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Introduction

Articulating politics and discourse involves considering a sphere of social activity (where the exercise of public speech is regulated by defi ning legitimate places, themes, styles and subjects, and at the same time a variety of power strategies are confronted) and the discourses pro-duced within it, as well as how and where they circulate, with their inherent restrictions. It also involves addressing the ideological orientation revealed by the linguistic options used in discourses associated to different social practices and linked to certain positions within their respective social fi elds.

We shall therefore approach the subject from both these perspectives. The fi rst deals spe-cifi cally with analysis of political discourses, which is recognized by the conjunction of various aspects: the circumstances under which they are produced (electoral processes, popular manifesta-tions, inauguration of government offi cials, meetings of elected representatives, negotiations, trib-utes to public fi gures); the institutional settings (political parties, parliaments, government agencies, international agencies); their genres (programs, posters, pamphlets, motions, speeches in Congress, slogans, treaties, radio or television political propaganda, open letters, press conferences, reports to parliament, incendiary speeches, candidate debates, interviews with politicians, paid announce-ments, speeches to party members or international agencies, evaluation before the population of government management); their subjects (which are included in a range of agendas proposed by different sectors, in particular the government or the media, and may refer to, among oth-ers, housing, health, international relations, education, means of transport, corruption, juridical reform, employment, social projects), or the speakers (heads of State, ministers, representatives, senators, party or movement members, political leaders, assembly members, constituents). The second perspective addresses political analysis of other discourses (religious, media, juridical, gram-matical, essay, lexicographic, advertising, etc.), inquiring into not only their stance regarding their own fi eld but also how they assess confl ict, shape social representations, construe identities, regu-late linguistic space, or intervene in the shaping, reproduction, or transformation of both political entities and relations of power. All discourses are linked to the dynamics of the fi eld in which they are produced, and the broad social processes and contextual aspects that enable an under-standing of the positions from which they are uttered. This allows traces of context as well as discursive memories from different time periods to be recognized in the materials analyzed.

Within the vast, diverse range of materials in Spanish refl ecting on politics and discourse, we shall focus herein upon the contributions from language sciences, in particular from the

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Politics and Discourse

Elvira N . de Arnoux and Juan E. Bonnin (Universidad de Buenos Aires)

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critical perspective of the study of social discursiveness. In addition, we shall focus mainly upon recent decades, consider the general lines that have been followed and the axes upon which attention has been focused under given circumstances, and describe the link to an intensive, fertile discussion with other fi elds of culture with which discourse analysis (DA) has a largely shared history.

Historical Perspectives

Political discursiveness, in both its deliberative and demonstrative (epideictic) forms, was an object of rhetorical thinking in early times. In the ancient world, along with the eloquence of the forum, it was an important means for normative descriptions and regulations because it was associated with valued public social practices: discussing the situation and decision-making for the ‘common good’, and ceremonies, commemorations, or tributes that reinforced social identities. Within the framework of Christianity, the arts of preaching—which also required trained orators—were nurtured in the tradition of rhetoric and, although they focused mainly on saving souls, the need and mandate to update the message of the Bible allowed shifts towards political discourse. This twofold development of rhetoric—profane and Christian—had an effect on political languages, which was particularly noticeable in the democratic revolutions and the start-up of representative institutions established within the framework of national States. Nevertheless, concern regarding eloquence gradually gave way to greater interest in writing, which had an effect on 19th-century middle- and upper-school curricula, leading to an increase in the number of people who expressed themselves politically through journalistic articles or political essays. Following World War II there was a rebirth of the fi eld of rhetoric, which focused on the study of ways of arguing, emphasizing points of agreement and the deployment of reasoning, and defi ning legitimate and illegitimate types of chains of arguments. It was sought to describe and prescribe honest, rational public discursiveness, which would prevent demagogical excess that might lead to situations of violence. But very soon the analysis of political discourses in particular led to focus also on the unavoidable fi eld of emotions, present both in the orator/writer’s construal of self (ethos) and in the passions unleashed in the listeners/readers (pathos). Although the materials in the analyses were largely political, other discourses of markedly persuasive function that involved or tended to construe social representations were also addressed. Thus, upon considering the link between politics and discourse, it is inevitable to consider, as we have done, the extensive rhetoric tradition that continues to provide lines of refl ection and categories for analysis.

When focusing on the fi eld of linguistics, we must address DA, which, though it does not attempt to establish normative standards regarding political discursiveness as ancient rhetoric did, is not—due to the choice of objects and the perspectives it adopts—alien to researcher criti-cism and stance (Bolívar and Erlich 2011). As an academic fi eld and interpretative practice, it was established by questioning limits—particularly with regard to signifi cance and text—of the Saussurean program, at the same time exploring aspects stated in it, such as the constitution of the fi eld of semiology (Prieto, Barthes and Eco). These explorations were infl uenced by inter-est in political discourses and the ideological dimension of social discourses, which increased in the 1960s, a time of great commotion and discussion of academic disciplines. Moreover, the review of segmentation in university studies drove concern to articulate knowledge of language sciences (not only linguistics and rhetoric but also stylistics in the tradition of Bally, Spitzer and Vossler, and literary theory, from the new impulse it was given by Russian formalism) with his-tory (whose contributions to language and literature were not minor), sociological theory (in particular from the Marxist perspective), psychoanalysis, and anthropology.

