1987; Miller 1988), argue that the basic structure of thematising a view of

reality that is biased toward the highly formulaic and stylised narrative

content of television is still intact. Moreover, although it might appear that

television has a strong hold on its viewers, as Hartley (1985) notes, it is still

caught between competing needs, namely, the need to appeal to and win

over a wide diversity of audiences and the need to discipline and control

those audiences so that they can be reached by a single, industrially

produced, cultural product. In order to achieve this, television has to

recognize that a diversity of audiences requires a diversity of modes of

address.

Television is known to have numerous uses and influences on its viewers.

James (1990) argues that in a household set-up, it can act to stimulate

communication or open up a conversation amongst viewers who were not in

talking terms; it can act as an affiliation by bringing together those who had

personal differences, or it may be used as an avoidance strategy by

pretending to be busy watching television while in actual fact blocking a

conversation with another person. Television may bring a family together or

create conflict; it can encourage “social learning”, such as providing

information or problem-solving skills; and it can be used as a means to exert

authority, or facilitate an argument. Television programmes themselves

(Russell, Norman and Heckler 2004) are influential because they depict and

even model a myriad of consumption-relevant phenomena, such as the

structure of family life, social roles, lifestyles and subcultures, or issues of

gender, race, and class.

17

2.4.2 Social problems caused by television

There are also social problems which are related to the exposure of

television’s pervasive images (Lazier-Smith 1989; James 1990; Beckwith

1994); such as sexist attitudes and beliefs, sexual harassment, violence

against women, eating disorders, and stereotyped perceptions of and

behaviour towards men and women. Craig (1992) writes that this could be

found in television commercials where, in an attempt at making them a

pleasurable experience for the intended audience, they construct the

advertisement in ways that reinforce the image which is most familiar to and

comfortable for their target audience. They also stress traditional stereotypes

of masculinity such as the importance of physical strength. When family

scenes are portrayed at all, they are only to remind men of their traditional

responsibility as breadwinner or protector. When married women are

successful outside the home, they are portrayed as having problems with

family and marital relationships. On the other hand, Roberts (1982) writes

that men are rarely shown as central to home and family-centred activities,

as these are regarded as feminine. And according to a study on the effect of

television on gender portrayals in television commercials by Craig (1992),

television images typify the exploitation of male fantasy and escapism

prevalent in the weekend experience, as seen in a large percentage of

weekend advertisements for alcoholic beverages. Such advertisements also

reinforce a common perception of the weekend being meant for leisure

activities and indulgence.

2.4.3 Unrealistic marital expectations created by television dramas

Television, through its programmes such as soap operas, is seen to have

brought about unrealistic expectations of what an ideal marriage should be.

Segrin and Nabi (2002) explain that an ideal marriage is in the portrayals that

include, for example, a great deal of romance, physical intimacy, passion,

happiness, physical beauty, empathy and open communication. Segrin and

Nabi (2002) add that, in the context of marital expectations, cultivation theory

suggests that the media messages may be cultivating unrealistic beliefs

about what an ideal marriage should be.

18

Television influence is potent to the extent that value judgments may in fact

be influenced by television viewing during the encoding process. A study by

O'Guinn and Shrum (1997) supports this supposition. Their findings suggest

that the effect of television viewing on material values was greater for those

who reported that they tend to pay more attention while viewing and who

tend to elaborate more while viewing. Thus television's power to create

significant characters and the potential for modelling their behaviours and

attitudes have profound implications concerning the use of television to affect

attitudes (Kozma 1991).

2.5 The nature and structure of soap opera

Television programmes are commonly described and differentiated according

to generic categories. Some of the familiar designations for television include

situation comedy, soap opera, crime drama, game show, news program, talk

show, and so on. These categories are distinguished by their programming

schedules and an array of shared conventions (White 1985). However, of all

television genres (Porter 1977; Hobson 1982), soap opera is the only genre

that offers itself to its audience as the representation of lives that are

separate from but continuous with their own, and it is the only genre in any

medium whose duration year after year is coextensive with that of the

calendar year. It is also a television genre which does not require the willing

suspension of disbelief, as viewers react to them in many ways as if they

were portraying real events and real characters.

This genre’s main characteristic is its unique narrative structure of endless

plots. Unlike in the traditional narrative structure, whereby a main character

is caught in a conflict which leads to an integrated series of crises and one

concluding climax, in soap operas conflicts may develop quickly, and then

suddenly be suspended; characters' problems may be solved haphazardly

without a climax; a character may dominate the narrative and then suddenly

become irrelevant. Sometimes a major event (such as a storm or a revealed

secret) can, without warning, change whole direction of the narrative and

plots (Derry 1983).

19

Soap operas are also known to remain running for months and even years.

South Africa’s Rhythm City premiered on ETv television channel on 9 July

2007, Scandal, also broadcast by ETv, started in 10 January 2005, with

Generations aired by SABC1 running since 1994, while SABC2 has

Muvhango, which has been on air since 7 April 1997. American television

soap operas, like The bold and the beautiful and The young and the restless,

have been on air since 1987 and 1973 respectively. All of these soap operas

are still running. Derry (1983) writes that historically, soap operas are aired

five days a week with each episode being a continuation of the previous one.

As in the case of South Africa’s Rhythm City, Scandal, Muvhango and

Generations, new episodes run in the evening hours, from Monday to Friday,

with some having daytime re-runs and a weekend omnibus.

2.5.1 The influence, appeal and popularity of soap opera

Kielwasser and Wolf (1989) note that what continues to set soap opera apart

from other popular television genres is the intense and lasting loyalty of its

dedicated fans who continue following it up, episode after episode. This

loyalty (Modleski 1979; Fowles 1982; Fiske 1987; Hayward 1992), is

generated by lack of a definitive end that keeps viewers in suspense about

characters who live from day to day in the households, memories and gossip

of viewers. The absence of finality is also said to “engineer” high loyalty, for

without climaxes, the soap opera viewer is kept perpetually in suspense,

forever wanting to know what happens next, with hanging questions such as

Did he die? Was the family long-held secret revealed? Will they ever find out

who leaked out the dossiers to the press? and so on. These hanging

questions and the anxiety of not knowing what will happen in the next

episode is normally created during the ending of an episode, which usually

stops at a climactic moment, leaving the resolution postponed. According to

Livingstone (1988), this emotional experience provides the “hook” that keeps

viewers watching, the involvement that makes them care about events and

characters and the arousal that makes them feel that the whole experience is

real, and matters, too.

20

According Hartley (1985), soap operas have the capacity to influence and

transform people, the reason being that people view television in the family

circle in their homes, so that violations of the taboos of language and

behaviour, which exist in every society, are witnessed by the whole family -

parents, children and grandparents - in each other’s presence.

This genre also use camera techniques to create a bond between viewers

and characters, through pulling them into each scene, positioning them at

eye level with the actors, situating them inside living rooms, kitchens, and

bedrooms, enabling them to share with certain characters knowledge

unavailable to others, such as a secret plan. Viewers hear the most intimate

details of characters' lives, people who have become familiar over years or

even decades (Hayward 1992). This bond and loyalty, according to Cantor

and Pingree (1983), is also what makes and keeps soap operas as the most

profitable genre on television and a vital part of commercial broadcasting.

As suggested by Modleski (1979), soap opera employs an array of narrative

techniques which enable the genre to exact maximum attention and loyalty

from the viewers. It also has numerous sub-plots and central characters who

may all appear to be at the centre of the storyline and controlling events, yet

are each in conflict with one another and continually thwarted in attempts to

emerge supreme. Modleski adds that the genre also experiences heightened

involvement by the viewers, who, when feeling frustrated by the sense of

characters’ powerlessness, feel like interfering to change an unfolding

situation. Its unique narrative structure also plays mind games with the

viewers by not generating the expected outcome of a situation.

Unlike cinemas, a soap opera character who seem central to the story might

be faced off from the story either through an accident, jail or any other

reason, and so this might change the whole angle of the narrative. A viewer

might at one moment be asked to identify with a certain character, only to

have that identification broken in a moment of intensity and attention focused

on a new emerging character who previously appeared to be a nonentity.

21

Because soap operas depict everyday happenings, the genre often forms

part of the cultural exchanges which take place in both the home and the

workplace. Therefore the pleasure viewers derive from soap operas can be

attributed to a large extent to the discussions of soaps amongst viewers. In

many cases, to talk about a “soap” forms part of the everyday culture at the

workplace, where it is discussed during lunch hours and tea breaks (Pitout

1998). These kinds of daily discussions on the characters, events and even

conflicts in the soap operas, where viewers actually take sides, are said to

influence viewers’ beliefs about the way the world works by means of “the

sum total of interactions, behaviours, and values present in television

content” (Cantor and Pingree 1983).

2.5.2 Soap operas as providing models for “real life”

The explanation for the animated discussions by viewers on the characters of

soap operas as though they are real people is that the genre's characters

serve as role models for real life, and viewers model their own behaviour on

that of characters to whom they have become parasocially attached. In this

way, characters function as meaningful referent others, agents of

socialisation and sources of information, able to influence viewers’ norms,

desires and behaviour (Russell, Norman and Heckler 2004; Stern, Russell

and Russell 2005). As a consequence, when viewers interpret characters as

real people behaving in a socially approved manner, the message is that

viewers themselves can model their own behaviour accordingly.

In addition (Allen 1992; Hayward 1992), soaps provide not just one but

several ongoing story lines, carefully balanced to satisfy very different levels

of themes. Some of the standard themes are family feuds, romantic triangles,

money and its relationship to power, greed, betrayal and other social issues,

and to some viewers (Allen 1992), such storylines provide an emotional

release, personal gratification, companionship, and an escape from reality.

As Livingstone (1988) noted, this may make viewers happier because, when

their own problems are portrayed, they can enter a community of others who,

through experiencing the same problem, can be imagined as understanding

and validating the viewer’s own experience.

22

According to Whetmore and Kielwasser (1983) there are other soap opera

viewers whose motivation is on looking for clues to predict plot outcomes,

attention to lifestyles, identification with a favourite character, and

observation of interpersonal dynamics with a view to learn from them. Some

“addicted” viewers are involved so passionately in the storylines of the soap

opera that it is very common to find them in offices, factories, streets,

markets and other private or public places engaged in heated debates about

what is to happen in the next episode of their favourite soap opera.

The intensity of the discussions, and, at times, arguments, demonstrates the

influence of soap opera images on its viewers. Such images (Cantor and

Pingree 1983), are said to influence viewers’ beliefs about the way the world

works by means of “the sum total of interactions, behaviours, and values

present in television content”. For example (Larson 1996), one study of

adolescent girl soap viewers’ responses to images of single mothers

revealed that the teens viewed the real world as a replica of the soap one,

filled with “an inordinate amount of soap opera problems, such as incest,

abortions, nervous breakdowns, and serious operations”. Segrin and Nabi

(2002) argue that there is a possibility, based on theories of media effects

such as cultivation theory, that media exposure has an influence on the

cultivation of such expectations. Signorielli (1991) further emphasises that

television may be the single most common and pervasive source of

conceptions related to marriage and intimate personal relationships. Other

scholars, including Shrum, Burroughs and Rindfleisch (2005), argue that with

such exposure overtime, cultivation effect of television viewing will influence

personal values as well as societal perceptions, as dominant programme

content becomes assimilated into personal value structures.

2.6 Conclusion

This chapter has shown that mass media have become the prime producer

and distributor of culture, values and beliefs in societies, and that the free

flow of media content can also shape and change cultural identities, amongst

23

other things. It has been suggested that in South Africa, mass media content

borrows heavily from other nations, often from USA’s television series. This is

because South Africa has yet to find a balance between appealing to the

local audience and meeting the standards of a homogeneous global market.

The literature also suggested that it is a challenge for any indigenous

community, such as the Zulu community, to preserve its cultural identity and

practices, and that television viewing may eventually lead to the erosion of its

identities, cultures and ideologies. A consideration of the nature and

structure of soap opera showed the influence, appeal and popularity of this

genre with dedicated viewers.

In view of what the literature suggested about the strong cultivation force of

television, this study set out to assess the influence of television soap operas

on Zulu marriage practices in the community of uMlazi. The objectives, as

stated in Chapter One, were to determine the influence of the television soap

operas on values and new trends of marriage practices in this community,

and to examine the extent and consequences of such changes for Zulu

couples. The study was guided by the following research questions:

1. What role (if any) have soap operas played in influencing trends in

marriages practices among residents of uMlazi, more specifically, with

regard to the following:

a) payment of the traditional ilobolo (i.e. bride-price);

b) co-habitation instead of marriage;

c) development of gender equity in marriage practices; and

d) other issues identified by participants?

2. What is the impact of such changes on marriage practices?

The next chapter will deal with the theoretical framework and methodology

used to find answers to the above questions.

24

CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

Chapter Three first looks at the theoretical framework adopted in this study,

cultivation theory, dealing with the definition and principle tenets of the

theory, the rationale for the choice of television for a cultivation study, and

critiques and studies on cultivation theory. Next, the methodology used is

described, giving the case for a qualitative approach and the reasons for

using an exploratory design approach. The use of the focus group as a data

collection technique is then discussed. The target population and the

selection of participants are described, followed by an account of the

procedure used in the focus groups. The chapter then deals with analysis

and interpretation of the data, including the issues of familiarisation with and

transcription of the data, as well as the management and organising of data.

The reading and annotating of data is then described, as well as the

processes of creating and assigning categories, and, finally, linking the data

and making connections.

3.2 Theoretical framework

This study focuses on the possible cultivation effects of television soap

operas on viewers’ (uMlazi township residents in Kwa-Zulu Natal)

conception of social reality in regard to co-habitation, payment of the

traditional ilobolo (i.e. bride-price), and development of gender equity in

marriage practices. The theory underpinning this study, cultivation theory,

was devised by George Gerbner (1919-2005) to help us understand the

effects of repeated television exposure on its viewers (Morgan, Shanahan

and Signorielli 2009).

3.2.1 Definition and principle tenets of cultivation theory

The underlying principle of this theory (Gerbner and Gross 1976; Gerbner,

Morgan and Signorielli 1986) is that, the more time individuals spend

25

watching television, the more likely it is that their conceptions of social reality

will reflect what they see on television. According to Morgan, Shanahan and

Signorielli (2009), the cultivation effects reflect the most common and

recurrent messages of the television which the viewer has been exposed to

over a long period of time. The effects are more pronounced on viewers who

repeatedly spend more hours watching television programmes compared to

light viewers (i.e. those who spend less time on television and are not

frequent viewers).

3.2.2 Rationale for the choice of television for a cultivation study

Gerbner and Gross (1976) argue on the rationale of using television in the

study of cultivation effects of media, stating that television is different from

other media due to its centralised mass-production and ritualistic use of a

coherent set of images and messages of its genres which are produced to

appeal to a heterogeneous population. Gross (1977) terms television a

“Trojan horse” which carries within it a highly selective, repetitive and

synthetic image of the facts of life. Gross adds that, even when we know that

what we are watching is not “real,” we may still pay a great deal of conscious

attention to the incidental background information in a story.

Other researchers, such as Shanahan and Morgan (2004), point out that

television is more available and accessible than most other media.

Compared to magazines and newspapers, television does not require

literacy. Unlike theatrical movies, television runs almost continuously, and

can be watched without leaving one’s home and without payment per

programme basis. Moreover, compared to radio, television can show as well

as tell, and it also does not require computer skills, unlike the Internet, which

is relatively expensive, or focused interaction from an audience member.

Another rationale on the choice of television is its programming schedules

which are subtly woven to fit into the daily routine of its viewers while its

programmes are broadcasted on daily basis with genres such as talk-shows,

drama-series and soap operas running on air for months with soap operas

running continuously for years. These features ensure steady exposure of its

26

messages and images, and a dedicated following by its viewers. They also

provide a fertile ground for cultivation which Gerbner (1998) describes as

“the independent contributions television viewing makes to viewer

conceptions of social reality” and which also comes about as a result of the

overall pattern of programming to which total communities are regularly

exposed over long periods of time.

3.2.3 Critiques and studies on cultivation theory

Shrum (1999) states that there are scholars who question the rationale of

linking cultivation effects with heavy viewing of television only, arguing that

there are other contributing factors such as education, and community and

cultural beliefs which also plays a role, and could increase or decrease the

cultivation level. For example, parental guidance, co-viewing patterns and

orientations toward television can either increase (Gross and Morgan 1985)

or decrease (Rothschild and Morgan 1987) cultivation amongst adolescents,

while Rothschild (1984) argues that children who are more integrated into

cohesive peer or family groups are more resistant to cultivation. People’s

religious, traditional and cultural beliefs are also contributing factors in this

regard.

However, studies by cultivation researchers have validated this theory,

suggesting that there is a correlation between television viewing and the

perceptions of things portrayed heavily on television (Shrum 1999). One

study looked at the cultivation effects of specific television content (such as

crime or gender roles) as portrayed by television programmes in general,

while the other study investigated the cultivation effects of specific television

genres such as soap opera, and how their portrayal of certain content (such

as marriage or gender roles) influenced viewers’ perception of their social

reality.

Some of the studies related to the cultivation effects of television

programming content were conducted by Saito (2007), who investigated the

role of television content as it related to attitudes concerning gender roles

and more specifically applied cultivation theory to examine the impact of

27

exposure to entrenched systemic patterns in television content on gender-

role attitudes. O'Guinn and Shrum (1997) examined the cultivation role of

television in the construction of consumer reality, while a study by Russell,

Norman and Heckler (2004) focused on the consumption of television

programming, and the development and validation of the connectedness

scale. In Shrum, Burroughs and Rindfleisch (2005) study, the television’s

cultivation of material values was investigated, while a study by Brody,

Stoneman and Sanders (1980) examined the effects of television viewing on

family interactions. A study by Ward (2002) explored the possible cultivation

of television viewing on sexual relationships. All these studies validated the

assertions of cultivation theory that there is a correlation between viewers’

perception of social reality and television content.

Other studies validating cultivation theory were genre specific, such as the

one by Larson (1996) which investigated the contribution of television soap

operas to the perception of the roles and lifestyle of single mothers. The

perceptions of the viewers were that single mothers have good jobs, are

relatively well-educated and do not live in poverty. Segrin and Nabi’s (2002)

study focused on the portrayal of marriage in soap operas and the possible

influence of such portrayals on the viewers. The findings highlight the

seemingly powerful role of idealistic expectations about marriage in shaping

the intention to marry. Another study on soap opera conducted by Wilde

(2004) examined how and why the narrative placements of disabled and non-

disabled characters tended to influence viewing experiences. The findings

were that, even when viewers found portrayals to be non-stereotypical, they

still found them to be unappealing or demeaning.

The strong cultivation effects of soap opera are not only found in studies but

also in social settings such as official websites of soap operas and

conversations of soap opera fans in the social media such as Facebook. For

example, in South Africa (Yomzansi 2013), SABC1’s biggest soap opera,

Generations, launched a new social site to interact with the fans. The site

consisted of live updates whereby both the soap opera characters and the

28

Generations fans could post their views and comments and continue to

interact with each other.

3.3 Methodology

The qualitative methodology used in this study is described in this section,

which first looks at the case for a qualitative approach, and next, at the

rationale for an exploratory design approach. Use of the focus group as a

data collection technique is then discussed, followed by choice of target

population and the selection of participants. Finally, an account is given of

the procedure used in the focus groups.

3.3.1 The case for a qualitative approach

This study explores possible cultivation effects of mass media (television

soap operas) on Zulu couples’ choice of marital lifestyles, ilobolo (brideprice)

practice, gender roles of the couples and the possible consequences of such

(cultivation) effects in their relationships. The study employs a qualitative

approach, which, according to Merriam (2009), focuses on understanding

the meanings people have constructed, that is, how they make sense of their

world and the experiences they have in the world. Jonker and Pennink

(2010) explain the relevant assumptions of this approach, which holds that

knowledge about reality can be obtained only through “the eyes of someone

else”. In this study, the term “the eyes of someone else” refers to the insights

and experiences gathered from the focus group participants while the

“knowledge about reality” constitutes the emerging themes arising out of the

focus group participants’ discussions. Qualitative inquiry also deals with

human lived experience. It is the life-world as it is lived, felt, undergone,

made sense of, and accomplished by human beings that is the object of

study (Schwandt 2001). In contrast, Frankel and Devers (2000) posit that

quantitative research employs deductive logic, often drawing heavily on

existing theoretical and substantive prior knowledge to conceptualize specific

situations, and to predict what will happen to particular people or groups, and

why.

29

The strength of this qualitative study is based on keeping an open attitude in

order to understand how others experience their situation and this is done

(Denzin and Linkoln 2005; Creswell 2009), through the collection of open-

ended emerging data with the primary intent of developing themes from the

data. In this study this is done by means of exploring and understanding the

meaning/s focus groups participants or groups ascribe to their social or

human problems. The process is largely inductive. Another aspect of the

qualitative approach, according to Creswell (2009), is one in which the

inquirer makes knowledge claims based primarily on constructivist

perspectives or advocacy/participator perspectives. The former are

concerned with the multiple meanings of individual experiences, meanings

which are socially and historically constructed, with the intent of developing a

theory or pattern. The latter refer to political, issue-oriented, collaborative- or

change-oriented perspectives.

Unlike quantitative research, a qualitative study needs no control for other

unrelated phenomena, as these may well be what characterises people’s

shift in thinking. In this regard, a qualitative study such as this one is more

concerned with understanding phenomena rather than predicting or

explaining (Nkosi 2011), and this made an exploratory design approach

suitable for this particular study.

3.3.2 The rationale for an exploratory design approach

Ackoff and Russell (1961) argue that a research design is the arrangement

of conditions for collection and analysis of data in a manner that aims to

combine relevance to the research purpose with economy in procedure.

Jonker and Pennink (2010) define design as being a (flexible) set of

assumptions and considerations leading to specific contextualised guidelines

that connect theoretical notion and elements to dedicated strategy of inquiry

supported by methods and techniques for collecting empirical material. The

choice of a research design (Kothari 2004), in fact, has a great bearing on

the reliability of the results arrived at, and, as such, constitutes the firm

foundation of the entire construct of the research work. It also provides the

30

opportunity for considering many different aspects of a problem, especially if

the purpose of the research study is that of exploration.

The design approach is, therefore, exploratory, based on the discovery of

ideas and insights and undertaken when not much is known about the

situation at hand, or when little or no information is available as to how similar

problems or research issues have been solved in the past (Jankowicz 2005;

Du Plooy 2009). Apart from obtaining ideas and insights, exploratory

research can also be based on any one or more of the following purposes: to

identify key concepts; to identify key stakeholders; to prioritise social needs;

to identify consequences of communication problems; to develop

hypotheses; to confirm assumptions; or to become familiar with unknown

situations, conditions, policies and behaviours. The aim here is to gain

familiarity with the issues and a deeper understanding of the subject matter,

not to come up with definite answers or decisions. It is hoped that this

approach will produce hypotheses about what is going on in relation to the

television soap operas’ contributions to the Zulus’ constructions of their social

reality, as based on soap operas’ images. Data replication and accuracy, as

noted by Du Plooy (2009), are not scientific criteria in this study, because the

research design is flexible to enable one to obtain an understanding of an

unknown area of research.

3.3.3 Use of the focus group as a data collection technique

The method used is focus-group interviews which are the primary source of

this study’s data. A focus group normally consists of between six to twelve

participants, and there could be more than one group depending on the

nature of the research. The relaxed, informal setting of a focus group as

Rabiee (2004) suggests, might provide information about a range of ideas

and feelings that individuals have about certain issues, as well as illuminating

the differences in perspective between groups of individuals. Another

feature of a focus group is the moderator, whose role, according to Lunt and

Livingstone (1996) is to ensure that the discussions remain focussed on the

issue while eliciting a wide range of opinions on that issue, encouraging

31

contributions, managing disruptions and diversions, and other problematic

group dynamics.

