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2012 15: 25 originally published online 5 January 2012Police QuarterlyEricka Wentz and Carol A. Archbold

Gender Hostility ThesisPolice Perceptions of Sexual Assault Victims : Exploring the Intra-Female

  

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432843 PQX15110.1177/1098611111432843Wentz and ArchboldPolice Quarterly

1North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA

Corresponding Author:Ericka Wentz, North Dakota State University, Dept of Criminal Justice and Political Science, NDSU Dept 2315, PO Box 6050, Fargo, ND 58108-6050, USA Email: ericka.wentz@ndsu.edu

Police Perceptions of Sexual Assault Victims: Exploring the Intra-Female Gender Hostility Thesis

Ericka Wentz1 and Carol A. Archbold1

Abstract

This study explores variation in the perception of sexual assault victims among male and female police officers in a Midwestern police agency. Surveys that include both qualitative and quantitative questions are completed by 100 patrol officers. An analysis of qualitative data revealed some support for the Intra-Female Gender Hostility Thesis, which posits that female officers subscribe to rape myths and victim blaming more than male officers. Quantitative analysis showed no significant differences in the way that male and female officers perceived sexual assault victims. Policy implications based on these findings are presented and discussed at the end of this article.

Keywords

police perceptions of sexual assault, intra-female gender hostility, police

There has been limited research focused on police officers’ perception of rape victims over the last four decades. Since the police are usually the first point of contact with the criminal justice system, it is important to understand how they view victims of this crime. Past research has revealed that some police officers’ perceptions of rape victims include elements of victim blaming and rape myths (Feild, 1978; Holmstrom & Burgess, 1978; Jordan, 2001; LeDoux & Hazelwood, 1985; Page, 2008; Schuller & Stewart, 2000). In addition, some officers also believe that there are high numbers of false reports of rape, with some claiming as few as half of the allegations to be true (Feldman-Summers & Palmer, 1980). These research findings are troubling since victim-blaming

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26 Police Quarterly 15(1)

tendencies could skew officers’ perceptions of victims’ credibility in rape cases and may ultimately affect the way they process reported rapes.

Because it is a common police practice in some jurisdictions to call female officers to respond to sexual assault cases (Jordan, 2002), it is important to understand whether there are differences in the way that male and female officers view victims of this crime. The current study examines police officers’ perceptions of rape victims using both qualitative and quantitative data. This study also explores how police officers define rape, as their definitions may shed some light on how they view rape victims. Finally, this study examines the intra-female gender hostility thesis to determine whether female police officers attribute blame to rape victims and subscribe to rape myths differently than their male colleagues.

What Do We Know About Police Officers’ Perception of Rape Victims?Police officers’ perceptions of rape victims mirror those found in society (Feild, 1978; Jordan, 2001; Page, 2008). Research has revealed that some police officers subscribe to rape myths and victim blaming when investigating claims of rape (Campbell & Johnson, 1997; Field, 1978; LeDoux & Hazelwood, 1985; Page, 2007). Some examples of rape myths include the belief that the victim instigated the rape, the victim made up the claim, the belief that only women with bad reputations get raped, the victim of a “true” rape doesn’t know the offender, and the victim should have done more than just verbally contest the actions of the offender (Campbell & Johnson, 1997; Du Mont, Miller, & Myhr, 2003; Galton, 1975; Kerstetter, 1990; Krahe, 1991; Page, 2007).

LeDoux and Hazelwood (1985) examined perceptions of county and municipal police officers toward rape victims, offenders, and rape trials. They found that the officers were generally sympathetic to victims. When asked about their attitudes regarding rape victims, rapists, and rape trials, officers believed that women are inno-cent victims who should not be subjected to proving they were raped. Some officers, however, were suspicious of victims who did not fit the characteristics of what they perceived to be a “real” rape victim. Some officers also stated that victims may pro-voke rape incidents through their appearances and actions. A similar finding was discovered when Feild (1978) analyzed questionnaires from a study focused on the differences in perceptions of rape among four groups: police officers, convicted rapists, crisis counselors, and citizens. Similar to the citizens, police officers also thought that the victim should be responsible for doing more to prevent their attacks.