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Beyond the ethical and political commitment explicitly upheld by Critical Discourse Anal-ysis (CDA) in the late 1980s and its interdisciplinary character, the fi eld provided evidence of (critical) interest in dismantling mechanisms that generated certain effects of meaning that are not usually visible to the participants in the act of communication. The survey of regularities found by contrasting discourses in a corpus built on historical or sociological knowledge was primarily supported by the Foucaultian concept of discursive formations and associated to the concept of ideological formations (Pêcheux’s reformulation of Althusser’s refl ection), based on the conception of a subject who does not own the meaning of his utterances even though he imagines he does. Subsequent works, although sensitive to the socio-historical conditions of discourse production, take different directions over the materials according to the problems set forth and resort creatively—in the analysis and shape of the corpus—to different linguistic disciplines, including, among others, linguistics of enunciation (Benveniste, Culioli, Ducrot), pragmatics (Searle, Grice, Brown and Levinson, Sperber and Wilson), theory of argumenta-tion (Perelman, Grize, Toulmin, Plantin), discursive semiotics (Greimas, Fontanille), systemic functional linguistics (Halliday, Martin), text grammar (Halliday and Hasan, van Dijk), criti-cal linguistics (Hodge, Kress and Fowler), speech ethnography (Gumperz, Hymes), conversa-tion analysis (Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson), social semiotics (Angenot), and genetic criticism (Grésillon, Lebrave).

Development of the fi eld was also infl uenced by progress in communication technologies, which soon led to interest in the ideological dimension of the discourses articulating words and images, whether still or moving, and thus to the study of photography, advertising, comics, and cinema, among others. This was subsequently to give rise to, on the one hand, historical semiology (Courtine), which considers in the analysis of those materials the series to which they belong, the ruptures that take place, and inter-iconicity, i.e., everything that evokes dif-ferent memories associated with a variety of places and times. The study of political propa-ganda and a variety of media discourses was to fi nd in this perspective an interesting source of approaches that also retrieve Bakhtinian refl ections. On the other hand, based on efforts to recognize a visual grammar, critical analysis of multimodal discourse was to develop (Kress and Van Leeuwen), focusing on the issue of discrimination and the different forms of manipula-tion of discourses produced from positions of power, which may even occur in school texts. Moreover, progress in information technologies was to lead to a focus on contemporary ‘liquid’ discourses (Bauman) and the incidence of different kinds of networks on shaping subjectivities and practices of political mobilization and participation.

In the Hispanic world, DA in the early 1970s found, on the one hand, linguists trained in the Spanish school, which like other similar European schools arose from the development of the historicist paradigm, in contrast to 19th-century biologistic linguistics. Although the historicist paradigm did not take particular interest in political discourses, it had developed—from stylistics and philology—analytical strategies sensitive to verbal materiality and context, which could play a part when dealing with them. On the other hand, it retrieved the pro-duction arising from intensive discussion of national literatures and their political dimension (supported by David Viñas, Ángel Rama and Noé Jitrik, among others). In the 1960s and early 1970s, within a framework of social effervescence marked by revolutionary experiences in the continent and youth movements in different parts of the world (May 1968 in France, Argentinean ‘Cordobazo’, Prague Spring, etc.), the fi eld of communication began to address the political dimension of various discursive materialities from a perspective that considered intersemiotic modalities and popular cultures, such as children’s imaginary in comic books and its links to capitalism ( How to Read Donald Duck, in Spanish, Para leer al Pato Donald , 1972) or the construal of political news and violence. The journal Lenguajes , edited by

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Steimberg, Traversa, Verón, and Indart, whose fi rst issue was published in 1974, expressed this perspective.

As from the late 1970s, when the various democracies were re-established, the fi eld expanded in Spanish-speaking countries and intensifi ed discussion with researchers from different lati-tudes. But the preferred study objects were infl uenced by political contexts of violence, dic-tatorships, transitions to democracy, successive crises of the neo-liberal system, strengthening of regional integrations, search for greater inclusion of minority, minoritized, or vulnerable sectors, and attempts to re-found some national States. The fact that many researchers endorsed CDA may show—beyond the reassurance provided by a prestigious reference consolidated through substantial academic activities and a generally politically correct standpoint, which was dominant in central countries—their concern to intervene in their political reality from different positions. Although the Marxist sociological theoretical framework became diluted among its American Hispanic peers, papers continued to show that analyses needed to consider human and social sciences in addition to language sciences. Moreover, it is worth highlighting the interest in producing didactic materials (workbooks, courses, manuals) for training students in the new theories of language and in the use of analytical tools for studying discourse.