The rationale of the choice of focus group for this research is its ability to

generate rich data by participants in a group who are prepared to share their

views and lived experiences during the discussions (Krueger 1994; Rabiee

2004). Participants in this type of research are homogeneous, selected on

the premise that they would have something to say on the topic, are within an

age-range, have similar socio-characteristics and would be comfortable

talking to the interviewer and each other. They also have the additional

advantage that friends and neighbours can relate each other’s comments to

actual incidents in their shared daily lives (Kitzinger 1994; Richardson and

Rabiee 2001).

As a data collection technique, the focus group also provides an open forum,

where there are no “right” or “wrong” answers, and this gives each and every

participant a chance to express his/her views without fear of being looked

down upon. Finch, Lewis and Turley (2003) point out that it also provides an

environment which provides “safety in numbers”, and thus make research

accessible to people who might, for various reasons, find a one-to-one

encounter intimidating or uncomfortable on some topics but will feel free to

share their experiences on the same topics when in a group of people with

similar experiences.

The attributes discussed above were thought to make the focus group a

highly suitable method for collecting the participants’ experiences, shared

knowledge and an insight into television soap operas’ possible cultivation

effects in their lives.

3.3.4 Target population and the selection of participants

The participants used for the focus groups were drawn from uMlazi, a

township located in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The area has a

homogeneous population (predominantly Zulu) and it is also the third largest

32

township in South Africa after, Soweto and Tembisa, which are both located

in Gauteng province.

The recruitment of the participants involved the process of identifying a

resident from uMlazi, to act as my link in the recruitment drive. Finch, Lewis

and Turley (2003) note that such a phase of a research project requires

patience and sensitivity, since the way in which access is negotiated on the

ground can be critical to the success of a study. Hammersley and Atkinson

(1995), Holloway and Wheeler (1996) and Bryman (2001) stress the

importance of the following providing clear information about the objectives

and purpose of the study to the participants and why that setting (i.e. uMlazi

township) had been chosen; being open and consistent about what is

required, in terms of the number of visits envisaged, the amount of time

required, the range of people the research would involve; and also being

clear about how the findings will be used.

A local chairperson of a women’s group accepted our request and was

briefed on the aims, objectives and possible benefits of the study. We also

briefed her on her role and responsibilities as our contact person: which was

to assist us in getting uMlazi residents willing to be participating in the focus

groups discussions. In our second meeting with the contact person, she

introduced us to a group of men and women who were available for the focus

group discussions. Du Plooy (2009) refers to this process of recruiting

participants from units of analysis that are available as a “convenience

sample”. To determine the composition of the focus groups (Du Plooy

2009), the research questions and objectives of the study were used to

guide the identification of the population parameters or characteristics of the

sampled group.

Selection of the participants was guided by the underlying principle of

purposive sampling, which is the deliberate choice of an informant due to the

qualities the informant possesses (Tongco 2007). We also thanked those not

selected and explained to them the reasons, as well as the characteristics

used in the selection process.

33

The selection of the participants involved looking for the following criteria:

Resident of uMlazi

Zulu by tribe

Single

Formally married either through traditional or civil marriage, or in a

cohabiting relationship (i.e. as well as single participants)

Watching soap operas in all or either one of these television channels:

SABC 1, SABC2, SABC3 and ETv (these stations/channels were

chosen because they are accessible by all those who have television,

in South Africa and do not require any form of payment in addition to a

television set and license).

All selected participants were briefed on the purpose of the focus group

discussions, how it they would be conducted, and most important, the issue

of confidentiality. I explained to them that views expressed by them would be

held in confidence, that and no participant would be identified by name in the

final report unless by prior consent. I also gave them letter of information and

consent, which they all signed and retained a copy (see Appendix A). After

having agreed on the venue, day, time and duration of the sessions, we

parted ways until the agreed-on date.

3.3.5 Procedure used in the focus groups

The following procedure was used to gather data generated by the focus

groups.

a. Stage one: scene setting and ground rules

As the participants arrived, I welcomed and engaged them in a general topic

(e.g. the challenges of load shedding and water rationing). This was aimed

at creating a rapport with them and making them feel at their ease. Once all

the participants had arrived, I introduced myself and my assistant, who was

to be the note-taker during the sessions. I then explained to them the nature

and purpose of the research, aims and the objectives. I explained to them

34

the importance of confidentiality and anonymity, and stressed that the identity

of those taking part would not be disclosed to anyone outside the research

team and the focus group participants. I made a commitment to them that

there would be no direct or indirect attributions of any information disclosed

during the sessions which might lead to the identification of participants. I

disclosed to them that the sessions would be tape-reordered and that the

note taker would assist in the recording of the proceedings of the sessions.

I also informed participants that the sessions would be an open forum, and

that each one of them was free to talk as there would be no “right” or “wrong”

answers, views or opinions. They were assured that all views would be

appreciated and that any views or opinions expressed which contradicted

their own should not be taken personally. I reminded them that any matter

discussed during the sessions should be treated as a confidential matter and

not to be repeated outside the session (Ritchie and Lewis 2003).

b. Stage two: individual introduction

Having laid down the ground rules to be adhered to during the focus group

sessions, I switched on the tape-recorder and asked the note-taker to be

ready to take notes. I then asked the participants to introduce themselves

and used that opportunity to probe them, with a view to drawing out a fuller

response and to set the tone of an in-depth discussion to build up a degree of

familiarity (Ritchie and Lewis 2003).

When the introductions were over, I reminded the participants that we were

all one group, and nobody was superior or inferior by virtue of personal

beliefs, or socio-economic, political or religious position. This was intended

to prepare the participants for the start of the discussion sessions.

c. Stage three: group discussions

At this stage, I started off the group discussions by introducing the research

topic (Ritchie and Lewis 2003) with the purpose of getting group members'

spontaneous thoughts. The topic introduction was inform of an open ended

question: “What comes into your mind when you hear the mentioning of the

35

word soap opera like Generations, Muvhango, Rythm City, Scandal or Ashes

to Ashes?”. The intended aim was to create a vibrant discussion and

encourage all participants to be active. This worked well, as they all gave

their views even though two participants seemed articulate and domineering,

and almost overshadowed the others. As a way of taking the situation from

the domineering participants and back to the group, I interjected by

rephrasing the same question, and then asked other participants to give their

views. The objective was to get everyone a chance to say something at that

early stage in the discussions, as an individual's silence could become

harder for them to break as the group proceeded and they felt more and

more left out (Ritchie and Lewis 2003).

Participants started directing their comments to each other, a sign that group

interaction had picked up, and I intervened only when asking another

question or bringing the group discussions to order. This was also the stage

where I employed non-verbal cues: gesturing with hands or head, in a

manner to urge a participant to continue airing views or to speak out (if

silent). I also maintained eye contact and participated by probing participants

as a way of getting more insights from them, and asking if they had more to

add on to what had been said.

There were instances when the discussion dragged on for too long or

deviated from the main topic; I intervened by summarising the points made

and moved to the next question. I also listened to the terms used by the

participants (Ritchie and Lewis 2003), explored their meanings (i.e. to

respondents) and mirrored that language in formulating further questions or

comments.

d. Stage four: closure on the discussions

Having covered all the questions as outlined in the moderator’s guide (see

Appendix B), the note-taker spoke to the participants by summarising the

ideas and suggestions that came out during the discussion sessions. This

was intended to prepare the participants for the ending of the discussions

and, according to Ritchie and Lewis (2003), to avoid too abrupt a finish. The

36

note-taker asked the participants if there was anything related to the research

topic that had been left out or if anyone had something to say before winding

up the session. If nothing further was forthcoming, we ended the discussions

and thanked all the participants for their time and acknowledged the help that

we had received from our contact person.

I reaffirmed confidentiality of their views, opinions and identities, and

reiterated the purpose of the research and how it would be used. The tape

recorder was then switched off.

3.4 Data analysis and interpretation

Dey (1993) refers to data analysis as a process of resolving data into its

constituent components to reveal its characteristic elements and structure. It

also aims at bringing meaning to a situation or phenomenon to which the

data refers to (Saldana 2009). In relation to focus groups interviews,

Saldana (2009) argues on the importance of taking into consideration the

non-verbal communication expressed by the members of the groups during

the interview sessions, as this could add a valuable dimension to the

construction and analysis of data.

The approach employed in the analysis and interpretation of the data for this

research study was thematic analysis which, according to Green et al.

(2007), is one of the approaches that qualitative researchers can use to

make sense of their data. Braun and Clarke (2006) refer to this approach as

a method of identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (or themes) within

the data. Other qualitative approaches include narrative analysis, discourse

analysis and semiotic analysis. The main aim of each approach is to

understand the subject at hand. In order to minimise the potential bias

introduced in analysing and interpreting focus group data Krueger and Casey

(2000), the process of data analysis was systematic, sequential, verifiable,

and continuous.

37

The process of analysing and interpretation of the data was guided by the

following framework:

Familiarisation with the data through listening, reviewing, reading and

re-reading

Transcription of tape recorded material

Organisation and indexing of data for easy retrieval and identification

Reading and annotating

o Creating categories

o Assigning categories

o Linking data

Making connections

o Coding

o Identifying themes

3.4.1 Familiarisation with the data

The first step in the process of analysing and interpreting the collected data

was to familiarise myself with the data. This was done through reviewing the

notes taken by the note-taker and listening to the recorded sessions. I went

through each and every transcripts. and repeatedly listened to the tape-

recorded sessions, as Liamputtong (2009) suggests, without making any

notes or attempting to interpret the data. The objective was to get a deeper

understanding of the data’s substance and also prepare the ground for the

process of data transcription.

3.4.2 Transcription of data

The second phase of data analysis and interpretation was data transcription.

I did a verbatim transcription of the tape-recorded sessions, and in the

transcriptions I included some non-verbal cues in the transcript (Lacey and

Luff 2009), such as silence by some participants during the focus group

sessions as this might have communicated embarrassment or emotional

distress, or simply a pause for thought. I also included words such as well…

er…I suppose …mmhh…as they were important elements of the discussions

and conveyed different nuances depending on the context of the

conversation.

38

3.4.3 Managing/organising the data

The transcribed data needed to be properly organised in readiness for the

analysis and interpretation phase. As Dey (1993) recommends, good

analysis requires efficient management of one’s data and the data should be

recorded in a format which facilitates analysis. In this regard, the data were

filed, as suggested by Edson (1988), as a set of responses for each question

and this made the comparison between responses much easier.

3.4.4 Reading and annotating

According to Dey (1993), reading and annotating are processes which aid the

“digestion” of the data, absorbing information and reflecting upon it. It also

involves relating the data to previous knowledge, analysing the relationship

between various parts of the data to other parts or the whole collected data.

I started the reading and annotation of data by reading through the whole

transcribed data while writing down and noting important points that came

from the data. It was also essential at this phase to keep changing focus

between different questions and responses within the data. This was to give

me a deeper insight on the relationships between the data. The focal point

here, as suggested by Dey (1993), was also to extract from the immense

detail and complexity of the data those features which were most salient for

this research study.

3.4.5 Creating and assigning categories

The creation and assigning of categories involved copying bits of data from

one context (responses from a set of research questions) into its appropriate

context (category). Dey (1993) refers to this process as the drawing of

distinctions within the data. These distinctions were identified by a variety of

categories. The next phase was the comparison of categories and the

creation of sub-categories within a category. The rationale for this was to get

a better perspective of the data within each category and also have a more

detailed comparison of data from different categories. Data comparison was

a continuous process until all possible categories were established. This was

39

a preparatory phase for the process of linking and making connections of the

data based from the developed categories.

3.4.6 Linking the data and making connections

This was the last phase of analysing and interpreting the data, and it involved

identification of themes or emerging concepts and the coding of the data.

Tesch (1990) suggests that the codes should be the identifications of the

data, not abbreviations of the content, adding that the topic is what is talked

or written about while the content is discussed is the substance of the

message. The coding adopted for this process was descriptive code which,

according to Saldana (2009), summarises in a word or short phrase – most

often as a noun – the basic topic of a passage of qualitative data.

The start of the data analysis involved reading the data several times while

making as many notes as possible while, as posited by Liamputtong (2009),

using key words expressed by the participants or giving names to themes in

the data (i.e. coding it).

I also generated an index of codes which helped to interpret the data. I

constantly reviewed the codes. Where there were several codes or phrases

that related to the same concept, I examined them closely to see if the

developed codes were relevant to concepts or the developed categories in

the literature, choosing one and deleted the others. The next phase was

examining the codes closely to see if there were any connections between

the codes or if there was evidence suggesting connections between concepts

and categories, that is, how these concepts and linkages related to the

existing literature (Liamputtong 2009).

3.5 Conclusion

The account of cultivation theory given in this chapter has suggested that it is

an appropriate framework for addressing the research questions formulated

at the end of Chapter Two, in defining the role soap operas might have

played in influencing trends in marriage practices among residents of uMlazi.

40

This is because cultivation theory postulates that, the more time individuals

spend watching television, the more likely it is that their conceptions of social

reality will reflect what they see on television. Television does not

necessarily reflect the views or cultural traditions of the families watching it,

as it is a highly selective, repetitive and synthetic image of “real” life.

Cultivation theory has in fact described television as a “Trojan horse” lurking

in the midst of the family, subtly influencing views and values, being a more

available and accessible medium than most other media.

While television is not necessarily the only factor in the cultural erosion

resulting from globalisation and mass media, this study has attempted to

make the link between changing community attitudes to partnership and

marriage by focusing closely on participants’ experiences of one of the most

popular television genres, the soap opera. As Chapter Three has shown, the

methodology used was qualitative, using focus groups to elicit discussion on

the participants’ favourite “soapies” (Generations, Scandal, Rhythm City and

Ashes to Ashes). The text was then analysed and coded to elicit an in-depth

account of the influence of the “soapie” on cultural views and values, in

particular, those connected with partnership and marriage. The next two

chapters will present the findings and analysis of the data thus gathered.

41

CHAPTER FOUR: THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION

SOAP OPERA ON ZULU MARRIAGE PRACTICES

4.1 Introduction

Chapter Four deals with the findings and analysis in terms of how they

answer research questions 1.b and 1.c, namely: 1.b What role have soap

operas played in influencing trends in marriages practices … with regard to

the co-habitation instead of marriage?; 1.c What role have soap operas

played in influencing trends in marriages practices … with regard to

development of gender equity in marriage practices? After starting with a

description of the role of soap operas role in participants’ social life generally,

an account is then given of the role soap operas have played in influencing

trends in marriage practices, focusing on adoption of co-habitation instead of

marriage, and the development of gender equity in marriage practices. The

chapter then looks at the impact of such changes on marriage practices. The

issue of payment of the traditional ilobolo (i.e. bride-price, question 1.a) has

been left until the next chapter, so that all of the other factors discussed here

might provide the context for this issue, which generated the most data, and

was therefore considered of key importance to participants.

4.2 The role of soap operas in social life

This section first takes a general look at what participants’ answers revealed

about the role soap operas play in social life. As suggested in the literature,

it was found that soap operas are part of the everyday lives of their audience

(Ahmed 2012; Ahmed and Khalid 2012). They have been able to represent

their content as acceptable everyday happenings and also form a part of the

cultural exchange which goes on in both the home and the work place. They

have also created a world dominated by interpersonal relationships, where

characters discuss marital, romantic and family problems.

Such an argument points to the reflection of soap opera’s social reality and

its cultivation role on its viewers, as mirrored in the context of the participants’

42

views and comments. Figure 4.1 illustrates how viewers’ exposure to soap

opera characters results in them cultivating social realities similar to those of

television world soap opera characters. It also illustrates how such an effect

generates a continuous cultivation cycle. Figure 4.1 is further explained

through the views and comments of the participants which provide a link

between the world of soap opera and the daily life routine of its viewers. A

summarised view of the participants’ responses on the question of what their

favourite soap opera is articulates the programme’s influence on the

participants’ daily life routine.

Figure 4.1 Cultivation effects of soap operas

4.2.1 Soap operas as an integral part of family life

These comments indicate the extent to which soap operas have become an

integral part of family life:

“Generations is my favourite one, I cannot miss an episode and when

I do, I know I will get the update from my children or workmates.”

(Participant A)

“…some people leave the food burning while watching soapies, while

Cultivation

Effects

soap opera's characters

social reality

Cultivation

Effects

Soap opera

viewers

Soap opera (characters)

43

others delay family dinner time so as to watch their favourites

(soapie).” (Participant W)

“We eat before or at times after watching Generations.”

(Participant V)

Such views further illustrate the extent to which the programme commands a

strong, dedicated following and a grip on its viewers too. Also, what is

significant in their comments are the references as to how a normal family

routine such as cooking or dinner time are disrupted, while members of a

family or individuals in a household rush to watch their favourite soap opera.

Such a disruption of a family routine was explained by a participant as a way

of avoiding interruptions in viewing, since nobody would be willing to do any

other thing when their favourite soap opera was on air. This further implies

that viewers plan some of their daily life routines around the schedule of their

favourite soap opera. They also agreed that soap opera is irresistible, as

summarised in a quote by a participant:

“These programmes are addictive, like me at the moment I am

following Ashes to Ashes, Rhythm City and also Uzalo. But the

problem is Generations and Ashes to Ashes come at the same time.

But I try to switch from one to the other.” (Participant F)

4.2.2 The addictive nature of soap operas

Based on such responses, it can be argued that soap opera has

characteristics which are addictive and irresistible to its loyal viewers;

episode after episode, year after year. Cantor and Pingree (1983) mention

such characteristics as including continuing stories and interwoven plots. The

presence of suspense, where viewers are kept guessing about the

characters and their fate also seems to be a major factor relating to the

soaps' popularity. Many viewers like to predict future events, and gain

pleasure from doing so (Ahmed 2012).

44

It can, however, be argued that soap opera owes a part of its popularity to

the fact that viewers enjoy forming a kind of participatory “relationship” with

the characters, and also like to identify themselves with the plots and

characters (Cantor and Pingree 1983). An extract from Participant L’s views

illustrates this position:

“When people watch such characters as Genaro (A villain in Etv’s

Rhythm City), they think that they can also do the same thing and get

away with evils. I like Puleng and Fat (characters in Etv’s Rhythm City

soap opera), they are good characters. I share their struggles in life.”

(Participant L)

The other aspect is the slow pace of soap operas which enables viewers to

keep up with the plot, even making it possible for them to miss several weeks

without losing track of the plot line. These features, according to Ward

(2002), along with storylines that never begin and never really end,

distinguishes a soap opera from other types of television programming.

Another unique feature of soap operas is the manner in which an episode

comes to an end and how the subsequent episode starts. It is common for

soap operas to stop at what might seem like an explosive moment or

exposition of a long held family secret, final fall of a notorious antagonist, or

the snaring of a cheating spouse. But the “’end” rarely forms the start of the

next episode, and at times, while it could start from where it stopped, the so-

called climax could end up not providing any satisfaction to the viewers at all.

These, and other factors, forms part of the unique features which make soap

operas’ viewers follow each and every episode.

4.2.3 Soap operas as providing models for daily living

The value-laden soap operas provide viewers with an array of themes in the

form of countless verbal and visual examples of how dating, intimacy, sex,

relationships, business rivalry or family feuds are handled (Ward 2002).

They also provide them with an opportunity of seeking solutions,

understanding their situations or purely entertaining them. Participants

45

echoed these as being some of the benefits derived from watching the

programme. The following themes extracted from their comments reaffirm

such an argument:

“To me, soapie is a window to the world. I have learnt a lot of things

from Rhythm City.” (Participant K)

“I regard soapies as an extension of our lives. We see ourselves and

also we see how others react to different situations.” (Participant I)

The above views highlight the central role of soap operas as a source of

knowledge and information, which provides its viewers with varied

perceptions of life and solutions to their life challenges, based on what they

see in the programme. The views of Participant K and I bring into focus soap

opera’s primary role, which according to Participant K and I, projects the

world that we live in. Soap opera can also actually establish or reinforce

values, suggesting how people might behave in certain situations (Colbert

1989).

It is then safer to suggest that viewers see soap operas not as a

representation of their world but as a real world with real people out there.

This also suggests that the continuous active interaction of the viewers with

the texts has an influence on the viewers, who do not see soap opera

characters as a representation of an hegemony ideology but as ordinary

people going about their daily routines of life. This perception creates a

steady relationship with the characters to which they relate, and helps

viewers find their own “inner selves” (Ahmed and Khalid 2012).

The following quotes from participants reaffirm such an argument:

“Like in Generations, Dineo was an inspiration to women.

A strong woman and Karabo too inspired many women in real life.”

(Participant N)

46

“I think it’s because the programmes and the characters have values

that we can identify with. Like me, I admire David Genaro and Daniel

Nyathi” (actors in Rhythm City and Scandal respectively). (Participant

J)

4.2.4 Soap operas as reflecting values of daily life

Participants J and N also admitted that soap opera characters had values

which they could identify with and emulate in their lives. Such a view

explains the deep involvement and bond which the soap opera characters,

and not the soap opera itself, have established with their viewers. The view

by Wander (1979) further explains the potent cultivation role of soap opera

characters when he argues that the soap opera characters have the potential

of becoming more real to us “than the people living next door or down the

hall”. The reason for this is that we encounter soap opera characters five

days a week, overhear them in their own homes and offices revealing the

most intimate things about themselves, hear about them from a number of

other people, and also “know” them intimately.

Such a daily exposure to soap opera characters by the viewers, provides a

deep involvement and “personal interaction’’ with the characters, and the

gradual integration of values portrayed in the programme ends up being

reflected in the viewer’s lives. An extract from an animated discussion

between two participants, responding to the question of why they identify

with certain characters in their favourite soap operas, points to the viewer’s

integration of the world of soap opera into their social realities. Of

significance is how they defend and refer to the soap opera characters as

though they were real people.

Moderator: And why do you identify with those characters?

Participant J: I think it’s because the programmes and the characters

have values that we can identify with. Like me, I admire David Genaro

and Daniel Nyathi (actors in Rhythm City and Scandal respectively).

47

Participant K: Haa haaa, why do you only like bad people? David and

Daniel are bad examples.

Participant J: They are not bad people. It is only that they know how

to take care of situations.

Participant K: But David kills people while Daniel blackmails or

swindles.

Participant J: Mhhh, I don’t look at it that way. They are businessmen

and a good businessman knows how to protect his interests.

It appears from participants’ views, comments and a study such as the one

by Cantor and Pingree (1983) that soap opera as a genre is only a vehicle

used in the transmission of messages, while its potent nature lies with the

characters who forms the context of its storylines. These storylines provides

a reservoir of values which the viewers could relate to or draw from, a wealth

of life experiences and knowledge as extracted from participants’ comments:

“… I learn a lot from their lifestyles especially how family challenges

are sorted out.” (Participant H)

“To me, soapie is a window to the world. I have learnt a lot of things

from Rhythm City." (Participant X)

This suggests that people might actively use soap operas, or television in

general, to help them deal with their own interpersonal situations, as well as

using it as an opportunity for families to talk about sensitive interpersonal

problems (Donohew, Palmgreen and Rayburn 1987).

48

4.3 Soap opera’s role in influencing trends in marriages

practices

In this section, participant responses will be analysed in terms of starting to

answer research question 1: What role (if any) have soap operas played in

influencing trends in marriages practices among residents of uMlazi? It will

first look at the trends and forms of marriages available to members of this

community (see Figure 4.2), and next, how soap operas influence partners’

interpersonal relations.

4.3.1 Trends and forms of marriages available to the community

The various partnership or marriage options available to community

members and discussed in this section are illustrated in Figure 4.2.