Holmstrom and Burgess questioned 90 officers about rape cases they had processed and found that police officers held negative views of rape victims in approximately one fifth of the cases. Qualitative responses from those officers contained victim-blaming statements such as “Her boyfriend did it. He rapes her every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday—when she wants it” (Holmstrom & Burgess, 1978, p. 40). In addition, officers typified what a “strong” case and “weak” case should look like based on evidence and the actions of the victim prior to the incident. Recent research

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Wentz and Archbold 27

conducted in England found that police categorized a large number of rape cases as needing no further action (Lea, Lanvers, & Shaw, 2003). The main reason for the officers’ decisions was the lack of evidence. The strength of a case increases when the assault fits the description of a stereotypical rape (i.e., the suspect was a stranger to the victim, the victim has visible signs of injury from the assault, etc.).

To further understand how police officers view rape victims, it is important to understand how police officers define the act of rape. Campbell and Johnson asked officers from two police agencies in a Midwestern state to define rape. Their responses were categorized into one of three groups: (1) those who gave definitions consistent with the reformed laws in which force and threat of force are prominent, (2) those who focused on prereform rape laws that include penetration and lack of consent, and (3) those who defined rape as a combination of pre- and post-reform definitions including victim-blaming views. They concluded that slightly more than half (51%) of the offi-cers defined rape in the latter definition in which victim blaming was part of their responses (Campbell & Johnson, 1997, p. 225). This finding suggests that those police officers’ personal perception of rape victims varies from the legal definition.

Police Officer Characteristics and Perceptions of Rape and Rape VictimsFew studies have examined the relationship between police officer characteristics and their perceptions of rape victims. Work experience and education level are two offi-cer attributes that have been found to be inversely related to rape myth acceptance (Campbell, 1995; Page, 2007). Officer education level is also correlated with sympathy for rape victims. Page incorporated police officer education into her survey of 891 officers from two Southeastern states to determine rape myth acceptance among the officers. She found that officers with a high school diploma or GED scored higher on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale than officers with college degrees, meaning that a lower degree of rape myth acceptance was found among police officers with higher levels of education (Page, 2007, p. 30). Also, police officers with less experience working with rape cases (those who worked five or fewer cases) scored higher on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, indicating a higher degree of rape myth acceptance (Page, 2007). This is consistent with results from Campbell’s study that examined officers’ perceptions of date rape based on their level of work experience.

There have been several studies that examine the differences and similarities among male and female police officers (Hassell, Archbold, & Schulz, 2011); however, the influence of police officers’ sex and the handling of rape cases have been neglected. There have been a few studies that have focused on differences among male and female officers’ perceptions of rape victims. The studies conducted thus far have found variation in the perceptions of rape and rape victims among male and female police officers (Brown & King, 1998; Campbell, 1995; Feild, 1978; Feldman-Summers & Norris, 1984; Johnson, Kuck, & Schander, 1997; Jordan, 2002; Page, 2008; Schuller & Stewart, 2000). Overall, the research suggests that male officers are more accepting

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28 Police Quarterly 15(1)

of rape myths, have more victim-blaming tendencies, and are less sympathetic to rape victims compared to female officers. In addition, female officers in these studies were more likely to sympathize with rape victims when compared to male officers.