Following a decade of intellectual formation, sustained teaching activity, and research, DA underwent academic institutionalization in the 1990s with the creation of post-graduate degrees, such as the Master’s in Discourse Analysis at the Universidad de Buenos Aires (Argen-tina) and Discourse Studies at the Universidad Central in Venezuela, and professional associa-tions, in particular the Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios del Discurso (ALED), in which the relationships between discourse and politics, with the scope we have described, constituted a signifi cant core. These processes were accompanied by the introduction of collections aimed at university readers (Universidad de Caracas, Hachette/Edicial, Cátedra, Gedisa, Siglo XXI, Ariel), which included translations and original papers on ideological aspects of discursiveness and had a marked incidence on development in the fi eld. Spain—as from its inclusion in the European Union—played a major role in this regard, becoming self-suffi cient regarding theory by publishing university manuals and textbooks, which in many settings replaced the authors who had originally written the theories reviewed in them. In the mid-1990s, some periodical publications of regional scope were to develop, 1 of which the most important was Discurso y sociedad , a journal fi nanced by Gedisa, a publisher that made use not only of its experience in producing texts related to the fi eld of communication but also of its distribution organization straddling the Atlantic. Though short-lived, it was an important precedent for two reasons: (a) it gathered together a series of scientifi c contributions in the fi eld of DA in the same lan-guage, above and beyond different theoretical positions, and (b) it was a starting point for the creation of two journals which currently include the greater part of DA in Spanish: Discurso y sociedad (available only in electronic format, which should not be confused with the former version, which was published in hardcopy only) and Revista ALED .

Core Topics and Issues

Studies on discourse and politics in Latin America and Spain have attained a high degree of development. The appearance of new political identities with relation to processes of regional integration, recognition of minorities, militant affi rmation of national identities, emergence of innovative forms of participation, crisis of neo-liberal systems and ideologies, persistent social inequality, questioning of the role of the State, and the importance of supra-national entities in managing the economy have all encouraged critical inquiry from a range of positions that more or less explicitly seek to intervene in the political dynamics of the respective countries.

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In this section we shall focus upon lines of research and issues addressed by researchers by mentioning certain papers. We do realize, however, that both our review and the references can only be partial.

Leaders and Institutional Political Discourse

Among the topics currently being addressed in the fi eld of political discourse in Spanish, that of leaders and institutional discourse is taken up in many papers. The most widely used cor-pus in these studies comprises written texts that are read or texts that are improvised or based on notes in institutionally well-defi ned settings. From a conceptual standpoint, they primarily analyze ideological-discursive molds, construal of the objects of discourse, argument strategies, and, with relation to these, the representations of self and the emotions they seek to awaken in the auditorium: enunciative contract and generic scenes, analysis of grammatical metaphors, and lexical-syntactic transformations. When exchanges are addressed, they consider, among others, the controversy dimension, forms of attenuating or accentuating confl ict, speaking turns, and the narratio from which conclusions or forms of presenting non-technical proof are drawn.

In Latin America, Hugo Chávez has deserved special treatment in the fi eld of DA, due both to his relevance in regional politics over the past decade and to his original, clearly identifi able style, to the point that issue number 10 (1) of the ALED journal in 2010 is almost entirely dedicated to him. He has usually been treated rather critically by Venezuelan specialists such as Erlich (2005) or in the many articles by Bolívar. More panoramically, the same ALED issue contains an overview by Molero de Cabeza of the linguistic-discursive strategies deployed by the main political leaders in Venezuela during the fi rst decade in the 21st century. These papers largely denounce polarization as an undesirable property of Chavista-political discourse, which would thus become anti-democratic by preventing political dialogue, having repercussions on global, or at least regional, political discursiveness (Bolívar 2008, 2009). Insult as a strategy is addressed by González Sanz to analyze its functions in televised political debates in Spain, providing a normative viewpoint (on insult as fallacy). More broadly, however, Brenes Peña (2010) states that rudeness (in the sense of Brown and Levinson) and even verbal violence are ultimately constitutive features of contemporary media discourse. It has also been argued, fol-lowing the classical works of Eliseo Verón, that counter-addressees and, ultimately, the friend-enemy relationship are constitutive of political discourse (Montero 2009). In this regard, in a detailed analysis of the stylistic, polyphonic, and enunciative features of Chavista discourse, Arnoux (2008a) notes its role in the re-foundation of a Latin American discourse whose mold was established in the mid-19th century, and analyzes, starting from the semiology of reason-ing, the construction of the discursive object ‘21st-century socialism’ in speeches from 2004 to 2008 (Arnoux 2011; cf. also Reyes 2011).

The analysis of the discourse of political leaders is also compatible with careful consider-ation of the processes of enunciation and, in general, of where the subjectivity of language lies as proposed by E. Benveniste. As a result, the baggage of the linguistics of enunciation is employed for the cases of Ricardo Lagos (Burdach and Ross 2005), Fidel Castro (Corrarello 2012; Reyes 2011), Néstor Kirchner (Dagatti 2013; Montero 2009), Cristina Kirchner (Díaz 2011), Evo Morales (Blanco 2010), ‘Lula’ da Silva (Martins Ferreira 2003), Fernando Lugo (Arnoux and Bonnin 2012) and Álvaro Uribe (Pardo Abril 2010). There is a small but grow-ing body of literature with special focus on ethic and stylistic features of Latin American leaders in the current regional political situation.