Figure 4.2 Marriage and cohabitation options currently available to

participants

In the Zulu community, marriage is considered as a union between two

individuals from the opposite gender. The importance of marriage in relation

to the bonding of two families is also stressed. However, media exposure

has continuously posed a challenge to such traditional values and practices,

Marriage

Civil or religious marriage

Customary marriages

Civil union

Cohabitation

Transition to marriage

Companionship

"Marriage"

49

and this exposure is known to influence knowledge, behaviour and value

systems (Moswang 2009). Such an influence has manifested itself in South

Africa’s legal system in the form of legal provisions to accommodate

emerging patterns of union formation. As Figure 4.2 illustrates, the South

Africa’s law on marriage now recognises three types of marriages: civil or

religious marriage, customary marriages and civil union. Civil or religious

marriage is between individuals of the opposite gender and it is governed

under The Marriage Act, 1961, the other form being customary marriage,

which falls under The Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, 1998. The

most recent one is civil or religious marriage or a civil partnership between

two individuals regardless of gender. This falls under The Civil Union Act,

2006.

In the context of this study, the term “marriage” would refer to those three

types of marriages as recognised by South Africa’s law. However, there are

other forms of personal relationships and union formation, such as

cohabitation, which emerged from the analysed data and reflected

participants’ views. Trask and Koivunen (2006) refer to such an (informal)

relationship as a shared union between two individuals based on private

feelings, and marriage as being a public institution governed by overt rules

and laws about the rights and responsibilities of its individual members. The

views from participants brought forth the role and influence of soap opera in

the formation of unions and individual relationships.

4.3.2 How soap opera influences trends in marriages practices

This section deals in particular with research question 1b, namely, factors

influencing choice of co-habitation instead of marriage. When asked what

kind of marriage or partnership relationships are found in their favourite soap

operas, participants argued that the forms of relationships portrayed in those

programmes are confusing and at times it is difficult to distinguish married

couples from those individuals living together as couples. Staying together,

living together, moving-in and come-we-stay were concepts used by

participants when referring to cohabitation.

50

Such views are summarised in these interview extracts:

“Mhh, ehh, these programmes have many faces of relationships, at

times I don’t know if the couples are married, in courtship or just

staying together. But mostly they just live together.” (Participant L)

“Yes, it’s so difficult to know whether they are formally married or not,

but you see them staying together.” (Participant H)

“I think it is because those staying together do everything husbands

and wives do in marriage. That is why people confuse between the

two. Some even have children.” (Participant U)

These extracts seem to suggest some of the causes of the close similarities

between marriage and cohabitation. Participants’ views were that cohabitees

act and behave like married couples, that is, have duties and responsibilities,

raise their children as parents and even have family gatherings. Budlender,

Chobokoane and Simelane (2004) explain that cohabitees will not be willing

to acknowledge their status to outsiders, and will instead report themselves

as either married or single. Participants’ views also highlighted various

reasons attributed to cohabitation as reflected in these interview extracts:

“But some of them stay together then get married, which is not a

bad thing.” (Participant Q)

“Yes, some have families and stay with another person in their

houses. I think it is to do with companionship, because when they

go back to their homes in the villages or townships, they leave the

other behind.” (Participant P)

“And there are people who live together and decide to get married

when they get a child. I think it is because they want to be proper

family.” (Participant O)

51

Such views on cohabitation corroborate Rindfuss and VandenHeuvel’s

(1990) argument that some couples see cohabiting as a transition to

marriage while others see it as an alternative to marriage. As reflected in

Participant O’s views and related research (Manning 1996; Manning,

Longmore and Giordano 2007) this suggests that cohabitees may also marry

to legitimate the birth of a child, establish paternity and facilitate father

involvement. These studies, and the of the participants imply that marriage

and family are still important institutions in communities, and that, even when

individuals cohabit, they still maintain some of the value systems and

practices found in marriage. This explains why participants had difficulty

distinguishing cohabitees from married couples in their favourite soap

operas.

In responding to the question on the kind of marriage or partnership

relationship found in their favourite soap operas, these examples given by

participants revealed a portrayal of mixed forms of individual relationships:

Characters cohabiting:

Thembeka and Quinton, Tino and Erin (in Scandal: an Etv soap

opera); and Sibusiso and Prisca of SABC1 Generations, with Nikki

and Suffocate of Etv’s Rhythm City.

Married characters:

Zinhle and Ngema, Eddy Khumalo and wife Maletsatsi, Zinhle Ngema

and Ngema in Scandal, an Etv soap opera.

Participants also acknowledged the role played by soap opera in influencing

the choice of the type of relationship preferred. They argued that the

programme has removed the stigma previously attached to cohabitation, and

that many people tolerate it, with some looking at it as a form of marriage, as

suggested by Participant L: “…after all marriage is about living together, the

issue of papers is just a formality. “

52

They also acknowledged that the practice is not part of Zulu traditions, and

such a union is not recognised, but their views in accommodating such a

practice is due to the dynamics of the world that we live in. This is summed

up in this interview extract:

Participant Q: It is not a good thing to do but what can we do?

It is life.

Moderator: I understand that this practice is not part of Zulu cultural

practice. So where is it coming from?

Participant T: Of course it is the soap operas and television. TV

teaches many things.

Participant R: It is true, when you watch soapies every day it

becomes your life because we copy what they do.

Participant S: Moving in is not a good thing but we cannot run away

from it. I lived with my wife before we got married and it helped us to

plan our lives together.

Such views acknowledged the role of soap opera as a transmitter of values

and moulder of behaviours. This assumption is based on the fact that soap

opera themes touch on real-life situations, and the characters are seen as

people who are real to the viewer (Thabethe 2008).

Participant S’s acknowledgement of having used cohabitation as a transition

to marriage reflects the findings of a study by Rindfuss and VandenHeuvel

(1990), who suggest that cohabitation has developed into a gradual way to

move into a union, with Brown (2004) explaining such a union as being

marriage. However, while cohabitation has found a place in the Zulu

community as a form of union practised by some individual members of the

community, the practice is still looked down upon, and such individuals are

seen as flouting traditional values and practices. Participant S’s views

53

summarised the value and importance, as well as one of the requirements of

“proper” Zulu marriage practices:

“I would not want my daughter to be like that; staying with a man

without paying ilobolo. That is making herself cheap.” (Participant S)

Besides soap operas, there were other factors cited by participants sas

contributors to cohabitation, such as urbanisation and labour migration. The

argument was that such factors compel individuals to work and live away

from their homes and families, and some find solace in cohabiting as an

alternative to marriage or for companionship.

“Yes it is happening; especially people working in the mines have

several women. What we see in these programmes is what is

happening around.” (Participant U)

“Moving in is a reality and we cannot remove it. Many factors bring it

up such as economic matters and even the fact that people live far

away from their homes, so they do anything.” (Participant O)

Participant O’s view, “...so they do anything”, suggests that individuals feel

free to make their own choices and decisions when it comes to the type of

union formations in which they engage. This agrees with Sassler and

Joyner’s (2011) conclusion that the emergence of new forms of union

formation is due to individuals and couples having become more autonomous

and flexible in defining their family lives. This greater latitude which

individuals now have in organizing their family lives is reflected in their

choices with respect to union formation (e.g., remaining single vs. forming

cohabiting and marital unions). Governments have also gained more

authority over the course of recent centuries in regulating marriage and

intimate relationships, and now even more in recent decades. This

development of individual freedom on matters related to choice of a union

formation is reflected in the interview extracts quoted below:

54

Moderator: And what is your view of this relationship of staying

together?

Participant P: I have no problem with moving in, it is better than

having a girlfriend or a man and you just go to visit him. It is a bad

show. When you stay together, people know that you are serious in

your relationship.

Participant T: Moving in is not a bad thing. It’s better than having a

mistress.

Participant Q: It is not a good thing to do but what can we do? It is

life.

Participant U: The youth do stay with their girlfriends before getting

married or just staying together. Especially those staying far away

from their homes, since families are not around to stop them doing

that because culture demands that ilobolo has to be paid, even if it is a

small amount to show respect and seriousness.

From this perspective, cohabiting and marital relationships are based on

levels of attraction, the availability of alternative relationships, and

dependence between the partners (Sabatelli and Ripoll 2004). Participants

also noted that cohabitation is a better alternative to having an extra-marital

affair or having a mistress. The concept has therefore found acceptance

even though people are aware that such a practice is not part of Zulu cultural

practice.

In response to the form of union formation they might find themselves in,

participants argued that marriage is preferable, and that they were in a formal

marriage since it is recognised and it gives children an identity and respect in

the community. It is safer and there are no problems in relation to issues

such us inheritance or burials. They argued that cohabitation is not suitable

to adults and demeans their status in the community; lack of recognition by

55

law is also another reason cited by participants. This legal position is

reflected in Worku and Seble (2006) who point out that cohabitation in South

Africa has no legal bearing in terms of ownership of assets unless the

property is registered under both partners’ names. Furthermore, partners

have no automatic right to pensions and other benefits. Either of the parents

can act as legal guardians of the children depending on the best interest of

the child Participants also argued that even those cohabiting end up getting

married since it is “the right thing to do”. Such views support the views of

Brown (2004) who suggests that cohabitees might marry their partner

because they view marriage as a desirable adult attribute, improving their

social status.

4.3.3 Soap opera’s influence on couples’ interpersonal relationships

The research questions included “any other issues” (1 d) which participants

might have mentioned and which might have relevance to the marriage and

partnership issue. Responses suggest that soap operas have an influence

on couples’ interpersonal relationships as well as on their choice of marriage

or partnership.

As mentioned previously, Donohew, Palmgreen and Rayburn (1987)

comment that people might use soap operas, or television in general, to help

them deal with their own interpersonal situations, as well as for escape,

entertainment, companionship and surveillance. For couples in a

relationship, watching the programme’s characters deal with their personal

situations, might in a way, help them to find solutions to their own problems.

However, in the context of relationship expectations, cultivation theory

suggests that in portraying idealised images of couples, the media may be

cultivating unrealistic beliefs about how a relationship should be. Such

portrayals could be by including or minimising conflicts or mundane

behaviours in relationships (Segrin and Nabi 2002). Depending on the

theme, character or situation portrayed in such programmes, couples could

either be re-energised or feel helpless in their situation.

56

Marital partners might argue more as a result of viewing soaps, yet seeing

relationships and marriages dissolve over misunderstandings and

inappropriate behaviours might actually strengthen viewer's real world

relationships. Some viewers might learn from soap characters’ mistakes and

avoid making similar mistakes in their own lives. Others might adopt strategic

steps that soap characters used effectively, or discard strategies that did not

help to solve the problems concerning their own interpersonal relationships

(Ahmed and Khalid 2012).

Participant U, a frequent viewer of SABC1 Generations, explained reasons

for being a loyal fan of the programme. He argued that soap opera’s

portrayal of successful people inspired him to be a better person in life just

like the programme’s characters. He gave this example:

“…like in Generations, Dineo was an inspiration to women. A strong

woman and Karabo too inspired many women in real life.” (Participant

U)

Participant U’s view suggests that viewers look for role models in the form of

either individuals, couples or families from whom they drew their strength. In

this way, the social life of the role model also impacts on the viewer’s. A

study by Seiter et al. (1989 ) agrees with this view, arguing that there

appears to be an important relationship between what a person watches on

soap operas and what he or she believes to be true about those aspects of

the real world which tend to be portrayed with exaggerated frequency on

soap operas. This kind of relationship between the viewers, soap operas

and characters is so real to Participant Q that according to him, “it is like

seeing the lives of your neighbours.” Other participants look at soap operas

as frequent evening visitors from whom they always learn something new.

According to Participant, the genre provides them with solutions to their

interpersonal conflicts. These views are expressed in the extracts below:

57

“ …and at times it helps couples to correct their mistakes without

being told just by watching the programme you can identify with a

character or a situation in the story.” (Participant P)

“I prefer watching Ashes to Ashes and uZalo. Local soapies are

programmes that you can watch with your family as a parent not like

other television programmes which are full of bad examples. There are

certain things that we don’t know in life but when you watch these

soapies, you get ideas and it shows you the way." (Participant Z)

“Yes, you cannot watch some of foreign programmes because they

teach our children bad culture. In my family we watch Generations and

Scandal. They are our visitors every evening. We learn a lot about life

and people." (Participant Y)

This is an important assertion which, according to Ahmed (2012), suggests

that soap opera representations can improve marital communication and

interpersonal relationships. Issues that couples or individuals in a household

cannot openly discuss are left for the soap opera, which acts as a mediating

factor between the parties (see Figure 4.3).

An extract from the discussions summarised such perceptions:

“I think it is because when we see our mistakes on the screen we tend

to identify with them but when you get confronted directly, one tends to

be defensive.” (Participant O)

"And that is why I feel it is important to watch with your family because

through them we learn from the mistakes or get something good from

them." (Participant R)

58

Figure 4.3 Soap opera as a mediating factor between partners

The above interview extracts underlines the critical role played by soap

opera; from individual to family level. One such view is from Participant R

who sees the programme as a tool of reality exploration or a way of seeking

solutions to problems (Compesi 1980): "... because through them we learn

from the mistakes or get something good from them" (Participant R). Such

views suggest that the programme's representations, through characters,

multiple-plots and themes, provide alternative solutions or options to

situations. As the following participant suggests:

"I mean that it is something we cannot avoid; the influence. When we

see couples having a happy life in those soapies, it is natural to want

to be like that by seeing what makes them happy." (Participant Q)

There is a negative side to soap opera influence, the consequences of which

could be the breaking of relationships, a cause of a marital discord between

couples or a communication breakdown in a household or among individuals

in a relationship. This could happen when viewers relate to or make

comparisons between soap opera portrayals and their real life situations;

using the programme as a standard or expected way of life in a relationship.

59

Rubin, Perse and Taylor’s (1988) study confirms this, arguing that when

viewers perceive television to represent reality accurately, they are more

likely to be influenced. Participant U's response reflects while responding to

the question of the possible influence of soap opera in the participants'

relationships:

"Yes they do, at times good ones and at times bad ones. If your

spouse sees the character in the soapie buying a birthday gift for his

wife and you normally don’t do that then that generates a cold war in

the house." (Participant U)

4.4 The influence of soap operas on gender roles

This will be dealt with in two sections, the dynamics of soap operas and

gender roles in relationships, and the conflicts in cultural values caused by

changing gender roles.

4.4.1 The dynamics of soap operas and gender roles in relationships

According to Ahmed and Khalid (2012), the content, presentation and

production of soap operas have seen rapid changes in recent years. A

programme might succeed in lessening the stigma previously attached to

issues such as extra-marital affairs, cohabitation, alcoholism and even rape.

Issues previously considered “taboo” to be discussed in public discourse

have earned acceptance in the social setup of our country. People no-longer

switch off their television sets or change channels when situations of this type

arise but are curious to see how the issues are resolved.

Because of the rapid transformation of the genre, assertions such as the one

by Marx (2008), that soap opera is the only narrative on television created

specifically for women, have also changed. The genre has transformed its

image and now appeals to a whole society, irrespective of gender, race,

class, culture or religious beliefs, with considerable influence on its viewers. It

is now even more realistic on its representations of the world that we live in.

In fact, the genre now presents the world to its viewers rather than

60

representing it. This is evident in local soap operas such as Rhythm City,

Scandal and Generations in which national holidays such as Youth Day,

Freedom Day and Heritage Day are commemorated. This gives the viewers

the image of a genre not detached from the every activities of their world.

The profiles and stereotyping of characters, as mentioned by Ahmed and

Khalid (2012), have also made a shift. Modern soap-operas seem to have a

strong work and career oriented portrayals emphasizing professional high

status goals for women, and such portrayals may inspire women viewers.

This shift is reflected in characters such as Dineo and Karabo (previously in

SABC1 Generations), Thembeka and Mmadika (both of Etv's Scandal) and

Nikki (of Etv's Rhythm City): these are some of the female characters who

represent images of independent career women.

Thus although women are still stereotyped in soap-operas, the image of the

modern women has changed. From being a meek, docile, subservient

housewife, she has grown and evolved into a strong individual. She not only

excels in her profession but is also an able home-maker. Some working

couples who are portrayed in the soap genre share household chores and

the responsibilities of a family, without having any tension or

misunderstandings. An example of portrayals of such couples, namely,

Mlungisi Ngema and wife, Zinzile, and Eddie Khumalo and wife, Maletsatsi

(all couples in Etv's Scandal), is given below:

Mlungisi Ngema and wife Zinzile

Family patriarch, Mlungisi is a proud and traditional man. He is a

working class and believes in earning an honest wage. He loves his

wife and children and could go to any length to feed his family.

Mlungisi is protective of his wife Zinzile and believes in handling his

problems rather than sharing them with his wife.

Matriarch of the Ngema family, Zinzile is a good and supportive wife,

and caring mother to her children. A woman of great inner strength,

61

Zinzile runs a steady household and also employed as a house-help

and often a guardian and babysitter.

Eddie Khumalo and wife Maletsatsi

Eddie is a respected journalist, father, friend and husband. He is a

reformed alcoholic and recently overcame prostate cancer. He is

highly intellectual and has won many awards; he has a strong code of

ethics and has numerous fights with management on which stories to

publish.

Maletsatsi is Eddie Khumalo's wife. A very moral, kind person and a

devoted Christian. She is honest although she can be very judgmental

and self-righteous. Maletsatsi has become an anchor in Eddie’s life

and has a warm and open relationship with her daughter, Palesa. She

runs her own business (Etv 2015).

Czarniawska, Eriksson-Zetterquist and Renemark (2011) point out that,

stable and repetitive as soap operas are, the values and people as

portrayed in them are changing. Participants' views and responses reflected

such changes. When asked what gender roles were portrayed in their

favourite soap operas and whether they fitted their idea of what men and

women should be like, participants argued that soap operas no longer portray

Czarniawska, Eriksson-Zetterquist and Renemark (2011) in traditional roles:

"You know these days women want to be independent yet at the same

time want to get married. So at times I don’t get it when I see a lady

who is married, in the soapie, employing a housemaid or telling

husband to cook or do go to pick children from school." (Participant H)

"These programmes give mixed messages. Sometimes you see a

husband with a housewife and in the same programme you will see

other couples with a wife who is very much a feminist." (Participant K)

62

Such views are what Czarniawska, Eriksson-Zetterquist and Renemark

(2011) refer to as the mixture of stereotypical and non-stereotypical gender

behaviours in soap operas. They also reveal strong traditional views of the

Zulu culture on what the gender roles of married couples should be: a

married woman should be submissive and also serve the husband (family)

and it is her duty to take care of household chores rather than employing a

house-help, a common new trend in urban areas amongst married couples

who are both working. Participant H felt that in that respect, the portrayal of

gender roles in the soap opera is misleading. However, Participant K

explained this by saying that soap operas were trying to strike a balance

when it came to the portrayal of couples and gender roles, suggesting that

soap opera is no longer biased towards stereotyping of gender roles.

However, in Participant K's response, the reference to "a wife who is very

much a feminist" connotes an image of a wife who does not adhere to Zulu

traditional values and practices. She is seen as one who demands the

sharing of household chores with the husband and challenges the traditional

status quo of male dominance. Participants also linked ilobolo with gender

roles among married couples, a view shared by Nkosi (2011) who explains

that ilobolo is a practice that is associated with the marriage institution, a

practice that seems to encourage heterosexual couple partnership and sex-

based division of roles. It would seem that it plays a role in the socialisation

of individuals into “appropriate” gender roles. This interview extract sums up

such traditional views:

Participant I: So does it mean women are slaves? Enhee!!

Participant H: Not really but you see when ilobolo is paid what is it

for? It has its package.

Moderator: What do you mean by package?

Participant H: Ilobolo has its responsibilities and a married woman

needs to fulfil those traditional roles.

63

This emphasises that ilobolo payment brings with it duties and

responsibilities, and makes it an obligation for the married couples to fulfil

such traditional gender roles. But Buthelezi (2004) faults such traditions,

blaming Zulu culture for colluding in the subordination of women by

stereotyping them and thereby determining their destiny, largely through the

institution of marriage (Buthelezi 2004). However, Zulu culture, as expressed

in participants' views, dictates that part of what makes a married woman a

wife is her performance of household chores such as cooking and looking

after the children, while the husband's role is to provide financial support for

her family, in addition to being the head the family. These selected quotes

from participants reflect such assertions:

"These are women who cannot cook or look after their husband needs

yet they want to be called wives." (Participant K)

"I prefer those women who are loyal and obedient to their husbands. If

you want to be stubborn then you will break your marriage."

(Participant J)

"I see in those programmes women who fight their husbands end up

being miserable in their marriage." (Participant I)

It is apparent from those views that both husband and wife should adhere to

their traditional roles, and a deviation from that, especially from the wife, is

likely to bring a rift in their relationship. A participant's statement that,

"…women who fight their husbands end up being miserable in their marriage"

refers to women who demand being equal partners in a relationship such as

marriage. To a male participant, such women are stubborn and rebellious.

Moreover, while women may be successful in various feminine occupations:

housework, receptionist-cum-secretary, even a restaurant owner, when

portrayed as having careers in traditionally male occupations they are

caricatured by images of the iron lady or the viper or married woman who has

marital problems due to the demands of her career or work (see

64

Czarniawska, Eriksson-Zetterquist and Renemark 2011). However, female

participants viewed such female characters in the soap opera as being

progressive, and looked up to them for inspiration and motivation. Thus soap

operas are meant to educate and to convey information, they also teach and

model actual behaviour in unintended ways (Anger 1999). This is reflected in

a participant's argument, as quoted below:

"But such women inspire us and give us the courage to fight for equal

treatment in relationships. This issue of a woman being confined in

the house is old fashioned. At times I admire those who just live

together because there is no gender discrimination. They are the

same.” (Participant I)

The female participants considered such characters as inspiration, and not

deviating from traditional values and practices, contrary to the views

expressed by male participants. They noted cohabitation as being a better

alternative to marriage, as it lacks the stereotype gender roles seen in Zulu

marriages. For many, especially women who want to be independent, a

formal marriage may therefore be viewed as an obstacle to independence

(Lewis 2001). This is because, in Zulu traditional marriage, gender structures

put certain people (male) in positions of power while putting some (female) in

subordinate positions (Nkosi 2011).

4.4.2 Conflicts in cultural values caused by changing gender roles

Culture is what defines one community from another. Such an identity

becomes the fabric of the lives of the individual members of the community.

It is important to remember, though, that culture is a vehicle through which

traditional gender structures are reinforced, often resulting in gender

inequality (Tong 1998). Although a viewer's continuous exposure to a

specific television genre is claimed, according to cultivation theory, to have

an influence over a person’s perception of the real world (Ahmed and Khalid

2012), such an influence may tend to serve in reinforcing the viewer's beliefs

and practices, such as ilobolo or gender roles as indicated by the extract

below;

65

“It is all about respect. I can do anything in the house as a woman or

as a wife as long as I am not meant to feel as a slave, because

naturally I know my duties and television cannot change that. If you

watch Scandal, there is a wife who works as a househelp, she is

called Zinzile. She is a good example of an obedient wife and their

marriage is so good." (Participant J)

This participant's comments highlight the views of other female participant,

that they have no problem with the traditional roles the Zulu culture assigned

to women. Their problem is rather the manner in which such practices are

carried out, which, in opinion, may appear demeaning to them. They

regarded themselves as partners who deserved respect in a relationship.

Athough both male and female participants acknowledged the influence of

soap opera in their lives, they argued that such influence doesn’t occur

overnight, as culture appears to be the mediating factor;

“In those programmes I respect those husbands and wives who follow

their traditional duties because they know that culture is very strong

and its custodian is the whole community and as such it is not possible

to change your lifestyle and contradict core values of your culture,

otherwise where will you live?” (Participant H)

"But a woman is a woman. She cannot be a man. The roles of a

husband and wife are inborn and natural. We cannot change that. The

television only shows the contrasts in our society’s values."

(Participant J)

The two contrasting views suggest that viewers have several options

regarding gender images: to accept them, to disregard them, to interpret

them in their own way, or to reject them (Ahmed and Khalid 2012). The Zulu

community seems to have a strong influence on its individual members, with

individual members being more concerned about what the community would

66

think of them, rather than pursuing their own personal interests. Participant

H noted that it is not an individual who could make such a drastic change on

matters touching on cultural practices: "culture is very strong and its

custodian is the whole community."