The Intra-Female Gender Hostility ThesisResearch focused on differences in the perception of rape victims by male and female police officers is limited. Studies within criminal justice suggest that female police officers have more positive perceptions of rape victims than male police officers. In contrast, studies conducted within the disciplines of psychology and sociology have found that there are situations where women are less sympathetic to other women who have been victimized. In her book, Women’s Inhumanity to Woman, psychologist Phyllis Chesler provides several instances where women are more hostile or aggressive than men toward other women, including examples of women who are less sympa-thetic to women who have been victimized in some way (Chesler, 2001). She explains that this could be due in part to the increase in the number of women in the work-force. As women have become more educated and subsequently more present in the workplace, there is an increase in competition among women for coveted jobs, which in turn may lead to indirect aggression among them. This may be relevant to policing since the socialization of females officers into a male-dominated profession may impact the way that female police officers perform their job. Seeing other women as competition could mean that female officers are likely to scrutinize the conduct of other women, including women who they work with and women who they encounter while on the job (including rape victims).

Some of these studies have examined whether there exists a degree of intra-female hostility on the perceptions of rape victims (Cowan, 2000; Fischer, 1997; Rumsey & Rumsey, 1977). Recently, Batchelder et al. (Batchelder, Koski, & Byxbe, 2004) intro-duced the Intra-Female Gender Hostility Thesis (IFGHT), which is the idea that women will be more hostile toward other women who have been victimized. This thesis was tested by using a mock rape trial to see whether female jurors would be more likely to adhere to rape myths and victim blaming compared to male jurors. This thesis posits that female jurors are inclined to distance themselves from the incident as a self-protective measure. The more psychological distance they could place between themselves and the rape incident, the less likely the female jurors believed that they too would become victims of sexual assault. This was accomplished by placing blame on the victim rather than sympathizing with her.

Batchelder and his colleagues used both quantitative and qualitative data drawn from a sample of citizen volunteers comprised of 37 men and 109 women to test whether differences in the verdicts could be seen between male and female mock jurors. For the first stage of the study, the mock jurors were read a narrative from a consent-defense rape case. They were instructed to individually respond to whether they would acquit or vote for a guilty verdict in the narrative that was read to them. The analysis revealed that female jurors were more likely to favor not guilty verdicts

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Wentz and Archbold 29

when compared to male jurors. In the second stage of the study, the mock jurors were assembled and instructed to deliberate as a group. During deliberations, female jurors were more vocal about what they would have done differently if they were in the victim’s situation. In addition, some of the female jurors had swayed male jurors into voting for not guilty verdicts during deliberations (Batchelder et al., 2004). When examining male mock jurors’ verdicts prior to deliberations, many of them had voted “guilty.”

The results from Batchelder et al.’s (2004) study illustrate the importance of using both qualitative and quantitative methodologies when studying perceptions of rape victims. Prior and subsequent research that limited the methodology to either qualita-tive or quantitative analyses found that women tend to be more supportive of rape victims and less supportive of victim blaming than men (Brown & King, 1998; Page, 2007). When Batchelder et al. used a mixed methodology they found results that chal-lenged earlier research findings. It is important to point out that slightly more than half (55%) of the participants in Batchelder et al.’s study reported that they either currently worked or had previously worked in law enforcement (p. 190). The strength of the findings in Batchelder et al.’s study suggests the need to assess actual law enforcement personnel by using both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore the IFGHT. In addition, since there are more female police staff today than ever before, it is impor-tant to determine whether this increase in the presence female officers has caused a shift in police officer perceptions of rape victims.

The study presented in this article examines the IFGHT, using both qualitative and quantitative data from a Midwestern police agency. Qualitative data were used to examine the following research questions:

Research Question 1: Are there differences in how male and female police officers define rape/sexual assault?

Research Question 2: Is there a difference in perception of rape and rape victims among male and female police officers?

Research Question 3: Do police officers believe that their perceptions of rape com-plainants have changed over the course of their careers? If so, which factors do they believe influenced the change?

Quantitative data was used to examine Research Question 1.