Although political leaders have been studied more in Latin America than in Spain, Spanish politicians have also received attention from local analysts. In this regard, we can highlight the

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sociocognitive perspective which—nurtured mainly by the more essay-like works of G. Lakoff—studies the cognitive patterns common to various political leaders in Spain (Molpeceres 2009). The other preferred standpoint is, once again, rhetoric, which is particularly apt for the analysis of controversial speeches and debates of Spanish presidents during the past decade (Cortés Rodríguez 2007; Pujante and Morales López 2009) or leaders of smaller jurisdictions (Duque 2009) regarding arguing decisions that are questioned (such as sending troops to Iraq) and legitimizing their own enunciative stance.

Within the empirical setting of parliamentary discourse, many perspectives have been addressed, although in the context of Latin America there have been few continuations of the pioneering work by Carbó (1996). One perspective, illustrated by the themed issue of Discurso y sociedad 6 (1), is gender, both as an object of critical analysis and as a stigma to be avoided in politically correct discourse, which has a non-sexist self-image. Another perspective questions the relationship between gender and discursive strategies in an attempt to describe gendered discourse typical of the parliamentary setting. In this regard, parliamentary discourse in Span-ish has shown pre-eminence of political and ideological factors over gender in the preference for fi rst-person pronominal forms, pragmatic strategies such as indirect and polite language, attenuation, or even argumentative strategies such as accusation and lexical selection. These factors have been studied in parliamentary discourse in Andalucía, as published in the special issue of Discurso y sociedad 6 (1).

Parliamentary discourse is also understood as a stylistic mold developed as part of the speaker-generic competence. In this regard, the rhetoric perspective gathers results about the usual strategies in parliamentary argument, which include asking oral questions (Álvarez Benito and Íñigo-Mora 2012), polyphonic procedures of ‘rhetoric confl uence’ (Albaladejo 2009), or the use of modalities for realizing wishes and aspirations by the political groups rep-resented (Lorda 2009).

There is a symptomatic difference between the Latin American preference for the analysis of individual discourse, usually of presidents or presidential candidates, and the Spanish pref-erence for parliamentary or party debates that accompanied the democratic opening. How-ever, it is of course not a strict distinction, but it seems to point to a difference between the conceptions held in European democracies, which are more parliamentary and have greater institutional stability, and the more personalistic and charismatic conception of politics in Latin America.

Discursive Proselytism: Electoral Debates and Campaigns

Televised debate is an essential tool in the process of mediatization of politics (Verón 2000), which generates a complex situation of public interaction with multiple addressees. It is thus no coincidence that electoral debates and campaigns have been primarily addressed from the standpoint of pragmatics, and in particular, analysis of social cognition. On the one hand, the comparison of mental processes underlying the discursive surface has allowed inter-lingual comparisons of Spanish and French leaders (Lorda and Miche 2006) and of Spanish and English leaders (Íñigo-Mora 2007). On the other hand, the discursive styles of political persuasion in strictly monolingual contexts are also the object of sociocognitive attention in Spain (Truman and Torres Giménez 2005), with special attention to face-to-face debates and the conversational and pragmatic strategies that realize underlying conceptual patterns (Blas Arroyo 2009). Although debating in person is unusual in Latin America, the polemical dimension is a constitutional part of it, as mentioned above, and has been addressed both from cognitive (Chumaceiro 2004) and rhetoric perspectives.

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Analysis of the polemical dimension allows other voices—which are marginal or alien to the fi eld of institutional politics—to be considered, particularly those arising from armed struggle such as the FARC (Olave 2011) or sub-comandante Marcos (García Agustín 2009). These new materials show generic hybridity and divergence from instituted models of politi-cal discourse to a position alien to those models, sustained in a heteroglossic conception of the political word.

Lastly, electoral campaigns have also been the object of analysis, in particular multimodal texts such as jingles and campaign songs (Screti and Martín Jiménez 2009) and posters (Cour-leander Hidalgo 2010). It is worth noting that although the analysis of multimodality is usu-ally identifi ed with text-image interaction—ordinarily addressed from the reinterpretation of the systemic functional linguistics and CDA of Kress and van Leeuwen—there is no equally sophisticated conceptual standpoint for the study of the integration of the verbal mode with the language of music.

Political Discourse and Media Discourse

The media, in particular print media, have a particular place in political DA in Spanish from two perspectives: one that examines political discourse in media discourse and another that views media discourse as political discourse. In the former we can include studies of interviews with political leaders, articles, or paid announcements signed by them or the fl attering, critical, or satirical image constructed by the press, in addition to the incidence of new technologies in presenting political positions and making them known (Ques 2013). The second group includes a long series of publications on discrimination and racism, representations of social protest and poverty. They have an explicitly critical stance and sometimes make use of the study of multimodal texts.