It can be argued that male participants favoured stereotypes portrayals that

reinforced their positions as being the superior ones. Bertrand, Brown and

Ward (1992) explain reasons for such a position. They posit that male

characters are featured in a greater variety of roles and occupations than are

female characters, and are seen as powerful, assertive, problem-solving

agents whose needs and opinions are taken seriously. Women, on the other

hand, are typically featured less frequently and often serve as subordinates

to the male lead. Female characters are more often passive, dependent,

emotional, and youthful, with a greater focus on their physical attractiveness.

The argument by Participant J that “…the television only shows the contrasts

in our society’s values,” is an acknowledgement of the fact that societies

have changed, and that there are opposing views and forces on issues

related to gender roles. To avoid a conflict in marriage, a participant

suggested that those individuals in a relationship should discuss and agree

beforehand on the type of marriage and role that each one of them will play.

However, such a view can only find place in cohabitation, which a female

participant favoured in place of a traditional marriage, since it offers more

independence and flexibility, as individuals in such a relationship define their

own roles:

"To be on the safe side it is better to agree in advance on what kind of

marriage and the roles of each one of you because these days you

cannot force or expect a wife to be obedient or do everything for the

husband." (Participant K)

This views suggests that individuals in a relationship should rather be open

minded in their interpersonal relationship, and choose an alternative which

will suit them as couples. The contrasting views among participants on their

67

responses regarding the genre's influence on individuals is possibly due to

their living within a capitalist society. They are perhaps negotiating their

cultural identity and orientation in a society that promotes multiple cultural

identities through a variety of means, with the main one being the media

(Agatucci 2006). The soap opera is not necessarily a reflection of any

particular cultural practices, but rather a commercial product with a universal

appeal to a mass audience. As Rivadeneyra and Ward (2005) suggest, such

a universal content is often associated with stronger support for sexist

attitudes and with more stereotypical associations about what the sexes do

and how they behave.

4.5 Conclusion

In looking at participants’ responses to questions on what role soap operas

might play in influencing trends in marriages practices (research question 1),

the following subsections to question 1 have been addressed: 1 b) choice of

co-habitation instead of marriage, and 1 c) development of gender equity in

marriage practices while 1 d) any other issues identified by participants will

be addressed in the next chapter. As for answers to question 1 a), on the

issue of ilobolo (bride price), this produced a complex range of answers,

which needed to be addressed in some length. For this reason, this will be

dealt with in the next chapter. Answers to question 2, as to the impact of

such changes (i.e. those brought about by soap operas) on marriage

practices will be dealt with in Chapter Six.

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CHAPTER FIVE: THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION

SOAP OPERA ON ILOBOLO

5.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the findings and analysis on the role of television soap

opera in influencing the practice of ilobolo and the impact of such an influence

on marriage practices. The chapter starts with contextualisation of ilobolo

from a Zulu traditional perspective, looking at some of the core values, roles

and responsibilities associated with it. It then looks at the divergent status

and concepts of ilobolo, such as its reference as source of male domination

and female subordination, the commercial aspect attached to it, and its role

in strengthening relationships and imparting couples with social legitimacy.

The chapter also gives an account on the cultivation role of soap opera in

terms of its representation of cohabitation, gender equity, mixed marriages

and the legal system. It describes how such factors have impacted on the

practice of ilobolo, as well as their influence on the social reality and

interpersonal relationships of married couples and individuals in a

relationship. The chapter concludes after summing up other issues identified

by participants as relating to partnership practices, which were found to

revolve mainly around the issue of ilobolo.

5.2 The place of ilobolo in the Zulu community

This section looks at the participants' responses on the influence of television

soap opera on ilobolo (brideprice) practice and how such an influence affect

interpersonal relationships of married couples or individuals in other forms of

union formations such as cohabitation. According to Ntshangase (2015),

ilobolo involves negotiations between the head or elders of the prospective

wife and that of the groom. The representatives of the groom's family would

undertake to give to the prospective wife's family the agreed payment as part

of a customary marriage mandatory requirement and is usually paid in form

of cattle or money. Ilobolo is also regarded as a prerequisite to a marriage

and its payment validates the relationship of the couples and accords them

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the status of a Mkhwenyana (an in-law, a recognition of the relationship and

respect between the two and their respective families). It also plays a major

role in the interpersonal relationship of the married couples and that of the

two families.

The varied responses from participants highlighted the unique and revered

position that ilobolo holds in the Zulu culture. This is reflected by this

(summarised) quote:

"This is our culture and it's hard to move away from it." (Participant H)

The views of Participant H seems to indicate that ilobolo is still being

practiced despite existing factors that contribute to the diminishing of its

traditional significance and the important role that it supposedly plays in

marriage unions (see Gustafsson and Worku 2006). It is a tradition that

cannot be negotiated, as stated by Participant J:

"I cannot give my children a surname of a person who never paid

anything to my people."

For an isiZulu woman who is married and for whom ilobolo has been paid,

such a woman has respect and status in the community, and, if a large sum

of money has been paid for her, it denotes a sense of being highly valued by

the husband (Gustafsson and Worku 2006; Chabata 2007). The children

born out of such a union acquire legitimacy and are allowed to use the

surname of their father (i.e. the husband). As Chambers (2000) points out, a

woman upon marriage becomes a part of the husband's family and shifts

from living under the control of her father to living under the control of her

husband, her mother-in-law, and the head of her husband's family. Any

children of the marriage became part of the husband's family. Figure 5.1

illustrates such a position of ilobolo as a unifying factor in an Zulu marriage

practice. Chambers (2000) refers to it as the cornerstone of the Zulu

marriage system.

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Figure 5.1 ilobolo as a unifying factor in isiZulu marriage practices

A participant's view further reaffirmed such an assertion. The view appears to

suggest that non-payment of ilobolo could even result in a husband being

prevented from burying his wife:

"I agree with you enh…it is important because in some cases if no

lobola was paid you cannot bury your spouse. It's like you never

married. People just stay in the city but when there is a traditional

problem then they realised what they missed." (Participant K)

Participants indicated that ilobolo is central to any Zulu marriage practice,

and that, as argued by Gustafsson and Worku (2006), even though ilobolo

payment is not a requirement in a civil marriage, many Zulu couples who

marry in such a marriage still go through the rites of ilobolo practice as it

validates and accords a marriage legitimacy in the Zulu community. It also

bestows certain rights, duties and responsibilities on the married couples.

The practice is believed to give to the wife a form of security (Chabata

(2007), and to the husband, a form of respect as a Mkhwenyana as

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Participant L stated: “If lobola was paid for you, even when you go to the in

laws you will see they respect you a lot. It is not like you met somewhere in

the city as if you have no family.”

According to Participant H:

“You know it is important in marriage. It means many things like If you

never paid any lobola you cannot be assured that she will stay with

you all through. She will be insecure because lobola ties you as a

couple.” (Participant H)

Thus this practice affords married couples social status and traditional

legitimacy in the community. It also sets the framework of the interpersonal

relationships between the couples and their two families. It is in fact the

foundation of a Zulu marriage practice.

5.3 Contrasts in actual ilobolo practice

While ilobolo is considered a noble practice with social utility, it can be

detrimental to family harmony if it is abused (Chireshe and Chireshe 2010).

Participants agreed on its importance as a cultural practice, yet strongly

differed on how it should be practiced, with male participants sticking to the

stereotypical nature of male dominance and demanding what they referred to

as "duties and obligations" that come with the payment of ilobolo. Their

views were that ilobolo comes with responsibilities and expectations: that the

wife will perform house chores and be subordinate to the husband:

"These are women who cannot cook or look after their husband needs

yet they want to be called wives. And you paid a lot of money for

them, for what? " (Participant R)

Participant R seems to suggest that ilobolo payment accords the husband

absolute rights over the wife and also the obligation to take care of her needs

in expectations that she will fulfil her obligations as a wife. But female

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participants' frustrations in this regard are reflected through Participant Q's

views:

"… but some men don’t do that and when you complain to your family

they tell you to go back to him because he paid lobola. It is like you

are a slave." (Participant Q)

This lamentation was echoed by other female participants, who complained

that, though women do what is expected of them as per custom demands;

their husbands rarely fulfil their obligations. They complained that, when such

matters are taken to the family elders for an arbitration, the elders do not

arbitrate and instead demand that the wife goes back to her husband, since

he paid ilobolo. From such views, it appears, as Kambarami (2006)

suggests, that ilobolo gives a man all rights, whilst the woman is stripped of

all freedom and rights. Her position is further reduced to the level of acquired

property, especially in cases where ilobolo was set at a higher value. As

Participant U argued:

"But these days' people use lobola for business. It is like you are

buying something that you cannot get anywhere else. What I am

saying is that, it is like they tell you to pay what they demand or there

will be no bride for you."

In this kind of a scenario, the value of ilobolo is set and the family of the

groom have to pay without further negotiations. The participant's view

indicates that there is an element of commercialisation in this traditional

practice, where the potential buyer has to pay the price set by the seller. The

view also seems to be charged with anger and frustration, which, as other

male and female participants agreed, is mostly carried over into marital life.

Moreover, as Chabata (2007) also found, the charging of exorbitant ilobolo

fees can result in enmity between two families, especially when the

bridegroom's family feel that they were somehow forced to agree on the

value of the ilobolo. However, such views differed from those of some

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female participants, who argued that the practice strengthens interpersonal

relationships of married couples, and accords the wives respect in the

community. Such views seems to be corroborated by with Kim and Motsei

(2002), who found that ilobolo helps to strengthen relationships and impart

them with social legitimacy.

5.4 The marginalisation of ilobolo practice

Television soap opera appears to have a marginalising on ilobolo practice

through the portrayals of the lives of cohabiting characters or characters who

are in some form of such relationships. Through the genre, the practice is

presented as a flexible, and an open relationship that accords each individual

the opportunity for the type of interpersonal relationship they should have.

Such a perspective is also articulated by Lewis (2001) who points out that

members of a couple who prefers to be equal and independent, instead

chooses cohabitation, with no cooperative decision-making on certain

matters. Individuals also have the option of dissolving the relationship if one

or both individuals feel that the relationship has outlived its objective or is no

longer feasible due to various reasons. This kind of set-up is a contrast to

traditional marriage, which has clearly defined rights and roles for each

individual in the relationship.

Although participants acknowledged not practising cohabitation, they viewed

it as a good alternative to marriage, highlighting some of its benefits over a

traditional marriage practice, as pointed out in this quote:

"Moving in is good for many people because there are no abuses. If

you feel it is not serving you as you want, you can pull out unlike

traditional marriage once lobola is paid it is so difficult to pull out."

(Participant B)

From such a perspective, it appears that participant's preference for

cohabitation as an alternative to marriage or a form of marriage could have

an indirect effect on ilobolo practice, since cohabitation is a personal choice

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with no cultural or legal recognition. A male cohabitee has no obligation to

pay any ilobolo and there are no defined gender roles to be adhered to, apart

from what will be mutually agreed upon by the cohabitees.

Another aspect of what seems to be the attractive nature of cohabitation to

the participants is the portrayals of cohabiting individuals in soap operas, as

the participants argued that those individuals live a normal life just like any

other married couples. Such a view reflects lack of stigma on such a practice

and it also suggests, as Rindfuss and Vanden Heuvel (1990) posit, that

cohabitation is generally viewed as an alternative form of marriage, which

could be seen as indirectly diminishing the status of ilobolo and Zulu

marriage practice. The argument also articulates the positive aspect of

cohabitation, pointing out that the decision of staying together as partners is

an indication of a commitment. This perspective is derived from the following

quotes:

"When you stay together, people know that you are serious in your

relationship. And also these days marriage is expensive, people

cannot pay lobola so you see staying together is easier. You can see

that in TV programmes and they are ok." (Participant P)

"You are right, parents demand a lot of money and we cannot get

married because of greedy relatives. If you live together they don’t ask

about lobola. You can just tell them you are planning and life goes on.”

(Participant T)

What is significant from these perspectives is the acknowledgement of the

existence and potential that cohabitation has, and as a possible alternative to

marriage. Such a position could see the possibility of ilobolo being

marginalised, since it has neither a legal or cultural position in cohabitation.

Shrum (1999) explains that that such a repeated exposure to a highly

formulaic and very consistent message, may lead viewers to conclude that

the messages (such portrayals) reflect attitudes and practices prevalent in

society and may thus be useful for later decisions.

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The portrayals of soap opera characters with strong personalities and who

appear to challenge male dominance in the society was also cited by male

participants as a discouragement to paying ilobolo and marrying such

women. Their view was that a wife should be submissive to the husband and

willing to undertake traditional roles assigned to her by the tradition. They

argued that paying ilobolo for such a woman is a waste: a view which

suggests that ilobolo has expectations which include traditional gender roles.

However, female participants viewed such characters as inspiring and role

models. Such women are also portrayed as being either single or financially

independent and successful in comparison to married women who are

dependent on their husbands. For women who view marriage as offering

social status and security in life, such soap opera characters could cause a

change of their beliefs on such matters. In reference to this, Rindfuss and

Vanden Heuvel (1990) explain that, based on the changes in the meaning of

cohabitation, the value of marriage has changed as well. For women, the

perception of marriage as a means of gaining economic security and

independence from parents has weakened because of their labour-market

participation.

Thus women no longer enter marriage as the weaker partner, or because of

factors such as security or respect but as equal partners capable of making

valuable contributions in relationships. However, for those women who are

opposed to traditional practices viewed as demeaning to the wife, a formal

marriage as Lewis (2001) suggests, may therefore be viewed as an obstacle

to independence and cohabitation may be seen as a viable option since in

such a union the household is treated not as one single unit, but as a

formation of individuals (Konrad and Lommerud 2000).

5.5 Idealised images of soap opera on ilobolo

As a cornerstone of Zulu marriage practice, the payment of ilobolo set into

motion a chain of many factors such as the role and duties of the couples,

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the interpersonal relationship of the two families, and even the manner in

which conflicts between the couples could be solved. This is as it should be

in the traditional view of Zulu society. But the changing nature of the society

that we live in, apart from having positive influence, can also erode the

values and principles of this traditional practice. As this quote from the

extracted interview noted:

"Like in ZABALAZA (also a soap opera in DStv) you see Lindiwe

refusing the request to get a child. She just wants them to live like

that. What life is that? Lobola should not be paid for a woman like

that." (Participant B)

The portrayal of character Lindiwe, as a strong independent woman,

challenging some of the core values and principles of a patriarchal society, is

seen by this participant as a challenge to the customs and practices of

ilobolo. While the character Lindiwe's position is backed by South Africa's

legal system, which gives a woman, and even a wife, the right to determine

whether she wants a child or not, the male participant’s view indicate that

such a woman does not deserve the payment of ilobolo, a practice which

places the husband’s control over his wife’s sexuality (Chireshe and Chireshe

2010), and requiring her to be obedient and submissive in all matters.

It is worth noting that such strong views articulated by Participant B are

prompted by a television soap opera character, Lindiwe, who is only a

representation of those values and not a real person. This is what the study

by Buerkel-Rothfuss et al. (1982) refers to as perceived realism of television

content which accounts for some of the correspondences between television

content and reality perceptions. Their study also found that the relationship

between watching family-oriented television programs and perceptions of

families is mediated by beliefs that television families were realistic. The

views of Participant F appear to support such findings:

"You know when you are married traditional, these days you have a

problem and elders refuse to help but you see other people who have

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their own plans, they go to court or counselling. Now you wonder why

pay lobola yet elders cannot help when you have a problem. As you

see in the TV people prefer going to court to sort their matters. At

times I think is better because there are no other ways and the

purpose of lobola is now lost. The family it is like they no-longer

interested after the lobola was paid."

The reference to a television soap opera family, and how they resolve their

interpersonal problems through courts or counselling, makes it seem as

though the participants view them as a real family. This "realism of television

content" accounts for the cultivation effects of a television soap opera that

see viewers integrate the television world in their social lives.

The participants’ views also have brought out several critical factors, some of

which act against the values of ilobolo, while others are the supposed

functions of ilobolo, as expected in a traditional marriage between couples.

In such a marriage, it is expected that a conflict between couples should be

arbitrated by elders from both families. But the alternative sought by couples,

as portrayed in soap opera, of either seeking professional counselling

services or taking each other to court, appears to be favoured by this

participant who also argued that such options diminish the important role of

ilobolo plays in marriage practice.

Agatucci (2006) further sheds light on this matter, stating that, in a country

such as South Africa, where both capitalism as well as cultural orientation are

promoted, it seems reasonable that the participants may be divided between

Western and African reasoning regarding how matters should be sorted out.

Participants also referred to the marriage between Quinton, of a coloured

race, and Thembeka, of an African descent (both are characters in the Etv

Scandal soap opera). The argument here is that their mixed marriage could

be a good example and a solution of situations where traditional practices,

specifically ilobolo, are abused. The rationale of the view is that, in a

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marriage where individuals are from different cultural background,

compromises have to be made, which augurs well for a healthy relationship.

"You know lobola has become like business, men cannot pay and the

other side, others say that lobola is oppressing women. When you

look at all this, it is better having a mixed marriage because you

compromise and from there you get a middle-ground where none of

the partners feel pushed to the wall. Like in Scandal programme. You

see Quinton a coloured married Thembeka and there is no this thing

of culture rules." (Participant D).

What is significant from participants’ viewpoint is the constant references to

soap opera or characters from the soap opera. Such views appear to

collaborate with Gerbner and Gross (1976), who state that television has

become the central cultural arm of society, serving to socialise most people

into standardised roles and behaviours. They suggest that television

cultivates people's beliefs about how the world works more through the sum

total of interactions, behaviours, and values present in television content than

through finite attempts to persuade.

Thus, while cultural practices appeared to have support and respect of the

individual members of the Zulu community, as exhibited by the views of the

participants of this study, they still viewed them from different perspectives.

This was because , the portrayals of television soap operas were seen as

offering better alternatives or solutions on certain matters related to their

interpersonal relationships.

5.6 Other partnership issues identified by participants

The answers to research question 1d), that is, what other issues were

identified as relevant by participants, are dealt with in this chapter, as they

were mostly associated with, or revolved around, the issue of ilobolo.

Although participants acknowledged the prevalent nature of cohabitation in

the Zulu community, the commercialisation of ilobolo practice, and the

contrasting nature of gender roles among married couples and cohabiting

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individuals, they indicated that such practices are brought about by various

factors, among them television programmes, labour migration and the

urbanisation of human settlements.

"…you know these days; you cannot blame one thing for all our

problems or other things happening on our country. Like when a

relative is in Pretoria or Port Elizabeth it is not easy to know what they

are doing there. Some people change their behaviours when they are

far away from their homes. They can start drinking alcohol or even

going to clubs." (Participant F)

The above participant's argument suggests that, owing to people relocating

to other areas, away from their communities, in search of employment or

education, the nature of their behaviours do change and some adopt a way

of life different from that of their communities. Participants noted that

cohabitation is not a decent practice for mature adults and that it portrays

adults or a parent in a negative perspective and it is a bad example to

children. Participant D expressed this viewpoint:

"At my age how can I live with a woman without getting married? How

do I tell my children not to bring their boyfriends or girlfriends at home

yet I am living with a woman older to be their mother without paying

lobola? It is not right." (Participant D)

Participant D’s view infers that, although cohabitation is practiced discreetly

by some individuals, they seem to be aware that such a practice is forbidden

by culture. It is also regarded as a form of disrespect to the community and

family members. The participant views further suggested that any form of

union such as marriage without the payment of ilobolo is not recognised by

the community as it is not a cultural practice. It also appeared, from the

participants’ views that family and culture played an important role as a

mediating factor on matters that seem to deviate from culture. Individuals

from the community constantly struggled to preserve their cultural practices,

as noted in this extract:

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"I know that life is hard this days but lobola has to be paid. We cannot

stop being who we are because the economy is tough. We have to

make a plan." (Participant B)

Even with the participant's acknowledgement that economic conditions make

it difficult for them to practice all traditional marriage rites, adherence to

cultural practices is presented as not a matter of choice but an obligation, to

be fulfilled at all costs. As Agatucci (2006) suggests, perhaps more worrying

is the fact that, in a quest to prove their orientation to their culture, Zulu

individuals may find it necessary to hold on to aspects of their culture that

potentially put them in compromising positions. Such views also reflect what

male participants argued about, as summarised by this quote:

"Why should I pay lobola for a woman who tells me when to sleep with

her and when not to? And if you demand it she might sue or report you

for attempted rape. It is like you paid lobola for nothing. This law is not

good." (Participant A)

The participant's argument reveals the conflict between South Africa's legal

system and cultural practices on matters such as the conjugal rights of

married couples or individuals in some form of relationships. It appears from

the participant's views that ilobolo gives the husband full conjugal rights over

the wife, while South Africa's law consider such an act as a rape in the

absence of a consent by the wife. The male participants viewed such a law

as interfering with cultural practices. They argued that, in such a situation,

the need for paying ilobolo becomes irrelevant.

"In some marriages, people do not even talk, especially the

bridegroom family when they feel that they were pressurised too pay a

lot of money as lobola or not forget the wedding." (Participant F)

Such a position, as expressed by the participant, defeats one of the core

values of ilobolo, which according to Bourdillon (1976) and Chigwedere

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(1982) is the art of joining two families together and appreciating the

important role played by the in-laws in bringing up the bride. A concern from

male participants was that women are torn between culture and gender

equality, and, although they seem to favour the payment of ilobolo, they

regard its core values as being demeaning and amounting to the

subordination of women. They also cited gender roles of married couples,

arguing that some wives are not in favour of traditional roles assigned to a

wife by Zulu culture but instead prefer shared roles in a matrimonial home,

irrespective of who is the bread winner or head of the family.

“... you know our women, they want to be on both sides and this is one

reason that causes problems in marriages. You want to be a wife and I

pay lobola and again you want me to cook and help you wash dishes

as if you married me. And also some are stubborn; if you discipline her

she will run to file charges against you." (Participant L)

Such a view expressed the frustrations of male participants who felt that

women were not sincere and should not talk of being inferior to men while

Zulu culture and South Africa's legal system protect them. Both male and

female participants noted that the Zulu culture in general, and the isiZulu

language, in particular, contribute to the stereotyping of gender roles. As

Buthelezi (2004) notes, the "wifehood role" of a woman is reinforced in

everyday isiZulu language and even in phatic interactions. Therefore through

language a girl learns early in life that a man is an important part of her

identity as a woman. For example,s when a woman is speaking to another,

she may say:

"Angihambe manje ngingaze ngixoshwe emzini" (I should be going

home now: otherwise [my husband] will chase me out of the house).

Such a culture defines, from an early age, the gender roles to be played by

both male and female and the societal expectations associated with such

roles. Participants agreed that Zulu cultural practices are not “bad” at all.

However, factors such as the media and globalisation, which have come with

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alternative ways of life, have exposed the weaknesses of such traditional

practices and values, so that, in comparison with Western culture, Zulu

cultural practices appear to be inferior.

5.7 Conclusion

Analysing participants' views on television soap opera influence on ilobolo

practice showed that the practice plays an important role in a Zulu marriage

set-up, such as elevating the status of the woman to whom ilobolo has been

paid, and also legitimising the children born in such a union. Although the

practice has come to be associated with vices such as marital rape, women

abuses and gender inequality, it still had the respect of the participants, who

regarded it as the core of the Zulu marriage practice. Participants

acknowledged the role and influence of soap opera characters, whom they

regarded as role models in their interpersonal relationships. They also

indicated that the images and messages portrayed in television soap operas

offered viable alternatives to their social and interpersonal problems.

According to them, the genre on its own does not directly portray or demean

ilobolo. However, they acknowledged that the soap opera portrayals of

cohabiting individuals, gender equity, mixed marriages, independent career

women and greedy parents (who demand exorbitant amounts of money for

ilobolo) as being amongst the factors which contributed to the diminishing

values and status of ilobolo practice while prompting cohabitation as a viable

option.