MethodsResearch Site

The research site for this study is a Midwestern, municipal police agency in the United States. The department is located in a city with a population of nearly 105,000 people (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). According to Census figures, racial composition of the city includes 94.8% white, 0.7% African American, and 4.5% Other races (including

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30 Police Quarterly 15(1)

Table 1. Police Officer Characteristics

N %

Sex 100 100 Male 77 77 Female 23 23Education 100 100 Less than a 4-year degree 21 21 4-year degree and above 77 77 Missing 2 2Married 100 100 Yes 73 73 No 27 27Children 100 100 Yes 69 69 No 28 28 Missing 3 3Experience (in years) 100 100 Mean 8.82 years

American Indian, Asian, and Hispanic/Latino). The city has a mixed economy (retail, manufacturing jobs, etc.) and can be described as a university town, as it has several universities and community/technical colleges in the surrounding area.

The police agency featured in this study was chosen because it employs a high percentage of female officers (21%, or 23 of 109) when compared to the national aver-age of 11.6% (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2002). The analyses for this study include only data collected from patrol officers, since patrol officers serve as the initial point of contact and also frequently conduct follow-up investigations. At the time of data collec-tion, this agency employed 109 sworn patrol officers. Most (92% or 100/109) of the patrol officers completed the survey. Table 1 provides descriptive statistics for the patrol officers who completed the survey.

Data CollectionData for this study were collected in the fall of 2008 during mandatory, department-wide training sessions for all sworn personnel. Surveys were distributed and collected at the end of morning training sessions over the course of 3 weeks. Officers were given as much time as they needed to complete the survey. It is important to note that the survey was constructed specifically for the purpose of research, not as part of the mandatory training sessions. The topic of the department-wide training at the time of the data collection involved a presentation focused on sensitivity by the GLBT (gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender) liaison officer. Also, a speaker from outside the

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Wentz and Archbold 31

department was brought in to discuss Native American cultural issues. Last, the officers covered recertification topics such as cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) and auto-mated external defibrillator (AED) use. None of the mandatory training sessions featured training related to the issue of sexual assault or abuse.

Qualitative DataThe survey instrument used in this study collected both qualitative and quantitative data. The qualitative portion of the survey included three open-ended questions: (1) As you know, it’s the legislators who make laws and decide how to define crimes and what punishments will be given out for certain crimes. But, you are actually in the community dealing with victims and criminals. Based on your work as a police offi-cer, how do you define rape/sexual assault? (2) Have you changed how you think about rape cases from when you first became a police officer to now? If so, how have your beliefs changed? (3) What experiences or factors have helped change your perceptions of rape cases? These questions were replicated from a study conducted by Campbell and Johnson (1997). Manifest and latent content analysis were used to discover themes that were present within the responses to each question. Manifest con-tent analysis involves calculating the number of times key words or phrases were pres-ent within the responses, and latent content analysis requires the researcher to interpret the intended meanings within the responses (Maxfield & Babbie, 2007). Two research-ers coded the responses to ensure a high level of reliability.

The first survey question asked about the way that officers defined rape. The responses to this question were analyzed and coded within four categories: (1) the “legalistic” category (coded 1) included officer definitions favorable to the state crimi-nal code for rape or sexual assault. Responses emphasizing unwanted sexual acts, force/threat of force, and no consent fit into the legalistic category; (2) the “legalistic and victim-blaming” category (coded 2) contained responses in which the officer added victim-blaming statements to legalistic definitions. Victim-blaming statements were those in which the credibility of the victim was in question. These included state-ments that condemned the victim for consuming alcohol or not fighting back in some way; (3) the third category, “victim blaming” (coded 3) consisted of statements that contained victim-blaming statements exclusively; and (4) the “other” category (coded 4) included responses that did not fit into one of the other three categories.