Regarding the political character of media discourse, beyond critical analyses of ideo-logical representations (e.g., media or advertising) some papers report the senses used for representing new political actors, whether consolidated or emerging. A series of papers were published in the early 2000s about the representations of the ‘piqueteros’ (Zullo and Raiter 2004), approached from the perspective of critical linguistics. In a broader sense, the press has deployed a role in swaying public opinion, addressing processes of legiti-mating and de-legitimating political actors—whether inside or outside the government (Fernández and Molero de Cabeza 2007; Vitale 2009). In this regard, the multimodal study of political graphic humor in Spanish and Latin American newspapers deserves special mention (Martín Rojo 2007; Vieira 2003). Upon analyzing apologies reported by Latin American newspapers in the framework of what she calls ‘political macro-dialogue’, Bolívar (2011) specifi cally recognizes the press as a political actor. This opens up lines for research on the impact of national and international media discourse and the political role of journalists.

On Racist Discourses

The presence of racism in discourse, which was one of T. A. van Dijk’s main research subjects in the 1990s, has become a truism in Spanish language research, particularly in Spain. The subject has been approached from different standpoints on either side of the Atlantic, due both to the differences in European and Latin American demographics and, above all, to the different perceptions and founding myths of national identities. Indeed, discursive racism in Spain has been observed mainly in the relations between the host population and migrants,

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usually from peripheral countries, who often have a different ethnic component from that of the host society as well as different cultural features with relation to religion, food, or family. In contrast, in Latin America the ‘racist frontier’ (Verdugo 2007) is drawn within the territo-rial boundaries of the Nation-state. As a result, the discriminated subject is deprived of the citizen rights legally due to his/her nationality based on ethnicity, mainly in cases of indig-enous people or African descendants, who are thus perceived as non-citizen ‘others’ (Soler Castillo 2008).

The presence of racist stereotypes or expressions in Spanish political discourse is thus recur-rent, particularly among right-wing speakers. In contrast to the groups that are clearly identi-fi ed with a xenophobic stance, racism in parliamentary discourses seems to be related more to a discursive strategy ruled by the circumstances than to concrete parliamentary groups (Férriz Núñez and Ridao Rodrigo 2008: 742), in particular regarding ‘proactive’ or ‘reactive’ positions taken up about the issue (Zapata Barrero 2007). From a different standpoint, some studies show the persistence of racist prejudices underlying discourses that declare themselves to be in favor of the extension of migrant rights.

In Latin America, in contrast, racism in parliamentary discourse has not been studied as much as in Spain. Although the early work of Carbó (1996) showed discriminatory prejudice against indigenous people in Mexico, even before the works of Van Dijk were read in the New World, it is a line that appears not to have any current followers. This perspective does appear in the written press, understood as a privileged discourse for reproduction of the social order. As we have said, racist discourse suggests a frontier within national States between white and indigenous people in Chile, Venezuela, Guatemala (Casaús 2009), and other countries. A notable exception has been shown by Rodríguez Alfano and Koike (2004) for the fron-tier between the United States and Mexico. Analysis of messages from radio audiences and announcers enables them to question idealistic conceptions of ‘hybrid frontier identities’ from the evidence of racist discourses based on ethnic and territorial features of the construal of the modern Nation-state. In this regard, the Internet, which in the fi eld of DA has emerged in the last fi ve years, is a site of racist discourses. There is noticeable reproduction in virtual space of prejudices based on the antagonism between territorial spaces of modern Nation-states, against both Latin American migrants in Europe (Del-Teso-Craviotto 2009) and among citizens of different origin in Latin America (Aedo and Farías 2009), thus showing the persistence of longstanding prejudices.

One fi eld that is shared by Spanish and Latin American researchers is that of school texts approached from several perspectives. The fi eld of pedagogy has been historically relevant in Latin America, particularly as from the early work of Brazilian researcher Paulo Freire on pedagogy and politics, such as the classical Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968). Soler Castillo (2008) proposes an original approach to racism against African descendants in Colombia by combining CDA and Freire’s critical pedagogy. Focusing exclusively on the verbal content in the manuals, although with a more orthodox approach, Bisbe Bonilla (2007) describes the representations of the ‘Venezuelan American Indian’, and Atienza (2007) describes the con-strual of discriminatory representations in the way Spanish textbooks deal with what she calls ‘controversial issues’, including Islam, cultural diversity, and immigration. Arnoux (2008b), interested in the construal of discursive objects in relation to the formation of the national States, considers the exclusion of indigenous people in the delimitation of ‘Chilean nation’ in the mid-19th century in a school history textbook. Racist discourse in Spanish and Latin American textbooks has been extensively covered from a multimodal approach, relying on the perspective founded by Kress and Van Leeuwen’s Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design (1996).

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A fi nal fi eld for the analysis of racist discourses arises from the interaction between tradi-tional DA methods and other social sciences, especially anthropology. From this standpoint, in Latin America there are original multidisciplinary proposals that include verbal behav-ior among other dimensions of ‘perceived discrimination’ (Merino 2007), including social practices, institutional conditioning, and social structure among Mapuches (Merino 2007), Kichwas (Placencia 2008), and African descendants (De la Hoz 2012), among others.