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CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 Introduction

This chapter provides the study’s conclusions and recommendations based

on the findings, highlights some significant findings in relation to the research

objectives and questions, and makes suggestions for future research. In

general, it can be concluded that television soap opera has a cultivation

effect on the participants of this study, who also use the genre as a model for

daily living. More specifically, the findings show the strong influence of the

“soapie” genre on marriage practices, cohabitation, ilobolo and the role of

culture in mediating such factors. However, culture and other independent

factors, such as labour migration, economic empowerment, and education

and government policies, were also seen as influencing marriage practices.

6.2 Influence of soap opera on marriage vs. cohabitation

This section attempts to answer research question 1b), that is, what role

television soap operas might play in influencing trends in marriage

practices amongst Zulu residents of uMlazi township, with regard to co-

habitation instead of marriage. The analysis of the findings show that

television soap opera portrays different forms of union formations, such as

civil, customary marriage and cohabitation, and that it also provides them

with insightful perspectives on the dynamics of these relationships. The

findings also suggest that participants find cohabitation to be a reasonable

alternative to marriage. This stems from the manner in which this practice

is portrayed by the genre, as a form of marriage with no commitments or

challenges as found in marriages such as defined roles of couples and

rights of individuals or the payment of ilobolo.

There is an acknowledgement of cohabitation as being part of social lives of

the participants. This is also an indication of the influence of the repeated

exposure to the genre's images and messages which have managed to

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change the negative perception and stigma attached to this practice.

Another possible explanation is the perceived realism of television content by

the viewers which accounts for some correspondence between television

content and reality perceptions.

This deduction is consistent with studies by (Gerbner 1969; Shanahan and

Morgan 1999, 2004) who posit that exposure to television messages can be

an important factor in influencing the behaviour of individuals who spend a

significant amount of time with the medium. Such television viewers are

more likely to perceive the real world in ways that reflect the most common

and recurrent messages of the television. Thabethe (2008) argues that soap

opera characters are perceived by viewers as real people and this is another

possible explanation why participants have come to view cohabitees in the

same light as married couples. The practice of cohabitation is also prevalent

within the Zulu community, with some participants acknowledging having

practiced it before getting married. The findings also suggests that adults

residing in the rural areas within their communities or with their family

members are unlikely to cohabit, as it is seen as an indecent practice for

adults to be involved in.

And according to Casale, Muller and Posel (2004) cohabitation rates in South

Africa's urban areas are higher than in rural areas, and have risen by more

(from four percent in 1995 to almost 13 percent in 2008), suggesting that

there is greater freedom to form cohabiting relationships in an urban setting

than a rural one (Casale, Muller and Posel 2004). This concurs with the

findings of this study and a possible explanation of this is that culture and

traditional family values still play a critical role in moderating the influence of

the genre within the Zulu community. Moreover, individual members of the

community are still more conscious of their duties, responsibilities and

expectations of traditional practices when it comes to marriage practices.

This explains why participants' view cohabitation practice as being prevalent

amongst individuals who are away from the eyes of their communities.

There are also other independent factors highlighted in the findings as

85

contributing to the spread of cohabitation practice, as shown in Figure 6.1.

Figure 6.1 Factors mediating on traditional practices and culture

The high cost of ilobolo acts as an obstacle to marriage, and in this case

cohabitation is seen as a transition or as an alternative to marriage.

Education and economic empowerment is reducing female dependence on

males, as women can now provide for themselves financially (financial

security was mentioned by female participants as one of the key reasons for

getting married).

The study also noted that labour migration and unemployment has made

people move to other towns and cities, away from their communities and

families. This has given them freedom and more choices of different types of

relationships. While the western values portrayed in soap operas oppose

the patriarchal status quo of cultural practices, Government policies on

gender equity also pose a challenge to the pre-defined traditional role of a

wife as a housekeeper and as a subordinate partner in Zulu marriage

practices. All of these factors present cohabitation, with its flexibilities, as a

86

reasonable alternative to marriage, as it is open to the ideals of gender

equity, labour migration and government policies.

It is then reasonable to conclude that Zulu cultural practices and values still

have an influence on individual members and acts as a moderating factor on

the cultivating effects of television soap opera on Zulu marriage practices,

and that other factors, as mentioned above, play a role in this regard.

6.3 Influence of soap opera on gender roles

This section attempts to answer research question 1c), that is, what role

television soap operas might play in influencing gender roles adopted by

participants from uMlazi township. On the possible role of television soap

opera on gender equity amongst married couples and individuals in

relationships, the participants' views are contradictory and reflect the different

ways the genre influences their norms and set of values. The analysis of the

findings indicate that the genre's portrayal of assertive and independent

minded female characters is a form of value transmission which influences

traditional gender roles of the Zulu marriage practices. Male participants

refer to such an influence as "bad behaviours" which they blame for conflicts

in interpersonal relationships.

The findings also suggest that male participants would not pay ilobolo for

such women as they consider their characters and attitudes not in line with

that of a traditional Zulu wife. They also state that such portrayals are a

negative influence to the female viewers who, because of such an exposure,

are unlikely to accept the traditional role of a wife as a homemaker. A study

by (Tiggemann 2003, 2006) found that the internalisation of externally

presented images and the acceptance as well as adoption of such ideals

can affect attitudes and behaviour. This study reflects the concern of the

male participants and explains the consequences of such a perspective on

the female participants who regard the genre as a model for daily living and

the successful assertive female characters as a source of inspiration and role

models in their lives.

87

The findings also show that culture still plays an important role as it mediates

on the influence of the genre on its viewers. This is seen in the contrasting

views of some female participants who, despite the genre's exposure and the

inequality associated with traditional practices; they still view traditional roles

in marriage practices as a duty and part of culture. Their views also express

admiration on the genre's female characters who appear to be obedient and

subservient to their husbands. Such a position asserts the views of a study

by Nkosi (2011), who found that women regard it as part of their identity to

perform the homemaker role regardless of the perceived imbalance.

It can be concluded that, in relation to gender equity, the genre's profile of

characters and their contrasting gender roles has an influence on the

interpersonal relationships of individuals and couples. Based on the findings

of this study, possible consequences of this influence are, firstly, the

unwillingness of men to marry women who appear to expect shared roles in

relationships; secondly, the possibility of marital conflicts between couples

who appear to have different perspectives. Women expecting gender equity

in a relationship may be unwilling to get married in fear of losing their

independence or being treated as junior or supporting partners.

The findings also show that the genre can influence norms and situations for

individuals in three different ways (see DeFleur 1970; Brown 2004; Brown et

al. 2005). Firstly, the content can reinforce existing patterns and lead people

to believe that given social forms are being maintained by the society.

Secondly, the media can create new shared convictions about topics with

little awareness or knowledge on the part of the populace. Finally, the media

can change existing norms, thereby converting people from one form of

behaviour to another.

6.4 Influence of soap operas on ilobolo

This section attempts to come to conclusions which answer research

question 1a), that is, what role soap operas might play in influencing payment

88

of the traditional ilobolo (i.e. bride-price). The results show that ilobolo is the

cornerstone of the isiZulu marriage practice as it validates a marriage and

defines the interpersonal relationships of the coupes and that of their two

families. This tradition is still respected and practised, despite its diminishing

social status and the alleged gender equity imbalance associated with it.

According to the findings, the influence of television soap opera on ilobolo

comes as a result of the genre’s portrayal of married and cohabitating

couples, with the latter practice appearing to be more appealing, flexible and

less demanding in terms of cultural and societal expectations. It also

appears to give the cohabitees more freedom in determining the framework

of their interpersonal relationship. In light of this, participants view it as a

better alternative to marriage, as it has no legal or cultural obligation such as

the payment of ilobolo or adherence to predetermined set of gender roles as

in traditional isiZulu marriage practice.

In addition, male participants postulate that the manner in which married

characters in the genre resolve their interpersonal conflicts through legal

means or professional counselling further demeans the status and role of

ilobolo, which is the bonding of the two families and their involvement as a

family in resolving such matters. Besides this, there is the image of a weak,

submissive woman is being challenged by the character of a strong-willed,

independent woman entering a relationship as an equal partner and not a

subordinate. Male participants do not view such strong women as wife-

material, and would not pay ilobolo for them, since, according to them, such

women as wives would not accept the role of homemaker. The conclusion

here is that the cultivation effects of such representations would erode the

significance of ilobolo in marriage practices as participants would eventually

integrate the world view of the genre into their social lives.

The study also reveals that, besides television soap opera, the excessive

amount of ilobolo demanded by families of brides has commercialised the

practice and therefore contribute to the marital vices such as marital rape,

89

women abuse and gender inequality that have come to be associated with

ilobolo.

6.5 Other issues identified by participants

Other issues which arose in discussions with participants were the effects of

labour migration and the urbanisation of towns, which were identified as

factors impacting on marriage practices, as discussed in Chapter Five.

Economic conditions were also a factor which was seen to impact on

marriage practices, in terms of making ilobolo unattainable for many suitors.

It was perceived that there was also the conflict between the legal system

and cultural practices. Many of the supposed benefits of modern practices,

such as gender equality, actually bring women into conflict with traditional

cultural values, rather than improving the quality of life per se. Thus it cannot

be concluded that television soap operas were the sole influence in eroding

cultural values and quality of life. However, it must also be concluded that,

participants' repeated exposure to television soap opera's content is

exposing them to the weaknesses of traditional cultural values (i.e. as

opposed to western practices), while presenting western practices as a viable

alternative, and this further weakens their resolves on maintaining Zulu

traditional values and practices.

6.6 Soap opera’s influence on marriage practice in general

This section provides answers to research question 2, that is, What is the

impact of the changes discussed in the previous questions on marriage

practices (i.e. in general)? The findings show that television soap opera has

both a positive and negative influence on marriage practices. It helps

improve interpersonal communication by opening up a conversation amongst

partners who are not on talking terms, as they can share views on interesting

events in an episode. However, it also might cause strain in an already

damaged relationship when used as a form of avoiding a conversation by

pretending to be busy watching an episode.

90

According to participants, the genre provides them with information and also

helps in problem solving as they watch unfolding events of the genre.

However, its portrayal of values or sensitive matters is said to propagate and

reinforce them, which might cause conflict or rift amongst those watching it.

The depiction of female characters, viewed by female participants as

inspiriting and motivating because of challenging the patriarchal marriage

system may cause rift in relationships, owing to opposing views on such

matters. The idealised images of marriages as full of romance, love and

happiness, for which some participants express admiration, might cultivate

unrealistic beliefs about what an ideal marriage should be. In addition, the

manner in which individual spouses, in the genre, seek alternative ways of

solving interpersonal conflicts, through courts or counselling, is seen to

demeans the role of ilobolo, a cultural practice which binds two families and

paves the way as to how conflicts among the married couples can be solved

by members of the two families.

The depiction of gender equity conflicts among spouses also has an

influence on participants and has the potential of causing conflicts among

spouses. This indicates that male participants would not be willing to pay

ilobolo for a woman who expects equity in a marriage. Furthermore, the

representations of cohabiting partners as spouses, and conflicts on issues

related to gender equity, reduces the need for individuals to get married,

when they consider the convenience of cohabitation compared to the

limitations of marriage as structured by cultural practices such as the

payment of ilobolo which gives the bridegroom enormous control over the

bride.

6.7 Study limitations and implications for further research

This study has revealed some perspectives of a small group of residents

from uMlazi concerning their views on the role of television soap operas in

their lives and how it impacts on their partnership relationships. Owing to the

scope of the issue and the limitations of the study, the results are not able to

represent the generalised condition for all uMlazi residents or Zulu

91

community; this study looks at only the experiences of a very small section of

the community. In my opinion, further studies need to be conducted and

focus more on the statistical analysis of the issue, perhaps using a

combination of quantitative and qualitative research approaches. In addition,

further research would need to be conducted with different groups of

participants, such as from the township, suburbs and the rural areas too.

Furthermore, since this study was carried out in KwaZulu-Natal province,

which is predominantly Zulu, it would be interesting to see what the findings

would be if a section of the study population came from other provinces.

6.8 Recommendations

This study has shown the potent nature of television soap opera and its

cultivation effects on cultural practices and individuals' social lives. There is

a need for the Zulu community to preserve its identity, and one of the

recommendations is the need to produce and promote soap operas, similar

to iSibaya, that are indigenous in both form and content. iSibaya is a

multilingual soap opera broadcast five days a week by a DStv channel,

Mzanzsi Magic 161, and its theme revolves around taxi industry in the

background of a traditional Zulu setting.

There is also a need to minimise the broadcasting of foreign soap operas as

they further erode cultural values of communities. Incentives should be given

to script writers and programme producers who produce programmes that

use content such as settings, characters or storylines which reflect the

cultural identity of local communities.

Another recommendation is to have television channels exclusively for soap

operas which are geared towards the promotion of cultural values of

individual communities.

Finally, programme producers should include a disclaimer in the programme

credits reminding the viewers that the genre is only a fictional representation

92

of social life, and may not have any close resemblance to their social realities

or communities.

6.9 Concluding remarks

This study has indicated that cultural practices and values play a large role in

mediating the influence of television soap operas. The study also suggests

that the viewers' experience is modified to some extent by the extent of the

exposure and context in which they view television soap operas, but that the

general trends associated with television soap opera viewing remain largely

intact regardless of duration or context. The study has also given possible

explanations on the cultivation effects of the genre on cohabitation, ilobolo

practice, gender equity and the consequences of such influences on the

marriage practices and interpersonal relationships of individual couples. It is

apparent that some form of cultural preservation is critical for curbing the

cultivation effects of television soap operas on viewers and their cultural

identities and values.

93

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APPENDIX A: LETTERS OF INFORMATION AND

CONSENT AND ETHICS CHECKLIST

LETTER OF INFORMATION

Title of the Research Study: The influence of television soap operas on Zulu traditional

marriages

Principal Investigator/s/researcher: Tiema Haji Muindi, BTech: Journalism

Co-Investigator/s/supervisor/s: Professor DD Pratt, DTech: Language Practice

Brief Introduction and Purpose of the Study: The research intends looking at the television

media’s role in the propagation of emerging values and new trends of marriages and the

possible influence of such a role on Zulu couples’ choice of a specific marital lifestyle and

gender roles.

Outline of the Procedures: Participants will be asked to take part in individual interviews

and group focus discussions in which the influence of TV on new trends of marriages will be

explored. Open-ended questions will be used so as to gain insight into participants’ views

of the topic. Interviews and focus groups will take place in informal and comfortable

surroundings (e.g. the researcher’s home). Participants will not spend than one hour in the

group session and 30 minutes each in individual sessions. Participants will also be invited to

comment (in writing or by phone) on the results of the study when these are

communicated, but this is optional.

Risks or Discomforts to the Participant: Participants may feel uncomfortable or

embarrassed answering questions about marriage practices or living together (i.e. without

marriage). It will be made quite clear, in the letter of Information and Consent, and by the

researcher before the interviews, that participants may back out at any stage of the

research, or decline to answer potentially embarrassing questions.

Benefits: The participants may benefit by gaining some perspective on the issues involved

in marriage customs, and may also find the results of the study both informative and

applicable to their own real life situations. The researcher hopes to produce journal articles

and conferences papers based on the study. He also hopes to contribute to community

social health by publishing his findings in manual or pamphlet form, in collaboration with

the relevant Health authorities.

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Reason/s why the Participant May Be Withdrawn from the Study: There will be no

adverse consequences for participants should they choose to withdraw, either for personal

reasons (e.g. illness, travel, job requirements) or through embarrassment or discomfort at

the questions being asked.

Remuneration: Participants will not receive any monetary or other types of remuneration

for taking part in the study.

Costs of the Study: Participants will not be expected to cover any costs towards the study.

Confidentiality: Information will be collected from individual participants, and not shared,

except in the case of focus discussion groups, in which participants have a choice to

participate or not. Pseudonyms (false names) will be used in all written documents to

protect the identity of all participants. Any information collected will be stored in a locked

steel cupboard and destroyed after the researcher has obtained the qualification.

Computer files will be password-protected, and the files will be deleted after the researcher

has obtained the qualification.

CONSENT

Statement of Agreement to Participate in the Research Study:

I hereby confirm that I have been informed by the researcher, ____________ (name of researcher), about the nature, conduct, benefits and risks of this study - Research Ethics Clearance Number: __________,

I have also received, read and understood the above written information

(Participant Letter of Information) regarding the study.

I am aware that the results of the study, including personal details regarding my

sex, age, date of birth, initials and diagnosis will be anonymously processed into a

study report.

In view of the requirements of research, I agree that the data collected during this

study can be processed in a computerised system by the researcher.

I may, at any stage, without prejudice, withdraw my consent and participation in

the study.

I have had sufficient opportunity to ask questions and (of my own free will) declare

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myself prepared to participate in the study.

I understand that significant new findings developed during the course of this

research which may relate to my participation will be made available to me.

____________________ __________ ______ _______________

Full Name of Participant Date Time Signature /

Right Thumbprint

I, ______________ (name of researcher) herewith confirm that the above participant has

been fully informed about the nature, conduct and risks of the above study.

_________________ __________ _______________

Full Name of Researcher Date Signature

_________________ __________ _______________

Full Name of Witness (If applicable) Date Signature

_________________ __________ _______________

Full Name of Legal Guardian (If applicable) Date Signature

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ETHICAL ISSUES CHECKLIST FOR RESEARCH APPROVAL

To be completed by all people wishing to conduct research under the auspices of Durban University of Technology. 1. Use the Durban University of Technology’s Research Ethics Policy and Guidelines to ensure that ethical issues have been identified and addressed in the most appropriate manner, before finalising and submitting your research proposal. 2. Please indicate [by an X as appropriate] which of the following ethical issues could impact on your research. 3. Please type the motivations/further explanations where required in the cell headed COMMENTS. 4. The highlighted response cells indicate those responses which are of particular interest to the Ethics Committee

NO. QUESTION YES NO N/A

DECEPTION

1. Is deception of any kind to be used? If so provide

a motivation for acceptability.

X

COMMENTS:

NO. QUESTION YES NO N/A

2.

Will the research involve the use of no-treatment

or placebo control conditions? If yes, explain how

the participant’s’ interests will be protected.

X

COMMENTS

CONFIDENTIALITY

3.

Does the data collection process involve access to

confidential personal data (including access to

data for purposes other than this particular

research project) without prior consent of

participants? If yes, motivate the necessity

X

COMMENTS

111

4.

Will the data be collected and disseminated in a

manner that will ensure confidentiality of the data

and the identity of the participants? Explain your

answer

X

COMMENTS

Data will be collected from individual participants

(and not shared). Pseudonyms will be used in all

written documents to protect the identity of all

participants.

5.

Will the materials obtained be stored and

ultimately disposed of in a manner that will ensure

confidentiality of the participants? If no, explain. If

yes specify how long the confidential data will be

retained after the study and how it will be disposed

of.

X

COMMENTS

Data will be stored in a locked steel cupboard and

destroyed when the qualification has been

obtained. Computer files will be password-

protected, and the files will be deleted after the

researcher has obtained the qualification.

6.

Will the research involve access to data banks that

are subject to privacy legislation? If yes, specify

and explain the necessity.

X

COMMENTS

RECRUITMENT

7

Does recruitment involve direct personal approach

from the researchers to the potential participants?

Explain the recruitment process

X

COMMENTS

The participants will be selected through critical

case sampling (a type of purposive sampling

technique). Participants selected by means of this

method will be sent a letter of information and

consent inviting them to participate in the study.

112

8

Are participants linked to the researcher in a

particular relationship, for example employees,

students, family? If yes, specify how.

X

COMMENTS

9

If yes to 8, is there any pressure from researchers

or others that might influence the potential

participants to enrol? Elaborate.

X

COMMENTS

10

Does recruitment involve the

circulation/publication of an advertisement,

circular, letter etc.? Specify

X

COMMENTS

The participants selected by means of critical case

sampling will be sent a letter of information and

consent inviting them to participate in the study.

11

Will participants receive any financial or other

benefits as a result of participation? If yes, explain

the nature of the reward, and safeguards

X

COMMENTS

12

Is the research targeting any particular ethnic or

community group? If yes, motivate why it is

necessary/acceptable. If you have not consulted a

representative of this group, give a reason. In

addition explain any consultative processes,

identifying participants. Should consultation not

take place, give a motivation.

X

COMMENTS

Zulu participants are sought for the study, as the

custom of ilobolo is a tradition of the Zulu people.

INFORMED CONSENT

13

Does the research fulfil the criteria for informed

consent? [See guidelines]. If yes, no further

answer is needed. If no, please specify how and

why.

X

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COMMENTS

14

Does consent need to be obtained from special

and vulnerable groups (see guidelines). If yes,

describe the nature of the group and the

procedures used to obtain permission.

X

COMMENTS

15

Will a Letter of Information be provided to the

participants and written consent be obtained? If

no, explain. If yes, attach copies to proposal. In

the case of participants who are not familiar with

English (e.g. it is a second language), explain

what arrangements will be made to ensure

comprehension of the Letter of Information,

Informed Consent Form and other

questionnaires/documents.

X

COMMENT

The Letter of Information, Informed Consent Form

and other questionnaires/documents will be

translated into isiZulu for the benefit of those

participants who request this.

16

Will results of the study be made available to

those interested? If no, explain why. If yes, explain

how

X

COMMENTS

After the data has been analysed and conclusions

have been drawn, a letter in both English and

isiZulu will be sent to all participants explaining the

main points of the findings in lay terms (i.e. so that

they can apply them to their own real life situation,

if they should so wish).

RISKS TO PARTICIPANTS

17

Will participants be asked to perform any acts or

make statements which might be expected to

cause discomfort, compromise them, diminish self

esteem or cause them to experience

embarrassment or regret? If yes, explain.

X

114

COMMENTS

The questions cannot avoid the issue of conjugal

practices, which may cause embarrassment or

discomfort. It will be made quite clear, in the letter

of Information and Consent, and by the researcher

before the interviews, that participants may back

out at any stage of the research, or decline to

answer potentially embarrassing questions.

18

Might any aspect of your study reasonably be

expected to place the participant at risk of criminal

or civil liability? If yes, explain.

X

COMMENTS

19

Might any aspect of your study reasonably be

expected to place the participant at risk of damage

to their financial standing or social standing or

employability? If yes, explain.

X

COMMENTS

20

Does the protocol require any physically invasive,

or potentially harmful procedures [e.g. drug

administration, needle insertion, rectal probe,

pharyngeal foreign body, electrical or

electromagnetic stimulation, etc.?] If yes, please

outline below the procedures and what safety

precautions will be used.

X

COMMENTS

21

Will any treatment be used with potentially

unpleasant or harmful side effects? If yes, explain

the nature of the side-effects and how they will be

minimised.

X

COMMENTS

22

Does the research involve any questions, stimuli,

tasks, investigations or procedures which may be

experienced by participants as stressful, anxiety

producing, noxious, aversive or unpleasant during

or after the research procedures? If yes, explain.

X

COMMENTS

115

23

Will any samples of body fluid or body tissues be

required specifically for the research which would

not be required in the case of ordinary treatment?

If yes, explain and list such procedures and

techniques.

X

COMMENTS

24

Are any drugs/devices to be administered? If yes,

list any drugs/devices to be used and their

approved status.

X

COMMENTS

GENETIC CONSDERATIONS

25

Will participants be fingerprinted or DNA

"fingerprinted"? If yes, motivate why necessary

and state how such is to be managed and

controlled.

X

COMMENTS

26

Does the project involve genetic research e.g.

somatic cell gene therapy, DNA techniques etc.? If

yes, list the procedures involved

X

COMMENTS

BENEFITS

27

Is this research expected to benefit the

participants directly or indirectly? Explain any such

benefits.

X

COMMENTS

28

Does the researcher expect to obtain any direct or

indirect financial or other benefits from conducting

the research? If yes, explain.

X

COMMENTS

SPONSORS: INTERESTS AND INDEMNITY

Will this research be undertaken on the behalf of

or at the request of a pharmaceutical company, or

X

116

29 other commercial entity or any other sponsor? If

yes, identify the entity.