The second qualitative question asked officers whether their views about rape had changed over the course of their policing careers. Since officers often elaborated about any change in beliefs, the results were placed into one of six categories: (1) Responses in which the officer simply stated “yes” or “no” were coded 1 and 2 respectively; (2) another category, “yes and rape myth” (coded 3), included responses given by officers who admitted to changing their viewpoint due to the debunking of a rape myth they previously believed. For example, officers who used to believe all rapes were stranger rapes and now believe otherwise would fit into this category; (3) “Yes and victim blaming” (coded 4) responses included those in which the officer changed his or her

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view and that they now question the credibility of the victim; (4) “No and victim blam-ing” (coded 5) included responses in which the officer stated that his or her views had not changed and then followed up with victim-blaming statements. Finally, “other” (coded 6) included missing responses and those responses not fitting into the other five categories.

The third qualitative question asked officers what experiences or factors have changed their views toward rape and rape victims. Officers’ responses were placed into five categories: (1) Category 1 (coded 1) included officers who cited rape myths and victim-blaming factors such as false reports, alcohol use, recanting of claim by the victim, and so on; (2) Category 2 responses (coded 2) refer to training, education, experience, and contact with victims as the factors for any change; (3) the failure of the criminal justice system was related to Category 3 responses; (4) Category 4 included responses where officers stated that there was no change in their perception; and (5) Category 5 included those who chose not to respond to the question.

Quantitative DataThe quantitative portion of the survey instrument included questions related to officer characteristics including the following: officer sex (male = 0 and female = 1), officer experience (in months), officer education (0 = less than a 4-year college degree and 1 = 4-year college degree or higher), marital status (0 = single, widowed, or divorced, and 1 = married); and lastly, whether or not the officer has children (0 = no and 1 = yes).

In order to examine the IFGHT using quantitative data, responses were elicited from patrol officers through the use of a vignette depicting a scenario in which a sex-ual assault of a female victim by a male perpetrator occurred. The vignette was repli-cated from Schuller and Stewart’s (2000) study, which examined whether male and female police officers differ in the way they respond to an acquaintance rape situation involving alcohol. One of the four vignettes is presented below.

The morning after a university toga party, Jane Wilson arrived at the police sta-tion to press a charge of rape against John Ryan. She stated that she had arrived at the party with a group of friends, and midway through the evening met John Ryan. Jane stated that she had consumed alcohol during the party. At the end of the evening, John offered to walk her home to the house she shared with two other students. When they got back to her place, she invited John into her house for a cup of coffee. After coffee, they started kissing on the couch and John started undoing her toga. She stated that she did not want to have sex. John said that it was OK that she didn’t want to have sex, and they continued to fool around. Then he undressed himself, and against her objections, penetrated her. Jane Wilson stated that she had not struggled and there was no evidence of bruis-ing. The police interviewed John Ryan. He admitted to having sexual intercourse with Jane Wilson, but maintained that she was a willing participant. He also stated that he had not consumed any alcohol over the course of the evening.

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Wentz and Archbold 33

For this study, four vignettes were randomly assigned to patrol officers that included the involvement of alcohol where either the accused or rape victim consumed alcohol, both the accused and the rape victim consumed alcohol, or neither the accused or rape victim consumed alcohol. A total of 28 officers (21/77 or 27.3% of male and 7/23 or 30.4% of female) responded to a vignette in which alcohol was not consumed by either the victim or the accused. Twenty five officers (18/77 or 23.4% male and 7/23 or 30.4% female) received a vignette where both the accused and the victim used alcohol. Twenty four officers (20/77 or 26% male and 4/23 or 17.4% female) received a vignette where only the victim used alcohol. Twenty three officers (18/77 or 23.4% male and 5/23 or 21.7% female) responded to a vignette where only the accused used alcohol. After reading one of the four scenarios, each officer was presented a series of 15 statements that focused on the credibility of the rape victim portrayed in the vignette. These statements were replicated from a study conducted by Schuller and Stewart (2000).