In sum, the big difference between Spanish and Latin American papers is with regard to how the discriminated other is established, according to whether he/she is perceived within or without frontiers (i.e., as a foreign-other or as a native-other). This difference ensues pre-cisely from demographic differences between Spain/Europe and Latin America. However, on the one hand, a territorial Nation-state imaginary persists even in Latin America, while on the other hand, this different standpoint does not necessarily match demographic reality in the countries analyzed: migrants across borders appear partially in Latin America, and the internal migrant does not appear in Spain, which projects a solid image of autonomous conformism within the framework of the Spanish State.

School Textbooks: Education and Ideology

Schools, conceived as an ideological State apparatus (in the sense of Althusser), have been studied at length in the Hispanic world, particularly in Latin America, where the critical approach to education dates back to the 1960s. Due to the fact that, as we have mentioned, there is little research on oral DA—there being preference for written discourse corpora—the preferred material is school textbooks. As mentioned above, there is a long list of studies on school textbooks as a support for racist discourse. But there are also outstanding works dealing with other political aspects of school discourse, such as its role in the production and reproduction of memory, especially regarding the recent authoritarian past, particularly in Latin American dictatorships. From a classical approach to CDA, using systemic functional linguistics theoretical-methodological tools, school memories of authoritarianism have been analyzed in Uruguay (Achugar 2008; Achugar et al. 2011), Chile (Cárdenas Neira 2012; Oteíza 2009, 2010), Puerto Rico (Ceruti 2011), Argentina (Arán 2010), and Spain (Pinto 2004), among others.

Discourse and Poverty

An issue originally raised in the Spanish-speaking world, particularly in Latin America, is DA in the fi eld of extreme poverty, including both the discourse of poor people and discourses about them. In this regard, the work by Vasilachis de Gialdino (2002) is outstanding. It com-pares the discriminatory discursive representations of the press regarding the homeless to the self-representations of the homeless themselves. In the same direction, Pardo Abril (2012) critically examines social representations of poverty in audiovisual media such as television and YouTube.

The ethnographic approach has been especially important in this fi eld of research, in the analysis of both institutional discourses on poverty (Marchese 2006) and the discourse of the poor (Álvarez 2004; Montecinos and Vidal 2011), surveying their representations of work with relation to time: of a working past, a precarious present, and an idealized future. These papers are in the line of the Latin American Network for Studies on the Discourse on Poverty ( Red Latinoamericana de Estudios del Discurso sobre la Pobreza ), whose background and main results are provided in Pardo (2012).

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The Political Dimension of Other Social Discourses

The study of the political dimension of social discourses was included in the very early stages of the different lines of research that shaped the fi eld. As we have mentioned, the oblique character of the political runs through social discursiveness and has effects on its different areas. There are, however, cases that must necessarily be singled out due to the public weight of cer-tain civil society institutions or the legislating character of certain State agencies.

One actor that does not belong to the political system, yet has undoubted weight, par-ticularly in Latin America, is the Roman Catholic Church, whose mandate of updating the message of the Bible easily becomes political. This mandate shows not only in the relationship of opposition between political discourse and religious discourse (Álvarez and Chumaceiro 2010; Bolet and Barrera 2004) but also essentially in the confl uences and mutual condition-ings (Bonnin 2012, 2013). This way in which religious discourse works has an impact not only on the theological conditioning of political discourse but also on the rhetoric and enunciative properties of traditional genres such as Christian preaching (Arnoux and Blanco 2004; Bonnin 2011).

Often underestimated, even though it belongs specifi cally to the State, is discourse pro-duced in the juridical fi eld, where the power of the State is exercised in a manner that, though presented as apolitical, has impact on social actors’ daily life and access to rights (Vasilachis de Gialdino 2013). From an ethnographic and interactional perspective, juridical discourse is viewed as a privileged place for observing the unfolding of discursive strategies sustained in the asymmetry of power (Carranza 2010, 2013; Cucatto 2009) and the negotiation of roles and identities (Amadio 2011).

In the fi eld of popular music, beyond studies in ethnomusicology and anthropology, there has been recent interest in the political dimension of the lyrics in cumbia villera , an Argentin-ean musical phenomenon that draws upon forms of identity combining poverty, crime, and language. In this regard, in addition to the papers by Miceli (2010), the issue 6 (2) of the ALED journal was entirely dedicated to the topic, considering its articulation with tango and other popular genres, State institutions, and the global processes of postmodernism.

In the fi eld of semiotics, the journal Tópicos del Seminario has sustained a Greimasian tradi-tion that—without addressing political discourse directly—describes the political working of other semiotic objects, such as architecture, urban space, and literary discourse. The Semiot-ics Program of the Universidad Nacional de Misiones also has vast experience in the fi eld of semiotics, both literary (Camblong 2004) and referring to other types of discourse (García 2012). Finally, the semiotic approach to the diversity of genres that make up the fabric of social discourse has been the object of various semiotic studies, integrating the traditions of Bakhtin, Lotman and Angenot. In particular, regarding Argentinean political discourse, the volumes organized by Arán (2010) may be consulted, as well as the ambitious series of four volumes coordinated by Dalmasso and Boria on El discurso social argentino (1999–2001).