COMMENTS

30

If yes to 29, will that entity undertake in writing to

abide by Durban University of Technology’s

Research Committees Research Ethics Policy and

Guidelines? If yes, do not explain further. If no,

explain.

X

COMMENTS

31

If yes to 30, will that entity undertake in writing to

indemnify the institution and the researchers? If

yes, do not explain further. If no, explain.

X

COMMENTS

32

Does permission need to be obtained in terms of

the location of the study? If yes indicate how

permission is to be obtained.

X

COMMENTS

33

Does the researcher have indemnity cover relating

to research activities? If yes, specify. If no, explain

why not.

X

COMMENTS

The usual indemnity conditions for DUT students

apply.

34

Does the researcher have any affiliation with, or

financial involvement in, any organisation or entity

with direct or indirect interests in the subject

matter or materials of this research? If yes,

specify.

X

COMMENTS

The undersigned declares that the above questions have been

answered truthfully and accurately.

117

MR T HAJI MUINDI

STUDENT NAME------------------------------------------------

24/09/2014

SIGNATURE---------------------------------------------- DATE----------------------

PROFESSOR D.D. PRATT

SUPERVISOR NAME------------------------------------------

24/09/2014

SIGNATURE--------------------------------------------- DATE----------------------

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APPENDIX B: FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONS

Questionnaire (Question guide) for Focus Group Discussion

Introduction:

The study will be focussing on the possible role television media played has

played in influencing new trends in marriages for Zulu couples in KwaZulu-

Natal, more specifically, with regard to the following:

a. alternative options to marriage, and

b. gender roles of partners in relationships.

It will also focus on the possible consequences of such trends in marriage

practice for these couples.

Finally, it will ask what recommendations could be made to television media

producers in view of the findings of this study.

Participant Consent: Participants will sign a consent form to participate in

the focus group discussion. One copy of the informed consent form will be

given to participants and a second copy will be kept by the focus group

facilitator. Participants will be informed if any audio-taping will be used for

data collection.

Facilitator/Moderator: The focus group interviews will be conducted by the

moderator, who will facilitate the discussions.

Data collection: The discussions will be audio-taped if agreed by

participants, and transcribed verbatim for analysis. The recordings will be

securely stored until transcribed and then destroyed. The transcription will

not contain information that would allow individuals to be linked to specific

statements. Confidentiality will be strictly preserved.

Time and Place for Focus Group: The focus group can last about two

hours, and can have breaks in between for refreshments. Participants will

receive clear details of where and when the focus group will take place and

119

how long it will last.

Ground rules:

The most important rule is that only one person speaks at a time. There

may be a temptation to jump in when someone is talking but please wait

until they have finished.

There are no right or wrong answers.

You do not have to speak in any particular order.

When you do have something to say, please do so. There are many of

you in the group and it is important that I obtain the views of each of you.

You do not have to agree with the views of other people in the group.

Does anyone have any questions? (Answers).

OK, let’s begin.

Guiding questions:

1. Which is the most popular television soapie amongst the black

community in South Africa?

2. How often do you watch it?

3. Do you watch it with your family members?

4. Why do you watch this particular programme?

5. Which characters do you identify with/like/dislike the most?

6. What kind of marriage/partnership relationships are found in this

programme?

7. What is your view of these?

8. Which one/s have you been in?

9. Which particular family / couples do you identify with? Why?

10. What kinds of marriage/partnership relationships are they involved in?

11. What is your view on their kind of marriage / partnership relationship?

12. Does the programme reflect the kind of life you aspire / live?

13. Do you think the programme influenced you choice of partnership in

any way? If so, how?

14. What kind of gender roles are shown in the programmes you watch?

15. Do these fit your idea of what men and women should be like?

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16. Do they fit your idea of what roles men and women should have in

marriage/partnership relationships?

17. Are these relationships reflected in your own marriage/partnership

relationship?

18. Has this programme influenced your relationship with your spouse in

any way? How?

19. Are there any real life experiences are shown in the programme that

reflect what you experience in everyday situations?

Concluding question:

Of all the things we’ve discussed today, what would you say are the most

important issues you would like to express about the influence of

television in your lifestyle – specifically your relationship?

Conclusion:

Thank you for participating. This has been a very successful discussion.

Your opinions will be a valuable asset to the study.

We hope you have found the discussion interesting.

I would like to assure you that any comments featuring in this report will

be anonymous

GROUP I : Transcript of focus group discussion

Total Participant time required: 55minutes – 1 hour + 15minutes

Total focus group time: 55minutes – 1 hour + 15minutes

Moderator: Tiema H. Muindi

Note-taker: Sandile Motha

Participants: A, B, C, D, E, F. G

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.0 Scene setting and ground rules Moderator: Welcome to this focus group discussion session. The objective

of this session is to gather your views and opinions regarding the questions

that I will put forward to you. I would also like to remind you that the

questions to be asked will be based on the title, aims and objectives and

research questions of this study. The title of this research study is "The

influence of television soap operas on Zulu traditional marriages."

We are all here to listen, learn and exchange views with the other

participants. This is not a question and answer session because the objective

of the questions that I am to ask are aimed at generating an open, healthy

discussions amongst all participants. There are no right or wrong answers;

we are all here to share.

This session is being recorded by a tape-recorder which is here, placed on

the table. It would be much appreciated that all mobile devices are on silent

mode or switched off. All obtained information will be confidential and no

participant will be mentioned by name in this transcript or in the final report.

2.0 Individual introduction Moderator: Would you please take turns to introduce yourselves, and

briefly share with the group members how often you watch soap operas. Let

APPENDIX C: TRANSCRIPTS OF FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS

121

us start from left to right.

Participant A: Njani, my name is Sipho Simelane. I work for a construction

company here in Durban. Errr, you asked about soapies?

Moderator: Yes, please tell us more.

Participant A: I was never a fan of soapies, and I used to think it’s a

women’s affair, until my wife and children urged me to watch an episode of

Generations. I remember it was an evening, with all my family members

around. From that time, I became addicted to soapies. They teach us a lot

and we learn about life.

Moderator: (pointing to the next participant) And what is your take on that?

But first let us hear about you please.

Participant B: (Standing up and clearing his voice) Everybody around this

section knows me, and I guess even the new-borns have probably heard of

MaThobeka. As a school teacher, my face is like a television screen,

everybody knows me.

(Laughter in the venue)

Participant B: (She continues) Soapies are good, they are not like the

American movies where you actually know who will win or what could happen

and unlike soapies, they reflect real life and we all know that life has no

predictions. It’s one of the many reasons for watching Generations and

Muvhango.

Participant D: (interjecting) But at times, the soapies bring up content that

are not African and make people get confused on cultural values. I watch

soapies but choose what to take and what to leave.

Moderator: And what is your favourite soapie? And introduction, please.

Comment [T1]: Soapie as a family genre.

Comment [T2]: Soapie as a source of information.

Comment [T3]: Soapie as a reflection of social reality

122

Participant D: Seems I jumped the queue, but good thing, it’s not a social

grant queue, and otherwise I could have had broken limbs or get my share of

swearing.

(Laughter in the venue)

Participant D: I am a taxi driver, and you are lucky that our taxi broke down

that’s why I am here, since there is nothing to be done. I was born Sihle

Dalmini. Due to the nature of my work, soapies do not control my life as it

does to others. I only watch the repeats on Saturdays. (Participant C interjected)

Participant C: But you still watch, even though they are repeats, it’s the

same programme.

Participant D: Yes it is, but at least I watch them when I am free and have

nothing to do. So you see it is not controlling me. Some people leave the

food burning so as to watch soapies, while others postpone family dinner

time so as to watch their favourites (soapie). But I like those (soapies)

because they bring to us new ways of looking at life and other issues.

Moderator: Now let us hear from you (pointing at participant C).

Participant C: I am a Mandisa Madlala. I work in a salon here in the

township.

Moderator: And do you watch soapies?

Participant C: Yes, I watch Rhythm City and Generations. I cannot miss

them. With soapies all over all television channels, atleast every day, I know I

have a companion rather than going to taverns or idle gossiping with

neighbours.

Comment [T4]: Addictive nature of soapies

Comment [T5]: Soapie as a learning model

Comment [T6]: Soapie as providing companionship

123

Participant E: They call me auntie Lungy. I watch Generations with my

children. It is a family programme and brings us together as everybody in my

family seems to enjoy it. Unlike football or news, not all family members

would like to watch them at the same time.

Moderator: Why do you say that? (directing the probing to Participant E) Participant E: NJe, news and football are directed to a specific interest

group but when it comes to soapies, the programme is in such a way that the

content covers variety of issues that would interest the audiences coming

from different backgrounds.

(Participant B interjecting)

Participant B: But news also has varieties isn’t it so? Like sports,financial

news, weather and general news.

Participant E: Yes, it has but those news items are not in a story format. It

is not something that you will have to follow up the second day. The narrative

style of soapies, which at times is full of the unexpected, is one of the

reasons soapie is popular and it is like a family attraction.

Moderator: And please, introduce yourselves to the rest of the participant.

(directing the request to Participant F and G).

Participant F: I am Vusi a resident of uMlazi. I will give my views later. Participant G: And I am Mandisa, I work at Edgers store as a cashier. Yes, I

like soapies, it is obvious that we cannot do without them. They teach me so

much about life and how couples live and what brings problems in their

marriages. At least they give you perspectives from different sides. It is like a

reflection of the other self that you never saw before. That is how I look at

soapie – exposing our other selves so that we can better ourselves.

Comment [T7]: Value-laden themes in soapies

Comment [T8]: Unique features of soapies

Comment [T9]: Provides solutions

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3.0 Group discussions 3.1.1 Question: What comes into your mind when you hear the mentioning of a soap opera like Generations, Muvhango, Rhythm City,

Scandal or Ashes to Ashes? Moderator: What comes into your mind when you hear the mention of a

soap opera like Generations, Muvhango, Rhythm City, Scandal or Ashes to

Ashes?

(Several participants raised up their hands) Moderator: Please no need of rising up your hands or directing your views

at me. Direct your views to the participants. I am also a participant. (This comment draws laughter from the participants).

Participant B: To me, soapie is time for relaxation. I don’t see anything else

apart from that.

(Another participant joined)

Participant E: At my house, when you hear of Generations, you should

know that it is time for all family members to gather around the television set.

We eat before or at times after watching Generations.

Moderator: (probing) Why do you eat before or after Generations?

Participant E: It is about avoiding interruptions. Nobody is willing to go to

the kitchen while Generations is showing.

Participant D: Same applies to my house. Generations and Scandal have a

following in my house and most of my family members have their favourite

characters.

Comment [T10]: Relaxation

Comment [T11]: A family programme

Comment [T12]: Soapie characters as a pulling factor

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Moderator: And what are your views? (Directing the question to the other participants). Participant C: To me, soapie is a window to the world. I have learnt a lot of

things from Rythm City. .

Participant G: These programmes are good to watch with your family

because they have something for everybody. And they talk about what is

happening around us.

Participant A: I regard soapies as an extension of our lives. We see

ourselves and also we see how others react to different situations.

3.1.2 Question: Which is your favourite television soapie in South Africa and how often do you watch it? ? Moderator: From what I have heard from you, it is clear that you all love

watching soap operas. Now, let us share with the others; which is your

favourite television soapie in South Africa and how often do you watch it?

Participant A: Generations is my favourite one, I cannot miss an episode

and when I do, I know that I will get the update from my children or at my

work place.

Moderator: How do you get an updates from your work place? (Sounding a bit curious). Participant A: Mhhh, you mean you haven’t come across that? At a

construction site, everything is discussed and soapie is one of them.

Participant F: I know what you mean (referring to Participant A). These

programmes are addictive, like me at the moment I am following Ashes to

Comment [T13]: Source of information - soapie

Comment [T14]: Soapie – a family genre

Comment [T15]: Soapie as part od daily life routine

Comment [T16]: Addictive nature of soapies

Comment [T17]: Soapie as a family programme

126

Ashes, Rhythm City and also Uzalo. But the problem is Generations and

Ashes to Ashes come at the same time. But I try to switch from one to the

other.

Participant C: I watch Generations and the new one Uzalo. I make a point

of being at home that time. These programmes are so good and I cannot

miss an episode. But (changing the tone of his voice) I think we are being

controlled by them.

Moderator: How do they control you, yet you are the one making that choice

of watching them?

Participant G: If honey is in your trough, can you throw it out?

(Some participants shook their heads, implying a NO answer). Participant G: That is how soapie are. They make you think of it all the time,

because they always stop when you want to know what will happen next. I

have never missed an episode of Generations and Scandal is also my

favourite.

Moderator: (Probing) So, is that a bad thing?

Participant G: It is not a bad thing. But this shows that they have a control

over the viewers.

Participant D: That is also what I realised that the soapies are part of our

lives. I always make time for my favourite one, Scandal. I cannot miss

watching it.

Participant B: I watch Ashes to Ashes and Uzalo, every day. I don’t drink

alcohol, so this is my alcohol. (This draws laughter from other participants).

Comment [T18]: Addictive and popularity nature of soapies

Comment [T19]: How soapies compete for audience attention

Comment [T20]: Popular soapies

Comment [T21]: Popular soapi.

127

3.1.3 Question: Why do you watch such programmes? Do you watch it with your family members? Moderator: And I am just wondering. Why do you watch this particular

programmes? And do you watch it with your family?

Participant C: Generations and uZalo, are the ones I watch are so

interesting and it is about social life. They reflect what is happening in our

lives and they also help us to learn from them.

Participant B: I prefer watching Ashes to Ashes and uZalo. Local soapies

are programmes that you can watch with your family as a parent not like


certain things that we don’t know in life but when you watch these soapies,

you get ideas and it shows you the way.

Participant G: Yes, you cannot watch some of foreign programmes

because they teach our children bad culture. In my family we watch

Generations and Scandal. They are our visitors every evening. We learn a

lot about life and people.

Participant F: My family members have their own favourite programmes but

the total number of soapies that we watch are three; Generations, uZalo and

Rhythm City. These programmes bring my family together.

Moderator: I see, it seems soap operas are popular programmes.

Participant D: Yes, they are a family programmes. My family watches other

soapies and my favourite one is Scandal. Characters like David Genaro gives

courage and ideas on how to face life challenges.

Participant A: You like Genaro? That man is evil. I wonder why he gets

away with crimes.

Comment [T22]: Soapies – providing a nodel for daily living


Comment [T24]: Soapie charactters inspiration

128

Participant E: But that is how our societies is. If you are well connected, you

get away with any crime. When people watch such characters as Genaro,

they think that they can also do the same thing and get away with evils. I like

Puleng and Fat, they are good characters. I share their struggles in life.

Moderator: I see that you have interesting views on soap operas. Now let

us look at soap operas from another perspective.

3.1.4 Question: What kind of marriage/partnership relationships are found

in this programme?

Moderator: We all know that in the soap operas families or couples are

common features, and I am just wondering, what kind of

marriage/partnership relationships are found in this programmes? Please let

us have your views on this.

Participant E: Mhh, ehh, these programmes have many faces of

relationships, at times I don’t know if the couples are married, in courtship or

just staying together. But mostly they just live together. By the way, after all

marriage is about living together, the issue of papers is just a formality.

Moderator: What do you mean by “papers” ?

(another participant answered)

Participant D: I think he means making it legal like going to home affairs. Participant E: I would not want my daughter to be like that; staying with a

man without paying ilobolo. That is making herself cheap. Participan C: But how can you prevent that, because the youth of these

days live and work away from their parents? And they also see all that in the

television. Like in Rhythm City, Miles Vilakazi was staying with Lucila and its

not clear as to whether they were married or not.

Comment [T25]: Soapi characters influence

Comment [T26]: Status of ilobolo in trhe community

129

Participant A: Yes, it’s so difficult tro actually know as to whether they are

formally married or not, but mostly they just stay together. Like in

Generations, Sbusiso was staying with Prisca as husband and wife for a long

time before getting married.

Participant B: It's cheaper to stay together rather than making it formal

because it's so expensive to get married.

Participant E: So do you support that?

Participant B: I am not supporting, just saying as it is.

Participant G: It’s a reality; many people stay even without paying ilobolo

and even have children. These programmes simply reflect what we don’t

want to accept. We all do that, if not some of us. Moderator: By saying, we all do that, what do you mean by that?

Participant G: It's about couples staying together. It’s a common thing.

People stay together and even have children then get married. Moderator: And is that something in the Zulu culture?

Participant A: Noo nooo, culture doesn’t allow that. But people copy all this

from television. We cannot stop it now. It has become part of our lives now. What the programmes show is what is there in our societies. Staying together

is so common in these programmes. In Rhythm City, Suffocate was staying

with Niki yet they were not married.

Moderator: And what is your view of this relationship of staying together?

Comment [T27]: Similarities between cohabitation and marriage

Comment [T28]: Reasons for cohabitation

Comment [T29]: Reason for ttransforming a cohabitation to marriage

130

Participant A: Moving in is a reality and we cannot remove it. Many factors

bring it up such as economic matters and even the fact that people live far

away from their homes, so they do anything.

Participant F"…you know these days; you cannot blame one thing for all our

problems or other things happening on our country. Like when a relative is in

Pretoria or Port Elizabeth it is not easy to know what they are doing there.

Some people change their behaviours when they are far away from their

homes. They can start drinking alcohol or even going to clubs,"

Moderator: What is Moving in?

(laughter from the participant)

Participant G: It means staying together as husband and wife without paying

ilobolo.

Participant C: It is not a good thing to do but what can we do? Its life.

Moderator: I understand that this practice is not part of Zulu cultural practice.

So where is it coming from?

Participant F: "In some marriages, people do not even talk, especially the

bridegroom family when they feel that they were pressurised too pay a lot of

money as lobola or not forget the wedding," (Participant F).

Participant D: It’s true, when you watch soapies every day it becomes your

life because we copy what they do.

Participant D: "At my age how can I live with a woman without getting

married? How do I tell my children not to bring their boyfriends or girlfriends

at home yet I am living with a woman older to be their mother without paying

lobola? It is not right."

Comment [T30]: Labour migration as a reason for cohabitation

Comment [T31]: Urbanisation and labour migration as causes of behavioural changes

Comment [T32]: Negative impacyt of lobola on marriage practice

Comment [T33]: Family and culture as mediating factor in c

131

Participant E: Moving in is not a good thing but we cannot change our

behaviour or run away from it. I lived with my wife before we got married and it

helped us to plan our lives together.

Participant B: Moving in is good for many people because there are no

abuses. If you feel its not serving you as you want, you can pull out unlike

traditional marriage once lobola is paid its so difficult to pull out.

Participant B: "I know that life is hard this days but lobola has to be paid.

We cannot stop being who we are because the economy is tough. We have

to make a plan,"

Participant F: You know when you are married traditional, this days you

have a problem and elders refuse to help but you see other people who have

their own plans, they go to court or counselling. Now you wonder why pay

lobola yet elders cannot help when you have a problem. As you see in the TV

people prefer going to court to sort their matters. At times I think ist better

because there are no other ways and the purpose of lobola is now lost. The

family its like they nolonger interested after the lobola was paid.

.

Participant A " Why should I pay lobola to a woman who has to tell me when

to sleep with her and when not to ? And if you demand it she might sue or

report you for attempted rape. It is like you paid lobola for nothing. This law is

not good, "

,

Moderator: And do the soap operas that you do watch reflect the kind of life

you aspire / live?

Participant A: These programmes show different lifestyles and this is good

because wew have a choice on what good to take from them. I learn a lot

from their lifestyles especially how family challenges are sorted out.

Comment [T34]: Diminishing status of lobola

Comment [T35]: Importance of culture

Comment [T36]: How the traditional role of lobola has been marginalised

Comment [T37]: Gender roles, the role of llobola, conflict between law and culture

132

Participant G: What I like most about them is their lifestlyes. Even if you are

poor or struggling, the programmes gives you inspiration to raise and be like

those that we see in those programmes. Like in Generations, Dineo was an

inspiration to women. A strong woman and Karabo too inspired many women

in real life.

Moderator: And why do you identify with those characters? Participant C: I think it’s because the programmes and the characters have

values that we can identify with. Like me, I admire David Genaro and Daniel

Nyathi. (actors in RHYTHM CITY nad SCANDAL respectively).

Participant D: Haa haaa, why do you only like bad people? David and


Participant C: They are not bad people. Its only that they know how to take

care of situations.

Participant D: But David kills people while Daniel blackmails or swindles. Participant C: Mhhh, I don’t look at it that way. They are businessmen and a

good businessman knows how to protect his interests. Participant F: We all have our favourites and I guess we have reasons for

that.

Moderator: So are you inspired with the lifestyle depicted in the soap operas

that you do watch?

Participant F: Yes, they show what we go through in our daily lives and they

reveal even more aspects of life that we may not want other people to know

about ourselves.

Comment [T38]: Soapies and characters as providing inspiration to viewers

133

Participant A: I agree with you. We see betrayals of best friends and even

abomination acts against relatives and others. Like Miles Vilakazi in Rhythm

City. He was sleeping with the same woman who was a girlfriend to his son.

Participant G: That is disgusting. These programmes show us more than

what we need. Those are bad manners.

Participant E: As for me, I look at what is good for me. I have gained a lot

from their lifestyles. You know these days TV and Radios have become our

elders. You get all answers from them.

Participant B: We all aspire to be somewhere at the top and soapies

provides us with such a window through which we could see what we lack

and what we need.

Participant C: very right.

Participant D: Present life is all about that – taking from here and there. It’s

a global village as they say. Moderator: So you mean to say that these soapies have an influence in

your lives?

Participant G: Yes, they have

Participant F: We cannot avoid being influenced by them. Look at the

programme Perfect Wedding, it’s a local programme yet they promote foreign

values of having a white wedding and the programme has become so

popular.

Moderator: And to be specific, have these soap operas influenced your

marital lives?

Participant A: It’s not easy to say yes or no because I watch them every day

and at times the effect may not be visible but it’s there.

Comment [T39]: Providing answers to life problems

134

Participant C: Yes that is what happens.

Moderator: What do you mean by that?

Participant C: I mean that it's something we cannot avoid; the influence.

When we see couples having a happy life in those soapies, it’s natural to

want to be like that by seeing what makes them happy.

Participant B: And at times it helps couples to correct their mistakes without

being told just by watching the programme you can identify with a character

or a situation iin the story.

Participant D: And that is why I feel it's important to watch with your family

because through them we learn from the mistakes or get something good

from them.

Moderator: And is it that you feel afraid or find it difficult to correct your

spouse directly?

Participant A: I think its because when we see our mistakes on the screen

we tend to identify with them but when you get confronted directly, one tends

to be defensive.

Moderator: So, in away soap operas plays a role in your lives?

Participant G: Yes they do. At times good ones and sometimes bad ones. If

your spouse sees the character in the soapie buying a birthday gift for his

wife and you normally don’t do that then that generates a cold war in the

house.

Participant F: And women are very good in innuendos. Participant C: Not women alone, even some men are just like women.

Comment [T40]: Cultivation effect

Comment [T41]: Provides solutions to interpersonal issues – couples.

Comment [T42]: Influence on marriage practices.

135

Moderator: And what do you mean by saying that women are good in

innuendos?

Participant E: You mean you don’t know? (laughter from participant). If they

want something or there is something that you are not doing then they will

use that soapie to make you right. Every time they will be referring to that

episode or character.

Moderator: Now, let us look at the kind of gender roles shown in the

programmes that you watch. Do these fit your idea of what men and women

should be like?

Participant A: You know these days women want to be independent yet at

the same time want to get married. So at times I don’t get it when I see a lady

who is married, in the soapie, employing a housemaid or telling husband to

cook or do go to pick children from school. Participant B: So does it mean women are slaves? Enhee!!

Participant A: Not really but you see when ilobolo is paid what is it for? It

has its package.