From the perspective of ‘glotto-politics’, linguistic instruments (orthographies, grammars, dictionaries, style manuals, rhetorics), teaching texts, and discussions of language have been approached as discourses that construe representations of identity as well as intervene in the process of shaping national States (Arnoux 2008b, 2012) and current globalization (Arnoux 2014). In the fi eld of lexicography, the relationship between lexicographic discourse and construal of the national imaginary has been examined, as have the tensions between national States, idiomatic areas, and ‘glotto-political’ orientations of regional integrations (Lauria 2012; Lauria and López García 2009). In relation to Peronism, school curricula and textbooks have been examined (Nogueira 2010), defi ning representations and policies on reading, and

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instruments providing information about language, which have been produced from the pedagogical and intellectual fi eld, have also been addressed (Glozman 2010). Textbooks on literature and discussions on language with relation to the consolidation of Argentinean sec-ondary school have also been the object of analysis (Bentivegna 2010, 2011), as have reading practices and ideologies in counter-hegemonic groups (Di Stefano 2013). With regard to the Congresos Internacionales de la Lengua Española (CILEs), the political dimension and construal of sociolinguistic representations have been analyzed in discourses on language (Arnoux 2008b; Rizzo 2011).

Looking Into the Future

As we have seen, the relationships between politics and discourse may be addressed from different angles by resorting to different theoretical and methodological perspectives, and by using different ways of articulating data or representations in the context with the materials considered in the analysis. The scale of the political processes underway today, and which question the scope of national States, the statute of regional integrations, the validity of politi-cal parties, traditional forms of leadership, and places for institutional discussion, as well as the dynamics of mass demonstrations with their diffuse leadership and the modalities of interna-tional management and control, all support renewed interest in the links between politics and discourse. Moreover, they compel researchers to conduct committed inquiry into aspects of the social reality they are looking at. Indeed, future directions will depend upon progress in the sciences of language but will not be able to ignore contemporary political issues or leave aside those that account for previous processes, since historicization is a persistent feature in the fi eld.

One of the directions that was mentioned earlier and will need to be taken up again is addressing the construal of social representations, which tend not only to reproduce but also to question and even transform the structures of power. Thus, it will be necessary to look at how subjective mechanisms that enable identifying processes unfold and are organized discursively, considering different parameters for valuation as well as what codes or representations are put into play by the necessary political management and control of markedly heterogeneous populations. In all cases, DA should advance hypotheses that take into account the workings of subjectivity with relation to broader or narrower social processes, anchored either locally, nationally, regionally, or even worldwide.

The materials subject to analysis which make up the research corpora are sensitive to the historical conditions of this new age, as well as to the modalities of the diverse supports and practices. Although attention is still given to materials from the more stable genres associated to institutional spaces and time-honored practices, there is increasing interest in the multi-modal texts of the media, texts formed by verbal interaction between interlocutors differ-ing in ethnicity, social status, or gender, and discourses from popular cultures and discourses circulating in social networks and media, particularly those that encourage novel forms of political participation. It should be noted that although some studies use new information and communication technologies as a source of data (social networks, YouTube, digital newspapers, websites, blogs), their character as sites producing political discourse has only just begun to be considered. Moreover, the conception of ‘multimodality’, which is extremely limited to interaction between still image and verbal modality, is still an unkept promise: audiovisual text, music, and interactive text are directions which have not yet been addressed in their full complexity, even though they take an increasingly important place in the political working of discourses and the discursive materiality of politics.

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Furthermore, other transformations in this discursiveness, which are expressed in particular genres, will need to be addressed, whether they arise from the invasion of the language of experts, with international formulas and migrants in the fi eld of management and economy that establish what is politically correct, or their opposite, the languages of the ‘ indignados ’ in the face of different crises, which briefl y or elaborately show, in addition to displacements among languages, an ideologically disperse polyphony and notable focus on street movements. Also deserving consideration are the ways in which the private and the frivolous permeate political discourse, ranging from widespread colloquiality, (which, although mainly affecting oral practices, is not absent from written practices), to the trend of turning politics into show business, as seen in new characters and media treatments using formats typical of entertain-ment. Other directions will continue to be addressed: political discursiveness associated with actors from the fi elds of religion, trade unions, business, academia, the military, and medicine will inquire into the ways in which transit is performed and the strategies implemented to persuade a complex, heterogeneous audience.

With regard to the topics, it will be important not to neglect current issues, to begin with those that look at the restructuring of national space, whose illusion of homogeneity and centralism is under pressure from the increasing visibility of the minorities within it and from migrations that settle in large urban centers. These new voices being expressed in the public arena, or with which dialogue must take place in order to channel them, impose or require political languages that account for the diversity of agreements, strategies, or values at stake. In addition, this will lead to paying more attention to non-traditional spaces of political practices linked to local management, which have lately grown in some countries.