Moderator: What do you mean by package? Participant A: Ilobolo has its responsibilities and a married woman needs to

fulfil those traditional roles. Moderator: So is there any specific roles assigned to the spouses in the

soap operas that you do watch?

Participant D: You know lobola has become like business, men cannot pay

and the other side, others say that lobola is oppressing women. When you

look at all this its better having a mixed marriage because you compromise

and from there you get a middle-ground where none of the partneres feel

Comment [T43]: Influence of soapies on marriage practices.

Comment [T44]: Gender equity in soapies

136

pushed to the wall. Like in Scandal programme. You see Quinton a coloured

married Thembeka and there is no this thing of culture rules.

Moderator: And what is your explanation of a feminist?

Participant D: These are women who cannot cook or look after their

husband needs yet they want to be called wives.

Participant C: I prefer those women who are loyal and obedient to their

husbands. If you want to be stubborn then you will break your marriage. Moderator: What do you mean by stubborn?

Participant E: These are women who cannot even iron for your shirt.

Participant B: I see in those programmes women who fight their husbands

end up being miserable in their marriage.

Participant A: Yes we watch these programmes but that doesn’t mean that

we should forget pur culture. A woman has her place in the marriage and

that’s why they don’t pay ilobolo for men but men pay them.

Participant G: I see that these programmes confuse people when it comes

to what a husband should do and what are the duties of a woman. But I

prefer those women who obey their husbands. If you look at Dineo of

Generations, the old one, you will see that she kept changing men and its

because no man could stay with a woman who also wants to control him. Participant B: Like in ZABALAZA ( also a soapie in DStv) you see Lindiwe is

refusing the request to get a child. She just wants them to live like that.

What life is that? Lobola should not be paid for a woman like that.

Participant C: And she was staying with the boyfriend Ray without him even

having paid anything to her family. It’s not good in culture.

Comment [T45]: How lobola has been abused

Comment [T46]: Influence of culture as a mediating factor

Comment [T47]: Gender equity – soapies projecting conflicting values.

Comment [T48]: Value of lobola in marriage

137

Participant D: To be on the safe side it's better to agree in advance on what

kind of marriage and the roles of each one of you because these days you


husband. Participant C: But a woman is a woman. She cannot be a man. The roles of

a husband and wife are inborn and natural. We cannot change that. The

television only shows the conflicts in our society’s values.

Moderator: And have such conflicts of values influenced your relationship

with your spouse in any way?

Participant D: My wife has tried copying what she sees in these

programmes and I told her it's ok as long as she doesn’t overstep the

boundary of her traditional roles as a wife.

Participant B: It’s all about respect. I can do anything in the house as a

woman or a a wife as long as I am not meant to feel that I am a slave,

because naturally I know my duties and television cannot change that. If you

watch Scandal, there is a wife who works as a househelp she's called Zinhle.

She's a good example of an obedient husband and they marriage is so good. Participant E: And also Eddy in Scandal he is an Editor of a newspaoer and

the wife is a community leader with her own business yet she respects her

husband so much and she knows her traditional roles.

Participant A: In those programmes I respect those husbands and wives

who follow their traditional duties.

Participant G: You know these days even if you are working its better you

behave as a wife otherwise the husband will let you take care of yourself.

Moderator: What do you mean by taking care of yourself?

Comment [T49]: Cultural influence on gender equity

138

Participant G: You see with some men if you show him that you are like a

man, you done obey him and you want to do things yourself then he will just

have you in the house as a souvenir and go out to look for other women and

even spend on them instead of you.

Moderator: I see your point. And lastly, are there any real life experiences

shown in the programme that reflect what you experience in everyday

situations?

Participant D: They are full of betrayals and undermining each other. Same

like in our taxi industry. Moderator: And what else? Participant C: It’s all about backstabbing. Some people want to be at the top

always at whatever cost. I have been a witness of that in my life.

Participant F: I have seen the importance of family in these programmes.

Even if your family is a scattered one, but family is family and they cannot let

you die,

Participant D: Yes but at times it’s the family member who might want you

suffer in life.

Participant C: Let them do that but at the end of it, the bad ones always get

punished.

Participant B: As for me I have learnt patience. And how to find my way to

the top whenever fall. Look at David Genaro or Daniel Nyathi (Both main

characters in Rhythm City and Scandal respectively), when you think they

are out infact that’s when they are planning a comeback.

Participant A: These programmes inspire and you get solutions to yopur

problems if you are a good follower every episode.

Comment [T50]: Lessons learnt from soapies

139

Participant F: I have seen how people push others aside just because they

want to be at the top. Even with betrayals. I now know its human nature.

Moderator: What do you mean by being human nature?

Participant F: it’s that, what we see in those programmes is what is

happening in real life. No difference.

Participant E: I think these programmes are good and it helps us learn what

is good and bad.

(Causing laughter) Moderator: Why not ?

Participant F: Some friends are hyenas, they just wait the right moment to

finish you up.

Moderator: Thank you so much for your valuable time and views. I have

learnt a lot from all of you.

Participant G: Yes we also enjoyed these discussions it’s very good to open

up the stress.

(Causing laughter) Moderator: Thank you again for your time. Before we wind up and go back

to our homes, is there anything that we missed or you wanted to add but

forgot to do so?

Participant A: Nooo, we are alright.

(Having no further comments, I switched off the voice recorder)

140

GROUP 2 : Transcript of focus group discussion





Participants: H, I, J, K, L, M, N

1.0 Scene setting and ground rules

Moderator: Welcome to this focus group discussion session. The objective




research questions of this study. The title of this research study is To assess

the influence of television soap operas on Zulu traditional practices in uMlazi

township.










141




Participant H: I am a mother of two married to a loving husband. Yes, I

watch Generations, it’s my favourite.

Moderator: And the next one please? Introduction please.

Participant I: My name is Langa but they call me Mr. Price because I know

how to give my customer good prices when they come to my shop. I enjoy

watching Ashes to Ashes and Scandal. But I am not a scandal person.

Participant K: And I am Shezi. I own a liquor store. Yes I also watch them.

Rhythm City. I watch every day with my family members.

Moderator: And is there any reason for watching them?

Participant K: Yes, after work it's good to relax and enjoy what other people

are doing in their lives in the soapie.

. (And can we hear from you. Pointing at Participant J)

Participant J: I am single, and stay alone. Yes I watch them because it gives

me company. I am a fan of soapies. But I also invite my friends to come and

watch with me.

Moderator: I was wondering if you enjoy watching alone, but you answered

me already.

Participant J: Ohh yes, I am a Sangoma.

Comment [T51]: Popular soap operas.

Comment [T52]: Source of entertainment.

142

(Comment draws laughter from other participants)

Participant K: Then (addressing Participant J) you should tell me what will

happen to Daniel Nyathi of Scandal. Will he make a comeback?

(Comment draws laughter from other participants)

Participant J: Yes I will as long as you pay my professional fees

Participant L: I am uMama Sne. I am a housewife. I watch all soapies as

long as I have time because they talk about many things that help us in life.

(Participant I interjecting)

Participant I: You should watch news too not just soapies.

(Directing the comment to Participant L)

Participant L: But you know in life we are different and eve in soapies you

also get information about what is happening. .

Moderator: And can we hear from Participant L and N?

Participant M: My name is Mazwi. I prefer to follow one soapie only

otherwise if you don’t control yourself you will have no time for yourself. Participant N: I am Zanele a mother of one. I also watch them like

Generations and Scandal my favourites. We watch them because they are a

family programmes and they show what life is all about.

Comment [T53]: Provides model for daily lliving


143

3.0 Group discussions 3.1.1 Question: What comes into your mind when you hear the mentioning of a soap opera like Generations, Muvhango, Rhythm City, Scandal or Ashes to Ashes? Moderator: I believe now we know each other and we could start our

discussions. Please let’s not use real names of participants. You will be

identified by the given names i.e Participant M, N, etc. And to begin with,

what comes into your mind when you hear the mention of a soap opera like

Generations, Muvhango, Rhythm City, Scandal or Ashes to Ashes?

(At this point, participants looked at each other) Moderator: You should all be free to discuss. No need of asking for

permission or waiting for the other to speak. You all have the right to air

views.

Participant I: It's always something to look forward to in the evening as you

relax.

(Another participant joined)

Participant L: I always look forward to it with my family. At least I know that

is the time our family members are all attentive.

Participant K: In my family we all have our favourite programmes and we

learn to accommodate each other. To us soapies is part of our lives.

Participant K: To me, soapie is a window to the world. I have learnt a lot of

things from Rythm City. .

Comment [T55]: Uniting families…Family genre

Comment [T56]: A family genre - soapie

Comment [T57]: models for daily living

144

Participant N: Soapies are teaching us many things at times good and times

bad things but it's about picking what is good from them.

Participant I: I regard soapies as an extension of our lives. We see

ourselves and also we see how others react to different situations.




Participant H: I like Generations and Zabalaza. I make sure if I don’t watch I

catch up with repeats or follow up in facebook. Even at the office you get it.

Moderator: By that you mean the updates?

Participant M: Sometimes I see these programmes as taking over our lives

and you cannot miss to watch. I think it's because it's different from movies.

Participant J: I watch Umlilo and Scandal. To me soapie is about looking

and learning about life. It also gives ideas on life like how to treat your

partner.

(a pause by the participant )

Participant J: You know what you see there people doing it also give you

idea about solving issues in life.

Participant N: But we should not forget that as Zulus we have elders to

teach us and so we shouldn’t rely on soapies all through. You know they are

addictive everytime you want to know what will happen next and like that

every day. .

Comment [T58]: models for daily living

Comment [T59]: Unique narrative structure

Comment [T60]: Provide solutions to partners

Comment [T61]: Critical influence of culture.

Comment [T62]: Unique narrative feauture of soapies.

145

Moderator: (Probing) And what is your view on the soapie continuing each

day ?

Participant N: They are good it's a good thing unlike drinking alcohol each

day. Just that one shouldn’t be like a slave of the programme. But it's not

easy.

Participant K: Yes you are right. We need to balance what we see with what

we are doing in life.

3.1.3 Question: Why do you watch such programmes? Do you watch it with your family members? Moderator: And I am just wondering. Why do you watch these particular


Participant J: Yes its a family programme, like Muvhango its a good one to

watch with family.

Participant I: We watch as a family and at times with friends who come to

visit.

Participant N: It better to watch our local soapie not like Van Damme action

movie with nothing to learn from them.

Moderator: I see, it seems soap operas are popular programmes.

Participant K: They are popular and we follow characters in the

programmes. Some characters are good to follow like Daniel Nyathi even

though he's a shrewd person.

Participant L: But that is how our societies is. If you are well connected, you

get away with any crime. When people watch such characters as Genaro,

Comment [T63]: Soapie influence through characters

146

they think that they can also do the same thing and get away with evils. I like

Puleng and Fat, they are good characters. I share their struggles in life.




in this programme?





Participant L: Mhh, ehh, these programmes have many faces of

relationships, at times I don’t know if the couples are married, in courtship or

just staying together. But mostly they just live together. By the way, after all

marriage is about living together, the issue of papers is just a formality.

Participant K: But its better to formalise your relationship. Instead of

staying just like that.

Participant L: When you stay without getting married its a bad thing in Zulu

culture.

Participant J: But in soapies you cannot tell if they are married or not

because these days people don’t say that they are not married, it's a shame

for adults in the community.

Participant H: Yes, it’s so difficult tro actually know as to whether they are

formally married or not, but mostly they just stay together. Like in

Generations, Sbusiso was staying with Prisca as husband and wife for a long

time before getting married.

Comment [T64]: The addictive nature of soap operas

Comment [T65]: Trends in marriages

Comment [T66]: Trends in marriage practice

147

Participant I: But wedding is not easy you need taking a loan. Maybe thats

why they stay like that.

Moderator: So what is your view of that?

Participant I: It's about personal choices.

Participant N: People get children then get married after living together for

long. It's a normal thing in towns. But in villages and farms it's not easy to see

that because of community ad culture.

. Moderator: What does culture has to do with that?

Participant G: Culture is like your second family and the community also. If

you don’t follow it when something happens to you nobody will help you out. Moderator: And what does Zulu culture say about staying together?

Participant H: Zulu culture doesn’t allow people to live together without

paying lobola. This is what people watch in TV and they copy.

Moderator: Now let us move to another issue. What is your view of ilobolo in a relationship or as a traditional practice in this world of globalisation?

Participant H: This is our culture and its hard to move away from it. Moderator: Why do you say that?

Participant H: You know it's important in marriage. It means many things

like If you never paid any lobola you cannot be assured that she will stay with

you all through. She will be insecure because lobola ties you as a couple.

Participant K: I agree with you enhe, it is important because in some cases

if no lobola was paid you cannot bury your spouse. It's like you never

Comment [T67]: Cohabitation Vs. Culture

Comment [T68]: Central role of ilobolo in Zulu culture

Comment [T69]: Zulu culture and significance of ilobolo

148

married. People just tay in the city but when there is a traditional problem

then they realised what they missed.

Participant J: I cannot give my children a surname of a person who never

paid anything to my people.

Participant L: " you know our women, they want to be both sides and this

is one reason that causes problems in marriages. You want to be a wife and I

pay lobola and again you want me to cook and help you wash dishes as if

you married me. And also some are stubborn; if you discipline her she will

run to file charges against you,"

Moderator: And what is your view of this relationship of staying together?

Participant H: Most people stay together. I see mostly those in towns and

cities they like it.

Moderator: What do you mean by it?

Participant N: It's how people decide to live as husband and wife without

proper marriage.

Moderator: What do you mean by proper marriage?

Participant M: You know this moving in has become like marriage. Some

even stay for many years and then get married officially.

Participant L: Yes it's the life that makes people do that and what they see

in the TV.

Participant I: But it's better to stay together and plan getting married if you

have no enough money. It helps also to know each other.

Comment [T70]: Ilobolo significance in Zulu culture

Comment [T71]: Central role of ilobolo in Zulu culture

Comment [T72]: Gender equity Vs traditional values

Comment [T73]: Cohabitation as transition to marriiage

Comment [T74]: Economic woes as reasons for cohabitation

149


you aspire / live?

Participant H: These programmes show different lifestyles and this is good

because wew have a choice on what good to take from them. I learn a lot

from their lifestyles especially how family challenges are sorted out.

Participant N: What I like most about them is their lifestlyes. Even if you are

poor or struggling, the programmes gives you insoration to raise and be like



in real life.

Moderator: And why do you identify with those characters? Participant J: I think it’s because the programmes and the characters have

values that we can identify with. Like me, I admire David Genaro and Daniel

Nyathi. ( actors in RHYTHM CITY and SCANDAL respectively).

Participant K: Haa haaa, why do you only like bad people? David and


Participant J: They are not bad people. Its only that they know how to take

care of situations.

Participant K: But David kills people while Daniel blackmails or swindles. Participant J: Mhhh, I don’t look at it that way. They are businessmen and a

good businessman knows how to protect his interests. Moderator: So are you inspired with the lifestyle depicted in the soap operas

that you do watch?

Comment [T75]: A reflection of daily life values

Comment [T76]: Models for daily living

Comment [T77]: Models for daily living

Comment [T78]: Soap operas as reflecting values of daily life




150

Participant M: I know many women like copying what they see. It's normal in

life. They also make one getting ideas on how to be better in life.

Participant H: But you see soapies is full of corruptions of life. This sleeping

with that and that kills.

Participant N: Yes at times it's all bad manners being shown. I just take

what is good and not just everything.

.

Participant I: They also inspire. We should look the positive side of it.

Participant K: These days you cannot just live the way you were born, you

need new ideas. Moderator: So you mean to say that these soapies have an influence in

your lives?

Participant N: They influence lives because we watch them every day.


marital lives?

Participant H: You know when you watch every day with your family yes it

affects because you see your mistakes here and correct.

Participant J: I agree with you.

Moderator: Agree on what?

Participant J: The purpose of watching one of them is to see how life is with

others. It helps to be better in life and also with your partner. .

Participant I: Even wives or children get help as it show them the good and

bad sides of choices.

Comment [T82]: Negative influence.

Comment [T83]: Cultivation effects

Comment [T84]: Influence on marriage practice

151

Moderator: And how does it help married couples?

Participant H: you know instead of asking friends for advice you learn from

there.


Participant N: Somertimes soapie helps couples and at times it causes

problems when one party insists on being what the soapie character is like.

Participant L: and some partners use the soapie to correct others. At times it

backfires or help.



should be like?

Participant H: You know these days women want to be independent yet at

the same time want to get married. So at times I don’t get it when I see a lady

who is married, in the soapie, employing a housemaid or telling husband to

cook or do go to pick children from school. Participant I: You mean its like buying?

Participant H: Not really but you see when ilobolo is paid what is it for? It

has its package.

Participant H: Ilobolo has its responsibilities and a married woman needs to

fulfil those traditional roles. Moderator: So is there any specific roles assigned to the spouses in the



Comment [T86]: TV soap opera influence on ggender equity

Comment [T88]:

Comment [T87]: Significance of ilobolo

Comment [T89]:

Comment [T90]: Ilobolo and gender equity

152

Participant K: These programmes give mixed messages. Sometimes you

see a husband with a housewife and in the same programme you will see

other couples with a wife who is very much a feminist.

Participant K: These are women who cannot cook or look after their

husband needs yet they want to be called wives.

Participant J: I prefer those women who are loyal and obedient to their

husbands. If you want to be stubborn then you will break your marriage. Participant I: I see in those programmes women who fight their husbands

end up being miserable in their marriage.

Participant I: But such women inspire us and give us the courage to fight for

equal treatment in relationships. This issue of a woman being confined in

the house is old fashioned. At times I admire those who just live together

because there is no gender discrimination. They are the same.

Participant M: In a way TV promotes such lifestyles.

Participant K: To be on the safe side its better to agree in advance on what

kind of marriage and the roles of each one of you because these days you


husband. Participant J: But a woman is a woman. She cannot be a man. The roles of

a husband and wife are inborn and natural. We cannot change that. The

television only shows the conflicts in our society’s values.



Participant K: Taking waht you see there is not an issue as long as you

don’t fiorce on others or break your marriage.

Comment [T91]: TV soap opera and gender roles

Comment [T92]: Cultural value of a wife

Comment [T93]: Gender euqity

Comment [T94]: Gender equity as a cause of marital conflicts

Comment [T95]: TV soap opera influence on gender eqauity

Comment [T96]: TV soap opera influence on gender roles

Comment [T97]: Traditional roles of a woman/wife

153

Participant J: It’s all about respect. I can do anything in the house as a

woman or a a wife as long as I am not meant to feel that I am a slave,

because naturally I know my duties and television cannot change that. If you

watch Scandal, there is a wife who works as a househelp, shes called

Zinhle. Shes a good example of an obedient husband and they marriage is

so good. Participant H: In those programmes I respect those husbands and wives

who follow their traditional duties because they know that culture is very

strong and its custodians are the whole community and as such it is not

possible to change your lifestyle and contradict core values of your culture,

otherwise where will you live?

Participant N: I believe a wife should know her duties it's important to avoid

problems.

Participant K: Some partners especially men are weak if the wife is earning

more and they might think you don’t respect them.



situations?

Participant K: Soapies has many things going on same time and this is why

people like them. But some of what they show are extreme matters. Like a

man sleeping with sons girlfriend. But through them I have come to

appreciate a good marriage with no problems. Participant J: I see in the programmes how families break because of

inheritance or money. This happens in our village when a man dies and

leaves a widow behind.

Participant M: I get strength from them knowing that life is like that not just

me.

Comment [T98]: Conflicts of gender equity and cultural values

Comment [T99]: Gender equity conflict with culture

Comment [T100]: Value laden themes in soapies

154

Participant I: I have learnt many things that I am going through in life. One is

that falling is not the end of life you can still stand up and be at the top.

Participant L: I have learnt that being good in life pays we shouldn't just be

selfish.

Moderator: I thank all of you for your time. Participant N: And thank you for this chance.

Moderator: Just a minute. Is there anyone of you who forgot to say

something or would like to add on what we discussed?

Participant H: I think we are alright unless am not speaking for the others?

(There were no verbal responses as some only shook their heads signifying a no answer. And having no further comments, I switched off the voice recorder)

155

GROUP 3 : Transcript of focus group discussion





Participants: O, P, Q, R, S, T, U








township.










156




Participant O: I am Bheki and a father of three. My favourite soapie is Uzalo

and Generations and I watch every day.

Participant P: And I am Sbusiso. I watch the soapies every day unless when

there is load shedding. Yes it happens and then you don’t know what

happened, but llucky enough my daughter would check on the internet the

updates. At least I cannot miss.

Participant R: You are so lucky having dotcoms in your house..

Moderator: And what is your favourite soapie?

Participant R: I am called Zimele. I enjoy watching Scandal and Rhythm

City. By the way if I had time would watch all of them. (Participants laughed)

Participant Q: If you do that then you won't have a life at all.

Participant R: I am not the only one in here I know some of us here record

the soapies. We all make efforts not to miss any episode.

Moderator: And what about you? Please introduction.

Comment [T101]: Addictive nature of the genre

157

Participant Q: I am a mother of two. Sphelele.

Moderator: Please tell us more.

Participant Q: I watch the whole week my favourite programmes,

Generations, Scandal and Uzalo. It’s the perfect entertainment for me and

my family.

Participant S: And I am auntie Ndabandaba. I like watching all soapies like

Generations, Uzalo, Rhythm City. Only problem is that some come at the

same time. I like them because I learn a lot from them and help us to improve

our thinking and life.

Participant P: These programmes can soil your time although it's difficult to

stop watching. It's like an addiction.

Participant S: I agree with you. It's like having another life with TV. But to

me they give a good company.

Participant T: They call me Vuyo. I watch Ashes to Ashes every day. Participant U: I am Lucky , my favourite programme is Generations and

Rhythm City. I learn many things from them. You know we don’t have elders

in the cities so you know they help us that way with solutions and other things

about life.

3.0 Group discussions

Comment [T102]: Family genrew…source of entertainment.

Comment [T103]: Model for daily living

Comment [T104]: Provides coompoanionship.

Comment [T105]: Replacing cultural practices

158

3.1.1 Question: What comes into your mind when you hear the mentioning of a soap opera like Generations, Muvhango, Rhythm City, Scandal or Ashes to Ashes? Moderator: What comes into your mind when you hear the mention of a


Ashes?

(Some participants attempted speaking at the same time) Moderator: Let us give each other a chance. Let us speak one by one. Its

your forum today. Speak out.

Participant P: I think of time to relax my mind and enjoy how others lead

their lives.

Participant S: Soapie makes my house stand still as they put it. No child will

accept going to the spaza shop or kitchen that time. It's family time to argue

and debate about favourite characters. Mostly I am the referee.

Moderator: (probing) What do you mean by being a referee?

Participant S: You know when arguments starts you may think they are

discussing about real people and at times I have to intervene to calm them

down. It's like watching to rival teams playing with their supporters on either

side.

Participant R: It’s a normal thing in my house too. We plan everything early

so that nobody will be disturbed. And I tell them not to make noises or start

arguments because it brings fight at times.

Moderator: And anything about you?

Comment [T106]: Animated talks about the genre.

159

Participant Q: Soapie opens my eyes and mind and it's about learning fro,

other people's lives. You know that’s how life is all about.

Participant U: Yes you are right. They have many things that you can learn.

At least everybody who watches them has something there to gain.

Participant O: I see them as a mirror of our lives and its upto us to learn.

You know those who make these programmes are just like us and they know

what others are going through. So it's about our normal lives and the

challenges and how they solve them. Even though in soapies the bad guys

at times don’t end up being punished they take you on and in every day

twisting the story.




Participant O: I like Scandal a lot. I watch every day. And I also follow them

on facebook where people discuss.

Participant T: I don’t like knowing what will happen. I prefer to watch them

myself.

Participant Q: I never said they give update in facebook they just discuss

what happened, it's interesting.

Moderator: How is it interesting?

Participant U: I think it's because you tend to get other people's views and

what they think of the characters.

Comment [T107]: Provides life solutions

Comment [T108]: Unique characteristics of the genre

Comment [T109]: Addictive nature of the genre

160

Participant U: Soapie is like that. Everytime you want time to pass faster so

that evening comes for you to watch your favourite.

Moderator: And what is your view of that?

Participant U: It shows that the producers are good at what they do. To

make you areturn viewer each day.

Participant R: I watch Scandal eevry day and if I miss I get a catch up from

my friends.

Participant P: I like Uzalo and Generations. I never miss an episode. 3.1.3 Question: Why do you watch such programmes? Do you watch it with your family members? Moderator: And I am just wondering. Why do you watch thisparticular


Participant Q: I like Uzalo and Scandal they tell us more about our lives and

show how we can improve or destroy it.

Participant P: I prefer watching Ashes to Ashes and uZalo. Local soapies

are programmes that you can watch with your family as a parent not like


certain things that we don’t know in life but when you watch these soapies,

you get ideas and it shows you the way.

Participant U: Yes, you cannot watch some of foreign programmes because

they teach our children bad culture. In my family we watch Generations and

Scandal. They are our visitors every evening. We learn a lot about life and

people.

Comment [T110]: Soapie popularity

Comment [T111]: TV soap opera influence on viewers

Comment [T112]: TV soap opera influence – parasocail relationship – Source of information

161

Participant T: In my family we watch all the soapies as long as time allows

and they don’t clash. Its good to watch with others as it brings you closer

when you discuss and follow up what is happening there. Even when one is

annoyed the soapie brings a smile.

Moderator: Are they popular than other programmes?

Participant R: Soapies are so good and every day you would want to catch

up. It’s a family programme. But you also have to advice the children not to

think its all true.

Participant O: Yes it's important to do that because not everything there is

true. It needs guidance.

Participant S: But you know it's not easy to control or advice children. But

what you do is good to take care of that. But it's always good to look for the

good not bad things. Supporting evil characters like Ray of Zabalaza is not

good because it shows who you are inside of you.




in this programme?





Participant S: Soapies have many types of relationships. Cheating, staying

together and even marriage. Sometimes they all look the same.

Moderator: What do you mean by all the same?

162

Participant R: You know these days moving in and marriage is like the

same. They have children; they stay together and other things. It's like the

same thing. Participant S: I would not want my daughter to be like that; staying with a

man without paying ilobolo. That is making herself cheap. Participan Q: It's not easy to do that. If you manage to prevent it then it's like

you managed to stop the world from moving because this is how the current

world is all about. People have freedom to do what they like.

Participan Q: But some of them stay together then get married. Which is not

a bad thing.

Participant U: I think it is because those staying together do everything

husband and wife do in marriage. That is why people confuse between the

two. Some even have children.

Participant O: But this moving in is for the young ones if you are an adult it’s

a shame to do that and you cannot tell your grown up daughter that this is my

boyfriend?

Participant P: Yes, some have families and stay with another person in their

houses. I think it is to do with companionship, because when they go back to

their homes on the villages or township they leave the other behind.

Participant S: So do you support that?

Participant P: I am not supporting, just saying as it is. People see these

things in the television and they see it easier than to bring whole family to

stay with them.

Comment [T113]: Maariage and cohabitation

Comment [T114]: Significance of ilobolo in marriage practice…in Zulu community

Comment [T115]: Trends in marriage practices


163

Participant U: Yes it is happening especially people working in the mines

have several women. What we see in these programmes is what is

happening around.

Participant O: And there are people who live together decides to get married

when they get a child. I think it is because they want to be proper family.

. Moderator: And who are those who like moving in with partners?

Participant U: The youth do stay with their girlfriends before getting married

or just staying together. Especially those staying far away from their homes,

since families are not around to stop them doing that because culture

demands that ilobolo has to be paid, even if it is a small amount to show

respect and seriousness.

Moderator: Is this a Zulu culture?

Participant O: Our culture doesn’t allow that at all. You know lobola is

everything. Without lobola you don’t have a name in the lady's family or the

man's family. lobola gives you respect.

Moderator: And what is your view of this relationship of moving in?

Participant O: Moving in is a reality and we cannot remove it. Many factors

bring it up such as economic matters and even the fact that people live far

away from their homes, so they do anything.

Moderator: What is Moving in?

Participant U: It means staying together as husband and wife without paying

ilobolo.

Participant Q: It is not a good thing to do but what can we do? Its life.

Comment [T117]: Labour migration as a cause for cohabitation

Comment [T118]: TV soap opera reflecting social realities


Comment [T120]: Culture and labour migration as factors influeincing cohabitation

Comment [T121]: Acknowledgement of soapie as a social reality

Comment [T122]: Causes of cohabitation

Comment [T123]: Cohabitation

164



Participant T: Of course it’s the soap opera operas and television. TV

teaches many things.

Participant R: It’s true, when you watch soapies every day it becomes your

life because we copy what they do.

Participant S: Moving in is not a good thing but we cannot run away from it. I

lived with my wife before we got married and it helped us to plan our lives

together.

Participant P: I have no problem with moving in, it’s better than having a

girlfriend or a man and you just go to visit him. It’s a bad show. When you

stay together, people know that you are serious in your relationship. And

also these days marriage is expensive, people cannot pay lobola so you see

stayting together is easier. You can see that in TV programmes and they are

ok.

Participant T: You are right, parents demand a lot of money and we cannot

get married because of greedy relatives. If you live together they don’t ask

about lobola. You can just tell them you are planning and life goes on.


you aspire / live?

Participant O: I choose what is good because sopies show everything it's

like in a supermarket, they even sell rat poison so you choose milk instead.

(

Participant U: What I like most about them is their lifestlyes. Even if you are

poor or struggling, the programmes gives you insoration to raise and be like



in real life.

Comment [T124]: Television soap opera influence

Comment [T125]: Cohabitation as a transition to marriage

Comment [T126]: Ilobolo as a push factor in cohabitation practice

Comment [T127]: Ilobolo as an obstacle tp marriage


165

Moderator: And why do you identify with those characters? Participant Q: You know with soapies its more about characters and I have

my favourites as they show what I would like to be. It's inspiring.

Participant R: Yes they do inspire but it should be on the good side because

like David Gennrao of Rhythm City and Ray of Zabalaza and Sydney too of

Zabalaza they kill and scam people. They are clever but in a bad way.

Participant T: We identify with characters based on our inner feelings or I

say inner self.


that you do watch?

Participant T: Soapies life is glamorous but also they show you the other

side of life. Yes we all aspire to have good life and soapies show us what

others have in life.

Participant O: They have good life and I would like to have it also but

sometimes the problems that come with their lives is too much. You know

happiness is about not worrying about tomorrow.

Participant U: But you see the high lifestyle that they show sometimes make

other people go beyond their means to be like that. And some wives will push

their men to do like that not knowing that it's only a movie not real people.

Participant S: I like the soapie life. They have everything they need and they

inspire me to work hard in life.

Participant P: Yes it's true. Soapie is a window to the world you sees all

sorts of things there.

Participant R: The best thing is to know what you want to gain from them.

Comment [T129]: Soapie characters influence

166

Moderator: So you mean to say that these soapies have an influence in

your lives?

Participant U: In so many ways of life.

Participant T: It's something we cannot avoid. When you watch a

programme the whole year, it's more than the number of times you meet with

your next door neighbour. Soapie is more than the neighbour we know a lot

about the characters.


marital lives?

Participant O: Yes some marriages become strong and some breaks

especially if you follow wrong ideas of soapies.

Participant Q: I agree with you. It can bring tension in any relationship.

Moderator: Can you explain further please?

Participant Q: I mean that its something we cannot avoid; the influence.

When we see couples having a happy life in those soapies, it’s natural to

want to be like that by seeing what makes them happy.

Participant P: And at times it helps couples to correct their mistakes without

being told just by watching the programme you can identify with a character

or a situation iin the story.

Participant R: And that is why I feel its important to watch with your family

because through them we learn from the mistakes or get something good

from them.

Moderator: And is it that you feel afraid or find it difficult to correct your

spouse directly?

Comment [T130]: Cultivation effect of soap opera

Comment [T131]: TV soap opera influence


Comment [T133]: TV soap opera as a model for daily living

167

Participant O: I think its because when we see our mistakes on the screen

we tend to identify with them bvut when you get confronted directly, one

tends to be defensive.


Participant U: Yes they do. Sometimes good one and sometimes bad one. If

your spouse see the character in the soapie buying a birthday gift for his wife

and you normally don’t do that then that generates a cold war in the house.

Participant T: Yes they can even break marriages if the couples are not

careful.

Participant Q: Yes when we copy just anything it can kill any good

relationship. I have seen it happening.



should be like?

Participant O: Yes I follow those characters who keep traditions. And

couples who are faithful to each other. But I don’t support those who just live

together.

Moderator: Why?

Participant O: It’s a bad example. They show wives who don’t want to look

after their husbands and this is teaching wrong things.

Moderator: So is there any specific roles assigned to the spouses in the


Participant R: You know in soapies they show everything and its upt o you

to know what you want to follow. Some show wives and husbands sharing

Comment [T134]: TV soap opera as a source of possible solutions for interpersonal relationships

Comment [T135]: TV soap opera influence on marriage practices

168

house duties while others show wives only doing those jobs. But I don’t

support stubborn women or men. .

Moderator: And what do you mean by that?

Participant R: These are women or men who take advantage of their

partners because of having paid lobola or because you paid allot of money

for them so they think they are specual women.

Participant Q: It's better to have a humble wife or a humble husband. And

they are there in the soapies.

Moderator: What do you mean by stubborn?

Participant Q: These are women who cannot even iron for your shirt. As a

woman I know my duties and the husband should fulfil his obligations. But

some men don’t do that and when you complain to your family they tell you to

go back to him because he ppaiod lobola. Its llike you are a slave.

Participant P: You know if you are a stubborn wife you end up losing those

things we see in TV some cannot work in our communities. .

Participant U: But this days people use lobola for business. Its like you are

buying something that you cannot get anywhere else. What I am saying is

that, its like they tell you to pay what they demand or there will be no bride for

you

Participant O: We shouldn’t forget our places in marriage and culture. You

cannot be a full proper person without culture.

Participant U: I see sometimes women are the ones taking care of the family

and ordering the men to do house work its not good when a woman is more

successful at times.

Comment [T136]: Significance of I ilobolo in Zulu marriage practice

Comment [T137]: Ilobolo contrsasts

Comment [T138]: Ilobolo contrasts

169

Participant T: Yes you are right. Like Thembeka is very stubborn and

behaves as if she is the one who paid lobola for Quinton in Scandal soapie.

Participant Q: You know if you are a stubborn woman it's difficult to keep a

husband or man in life.

Participant R: That’s why some people stay together before getting married

so that you understand each other.

Participant Q: God made us different and it's better to know that. A woman

who wants the man to go to the kitchen is not a proper woman. And a man

who beat wife is not a good man. I think these days we should share house

duties because life has changed. A woman cannot do everything in the

house alone.



Participant R: I had such a problem in my life but we solved iit. Now we

know our roles.

Participant P: This gender equity is all about two people to agree. In soapies

they don’t show you one side but all sides and it's up to you to choose.

. Participant S: Yes you can have a wife who is rich and still cook for her man

or a man who is a manager and still help in the house, but we shouldn’t

forget culture because lobola tells us all what we need to do as couples and

elders also help in advising couples.

Participant U: In this life its better being a wife according to culture because

if you show that you can also look after yourself then you give your man a

way of using his money with other women. Moderator: So is that what men do?

Comment [T139]: Importance of lobola in marriage practice and gender equity

Comment [T140]: Gender equity

170

Participant U: Not all but some.



situations?

Participant R: In life I have seen people who fall and come up again. In have

gone through that and when I see soapies I see myself. Participant Q: But also they show a lot of bad manners in there. And how

friends can destroy your marriage. It happens in real life.

Participant T: But some motivate and brings a family together especially

when you watch as a family. An episode could bring unity in a family.

Participant P: Myself I have learnt how to treat your family as the most

important people on earth.

Participant T: I have learnt bad things also and good but I know what and

when to make use of them. In life you have to be good in everything.

Moderator: What do you mean by that?

Participant T: You see if you behave like a sheep some people will sit on

your hhead. Be srong and say NO if possible.

Participant S: But sometimes what they show makes couples suspect each

other. When you do something your partner link with what he/she saw in the

programme.

(Causing laughter) Moderator: Why not?

Comment [T141]: Soap opera uniting families.

171



Participant U: Ngyabonga. . Moderator: Thank you again for your time. Before we wind up and go back


forgot to do so?

Participant O: We are all ok. I think we have said many things but forgive us

we just said what is in our minds.

(Having no further comments, I switched off the voice recorder)

172

GROUP 4 : Transcript of focus group discussion Total Participant time required: 55minutes - 1 hour + 15minutes

Total focus group time: 55minutes - 1 hour + 15minutes



Participants: V, W, X, Y, Z, ZV, ZW

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township.










173




Participant V: I am Mr. Sipho, I watch soapies every day.

Participant W: My name is Nozipho. I watch Scandal and Generations every

day.

Participant W: (She continues) I like them because its shows me how life is

with other people. At; least I learn something evey day.

Participant Y: It's good to watch them but not believe everything because

you become brain washed.

Moderator: And can you also tell us a bit about yourself?

Participant Y: I am Lungelo, still looking for job and somebody to marry. I

like watching Zabalaza and Scandal. It’s a normal thing every day I never

miss. Participant X: I am Mandisa. I enjoy watching all soapies since I am always

in the house. They keep me company.

Participant W: Yes that’s why I also watch. They are so good but it's better

to control yourself otherwise your life will become a soapie life.

Moderator: What do you mean by a soapie life?

Comment [T142]: Soap opera as a daily routine

Comment [T143]: Soap opera as a daily life routine

174

Participant W: You know some of what we see in those programmes

cannot be in real life. So if you follow everything you might spoil your

relationship.

Moderator: But is there something good there?

Participant ZW: Yes, they have good things also. It all depends what you

want to learn. By the way I am Sbusiso.

Moderator: What do you mean by learning?

Participant Z: I think learning is about seeing the good part of soapies. I

learn a lot from them and it’s a silent teacher.

Participant ZW: I watch news first then the rest of the evening its soapie unless there is football game.

Participant Z: You know these programmes it's like witchcraft. You cannot

untie it from yourself. But all in all I enjoy watching them a lot.

Moderator: And do you watch other programmes? Participant y: I like making sure that I watch news also its important. If there

is taxi strike and you wouldn’t know if you just watch soapie all through. It's

good to balance sometimes.

3.0 Group discussions 3.1.1 Question: What comes into your mind when you hear the mentioning of a soap opera like Generations, Muvhango, Rhythm City, Scandal or Ashes to Ashes?

Comment [T144]: Source of informatrion

Comment [T145]: Addictive nature of soap opera

175

Moderator: What comes into your mind when you hear the mention of a


Ashes?

Moderator: Please one at a time. Let us start.

Participant W: I know its all about enjoying and seeing how my favourite

character is doing.

Participant V: At my house, when you hear of Generations, you should

know that it is time for all family members to gather around the television set.

We eat before or at times after watching Generations.

Moderator: (probing) Please explain that.

Participant V: It's about concentrating. You cannot follow up if others are

disturbing you. You know it's not like newspaper that you can read and come

back to read again. Best part of soapie is when its being shown because if

you and others tell you what happened you really don’t enjoy it as much. .

Participant Y : Soapies in my family means family time. Even those who like

talking a lot keep quite that time.

Participant W: Some people leave the food burning while watching soapies,

while others delay family dinner time so as to watch their favourites (soapie).

Participant X: Soapie opens up our eyes to many things that we never

knew about as in Rhythm City, Scandal soapies. Its like another world.

Participant ZW: I like them because it's about true life. What we experience

in daily life and when you see in the TV you get solace and feel that you are

not the only one.

Comment [T146]: Soap operas as an integral part of family life

Comment [T147]: Soap opera as affectring daily life routines

Comment [T148]: Soap operas as an integral part of family life

Comment [T149]: Reflecting values of daily life

176

Participant ZV: True, they show us about our lives and things that we don't

want others to know.




Participant V: It's Generations but I also watch others when I get time but I

don’t miss my favourite one.

Moderator: And what do you do if you miss it?

Participant V: There are many ways. People discuss them everywhere.

Even on the internet they give previews and updates.

Participant ZW: Ashes to Ashes and Generations are so good but they

come at the same time. Scandal also is very good. I like all of them. It's about

getting time.

Participant X: Umlilo and Uzalo are becoming so popular. But I cannot

forget watching my normal ones.

Moderator: And would you say that they are addictive?

Participant X: Not really but to an extent yes. Because if i miss watching

them, I feel I missed something.

Participant ZW: But it's better to know how to balance otherwise you won't

have time for other things even your family. .

Moderator: Can you explain it further please?

Comment [T150]: Influence of soap operas.

177

Participant ZW: You know if you all spend more time watching TV you end

up only talking when discussing TV programmes. And as a family you cannot

get time to discuss family matters.

Participant Y: I see what you mean. It's like the way these days' people are

on Whatsapp all the time talking to those far away yet they forget those close

to them.

3.1.3 Question: Why do you watch such programmes? Do you watch it with your family members? Moderator: And I am just wondering. Why do you watch these particular


Participant ZV: We watch them as a family.

Participant Z: I watch with family members and also friends. You cannot

enjoy while watching alone. It's about enjoying having good time watching

them.

Participant Y: But it's important to be careful when watching with small

children. You need to guide them.

Participant V: I watch alone or with family it all depends. But they are a

family programmes. It's better watching with others. They teach many things

and as a family you can learn together.

Participant W: Soapies is all about life and seeing what others in the

programme live like makes us also want yo be like that. It also improves

relationships.

Moderator: How does it improve?

Comment [T151]: Soap opera affecting family interpersonal relationships.

Comment [T152]: Family genre

Comment [T153]: As entertainment

Comment [T154]: Models families

178

Participant Y: I think they improve because you see the mistakes of the

others, when you watch as a family you see your mistakes without being

told about it. Because some people don’t like being told about their mistakes.

Participant ZV: And you know some people as you said hate being

corrected. With soapie you just let them see themselves in the programmes.

Participant Y: And what you want is what you get in these programmes.

They are good to enjoy and entertainment and also to educate us how life is

in other societies.




in this programme?





Participant X: Soapies do not have culture. There are different types of

relationships, It's not easy to know who is married bit generally they show

families of married couples and those who are staying together.

Participant W: But most of the ones I watch they have any people who are

staying together as boyfriends and girlfriends. At times I think they are

spoiling and killing our culture.

Participant ZV: Yes the programmes show the young ones that you can live

with a man or woman without going to their families.

Participan Y: Especially staying together, they give bad examples.


Comment [T156]: Cohabitation killing culture

179

Participant V: Some of the families in these programmes appear to have

very good lifestyles and even those who are staying without married. You

cannot tell the difference.

Participant ZW: But if these continues we will reach a stage whereby

everybody want to live without paying lobola and this is not good because its

denying your culture and identity of surname and the family also.

Participant V: And there is alot of cheating in those programmes. Partners

cheat as though it's a normal thing in life.

Participant X: But I think if you stay without lobola there will be no

seriousness in that relationship at all. Lobola defines what the partners will do

when they get married.

Moderator: So what are you actually saying?

Participant X: It's like getting married without knowing who will be the wife or

husband and who is your family members in case of any problems. Family

and community is very important and also culture.

Moderator: And is that something in the Zulu culture?

Participant Z: Zulu culture will not permit that bad practice at all. How can

one say he is married without paying lobola?

Participant Y: This practice helps those who are serious to get married by

knowing each other. And also while planning their marriage but we should

not take it as marriage.

Participant W: I have no problem with it but it's not a good thing if we make

it as part of our culture.

Comment [T157]: The role of ilobolo.

Comment [T158]: Negarice aspect of cohabitation

Comment [T159]: Cohabitation as a transition to marriage

180

Participant ZW: But on the other side, we cannot escape from this practice.

It's all over now and any people are doing it. And that's why you see the TV is

taking it as a normal life now.



Participant V: TV brings in many other cultures from all over the world. This

is where it comes from.

Participant Z: And the more we watch TV the more we behave like what we

see in the TV. You can see how ladies copy styles and fashions from

magazines and TV. Media is doing alot in bringing them to us.

Participant ZW: I think the reason they show so many types of marriage is

because they want to make everyone happy and also get market for adverts.

Participant Y: I see your point and that's why everytimne you see adverts

interrupting the programme.

Participant ZV: Culture helps to make us follow one life. You cannot have

people from same culture yet they follow different behaviours. You will see

that those who stay without paying lobola will not say that they are not

married because it's shameful.


you aspire / live?

Participant Y: I have been in that relationship of moving in but as you know

when you grow you have to make it official.

Participant ZW: I prefer marrying formally. This staying together sometimes

is wasting time.

Comment [T160]: TV as a source of emerging values

Comment [T161]: Cohabitation and culture

181

Participant W: I like the soapie life it's so good but again we have to know

that life has problems. But sometimes the soapie show us every side of life

not like movies which is one sided only.

Participant Z: Soapies life is not different from the lives that we have. In fact

it adds more spices by showing us how other people live and we learn there.

Participant V: But some characters are so evil and then they are not

punished at all. It's not fair.


that you do watch?

Participant ZV: The characters are the ones who inspire us. And also the

story itself on how things go on in the programme.

Participant W: Some inspire but others are bad people.

Participant Y: It's good to take what is good and leave the rest. Culture is

very important.

Participant Z: You know when you have problems and you see how others lead their lives then you get inspired by knowing that life is same everywhere

four rich and poor also.

Moderator: So you mean to say that these soapies have an influence in

your lives?

Participant X: A lot in all sides of our lives. In marriage and also families.

Participant Y: Like in marriage you see couples fighting because of what

they saw in the TV.

Comment [T162]: Provides solutions to life problems

182

Participant Z: And in marriage also in relationships even families they affect.

You know if you are doing something wrong and you see it in the TV you will

see the others looking at each other it's like saying hee you see this is what

she does. So if you are clever, you end up changing.

Moderator: What do you mean by changing?

Participant V: You will correct it yourself and be a good person.

Participant ZW: But it's embarrassing to see your mistakes through the

soapie while others are like looking at you.


Participant ZV: Not totally but it plays alot. Because even culture and family

plays a big part. You see those who stay together stay far away not near their

villages because they know it's wrong.

Participant W: These days soapies have become part of life in many ways.

Even children learn there. When you see a child in soapie demanding a

present from parents next day your child will also copy and do the same with

you.



should be like?

Participant X: Women are women and men are men. I think when want to

be like soapies then you see marriages breaking. But you can also see good

things from them.

Participant Y: but the problem is women. Wanting to be wives and the same

time, wanting to be independent. I don’t support that at all. Culture has roles

for each one of us. Even God made us different.


Comment [T164]: Soap operea influence

Comment [T165]: Gender equikty

183



Participant X: I have problems fighting with my spouses because of saopies.

Participant Y: My relationship has improved and even my relationship with

my other family members. When you watch as a family it brings you together.

Participant W: I cannot copy what is wrong there and use it in my life. I

prefer talking and we agree so that the programme only helps us as a guide

and we decide.

.

Participant V: I like the couples and families who support each other. It's a

good example.



situations?

Participant ZV: They are complicated sometimes but it's what we see here

daily ion the townships.

Participant Z: Some it's about getting rich or killing others.

Participant W: And blackmails also.

Participant W: But you see they show us what is happening in our lives it's

like seeing yourself from a recorded video.



Participant ZV: Welcome and we liked the way we discussed all through.


184

(Causing laughter) Moderator: Thank you again for your time. Before we wind up and go back


forgot to do so?

Participant V: I think we said everything.

(Having no further comments, I switched off the voice recorder.)

185

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THE INFLUENCE OF TELEVISION SOAP OPERAS ON ZULU TRADITIONAL MARRIAGES

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