One fi eld that will require more in-depth studies is the incidence of political discourses on the construal of new subjectivities needed by the regional integrations in order to take shape politically in a globalized world: how to establish links between different national traditions, what common imaginary they propose, what affi liations they establish, and what discursive memory they evoke. The study of the discourses of contemporary politi-cal leaders with a following of large majorities, particularly in Latin America, will con-tinue to be an interesting source of refl ections. Their contrast with neo-liberal discourses, whose analysis has already been undertaken, as well as their projection to diverse social settings, will enable the defi nition of ideological assumptions and reiterations, recurrent arguments, regularities in the chain of reasoning, insistent formulas, and ways of appealing to the emotions.

Media participation in current political stakes and its encounter with new information and communication technologies, as well as changes generated by new laws enacted in several countries to broaden and diversify the sectors responsible for radio or television broadcast-ing, will undoubtedly give rise to research topics that will inquire into the ways news are construed by non-professional actors, the genres involved, the scenarios preferred, the ways, places, and limits of making promises, dialogue with addressees, and the modalities of political propaganda.

Finally, there are some practical aspects originally considered in DA that have been left aside for years, but are now being taken up again. The aspect of intervention of analytical work is also a political fact that has various directions, which we believe can be broadened and deepened: from training native researchers to acquire critical awareness of the discursive working of their practices and to intervene, as from that awareness, on the ideological and political valuations of their languages; to training political communicators who will question their place as journalists and writers, pursuant to the knowledge and analytical skills acquired at post-graduate institutions dedicated to DA.

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Conclusion

The relationship between politics and discourse may be considered, as we have noted, both from specifi cally political discourses and from other social discourses that are involved in the shaping, dynamics, or transformation of societies. It has been important since antiquity in the fi eld of refl ec-tions on language, and develops well in contemporary DA. It is an academic fi eld that is particularly appropriate for those inquiries, because ever since its fi rst contributions it has stressed its interdis-ciplinary character and shown its critical vocation, leading it to address the link between language and power, to dismantle discursive mechanisms that generate ideological effects, and to think about how discourses shape subjectivities. Many researchers believe that their analytical practice is a form of political intervention, whether it provides resources to the disadvantaged, denounces various forms of domination, reveals the progressive—even revolutionary—character of some discourses, or exposes more clearly what is at stake in controversies on issues affecting social life at different times.

Although the topics are diverse and cover different types of discourse (political, media, educational, musical, legal, bureaucratic, grammatical, lexicographic, expert, legislative, literary, religious), the processes addressed are, broadly speaking, the consolidation of national States and the transformations related to globalization. Thus, within these frameworks, construal of identities, ideological molds, political styles, discursive modes of social exclusion and integra-tion, hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses, the strategies of controversy, and appeal to emotions, among other possible issues, are considered. In their interpretation, all cases call not only for language sciences, in particular those focusing on discursiveness, but also the knowl-edge belonging to the social settings in which the discourses have been produced. All this leads to a wide range of approaches, accounting for the richness and potential of a fi eld constituted on both the exploration of new directions and the dialogue with others.

Related Topics

discourse analysisinterdisciplinary linguisticspolitical discourseproselytismmedia discourseracism

Further Reading Arnoux, E. N. de, Bonnin, J. E., De Diego, J. and Magnanego, F. (2012). Unasur y sus discursos. Integración

regional. Amenaza externa. Malvinas . Buenos Aires: Biblos. (An original analysis of confl ict and negotia-tion in current integration processes in Latin America.)

Bolívar, A. (ed.) (2007). Análisis del discurso ¿Por qué y para qué? Caracas: Los libros de El Nacional. (An introduction to discourse analysis in Spanish, with a special focus on politics and discourse.)

Londoño Zapata, O. (2012). Los estudios del discurso: Miradas latinoamericanas I . Ibagué: Universidad de Ibagué. (A series of interviews on theory, methods, and data of discourse analysis in Latin America.)

Vasilachis de Gialdino, I. (2013). Discurso científi co, político, jurídico y de resistencia. Análisis lingüístico e inves-tigación cualitativa . Barcelona: Gedisa. (A qualitative approximation to political discourse analysis in science, politics, law, and resistance practices.)

Zapata-Barrero, R. and van Dijk, T. A. (eds.) (2007). Discursos sobre la inmigración en España. Los medios de comunicación, los parlamentos y las administraciones . Barcelona: Fundación Cidob. (A critical analysis of discourses about immigration in Spain through different social fi elds and institutions.)

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Note 1. Although there were many journals of national scope with different backgrounds and continuity

( Signo y seña in Argentina, Revista Signos in Chile, Lenguaje in Colombia, etc.) that included articles on politics and discourse, they were always subject to the problem of distribution and lack of subscrib-ers, which prevented them from having any impact across international borders. The Chilean journal adapted early on to the virtual world by participating in the SciELO portal.

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