Dependent variables. The dependent variable in this study is police officers’ percep-tions of the rape complainant depicted in the vignette. A “perception of rape complain-ant” variable was created by constructing a scale comprised of eight items that inquired about officers’ perceptions of the rape complainant. Item 1 in the perception scale asked, “How would you rate the credibility of the complainant’s claim of sexual assault?” Response anchors ranged from 1 = completely credible to 7 = not at all cred-ible. Item 2 was, “How much blame should be placed on the complainant for the alleged sexual assault?” Response anchors ranged from 1 = not at all to blame to 7 = very blameworthy. Item 3, “The complainant communicated that she did not agree to sex,” was rated with the following response options: 1 = completely agree to 7 = do not agree at all. The last five items in the “perception of rape complainant” scale included the following: The complainant was interested in sexual intercourse (Item 4); The com-plainant was sexually provocative (Item 5); The complainant is lying about the incident (Item 6); Given the complainant’s behavior, it was reasonable for the perpetrator to assume that she was interested in having sex (Item 7); and Given how far things had progressed between the two parties, the complainant was unreasonable to expect the perpetrator to refrain from trying to have sex with her (Item 8; and the response options for these items are as follows: 1 = do not agree at all to 7 = completely agree). A scale reliability analysis of these eight items resulted in an alpha of .826.

Independent variables. Since this study examines the differences in perceptions of rape victims among male and female patrol officers, the main independent variable of interest is police officer sex (male = 0 and female = 1). Four versions of the vignette were randomly administered to the patrol officers. As a result, each vignette was coded based on the intoxication of the victim and perpetrator. For example, Scenarios 0 and 1 depicted cases in which neither the victim nor the perpetrator consumed alcohol or both consumed alcohol (0 = neither, 1 = both). Scenario 2 depicted a case in which only the victim used alcohol, and in Scenario 3, only the perpetrator used alcohol. Twenty-eight officers responded to vignettes in which neither the victim nor the perpetrator consumed alcohol, 25 responded to vignettes in which both consumed

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alcohol, 24 replied to vignettes in which only the victim used alcohol, and 23 responded to vignettes where only the perpetrator used alcohol.

To control for the possibility of effects due to other variables, the following officer demographic variables were also used in the quantitative analyses: education level, work experience, marital status, and whether or not the officer had children. Prior studies that have examined these variables have found that officers with more educa-tion and work experience (Page, 2007) and those who are married (Field, 1978) have a more favorable view of rape complainants. Similarly, officers who have children may also view rape complainants more favorably than officers without children; there-fore, this demographic variable is also incorporated. Multicollinearity diagnostic tests were performed and revealed no collinearity issues.

Qualitative FindingsThe first open-ended survey question asked the officers to define rape/sexual assault. The responses fit into one of four categories. The first category included legalistic responses that mirror the state criminal code (force/threat of force, unwanted sexual acts, etc.). Legalistic responses comprised the majority of replies given by officers, with 94% (94/100) officers defining rape/sexual assault in this manner. Male and female officers responded similarly, with legalistic responses given by 94% (75/77) of the male officers and 96% (22/23) of the female officers. Examples of responses that fit within this category include:

I would define rape/sexual assault as any unwanted physical, sexual act or touch-ing against another person. The key element for the definition would be the unwanted aspect. If someone is inappropriately touched and that is unwanted, that’s a sexual assault to me. (male officer)

Sexual act committed on a person who does not or cannot give consent. (male officer)

Sexual contact or act which is unwanted, but forced upon the victim against his/her will. (female officer)

The second category included responses where the officer added victim-blaming statements to legalistic definitions. Two percent (2/100) of responses fit into this category. This included 1% (1/77) of male officers and 4% (1/23) of female officers. In the third category, another 2% (2/100) gave victim-blaming statements to define rape. These types of responses question the victim’s credibility and are supportive of rape myths. Male officers (2.5% or 2/77 male officers) provided both responses. The final category included definitions of rape/sexual assault that did not clearly fit into any of the other categories (2% or 2/100). Both of these responses were provided by male police officers.

The second open-ended question asked whether the officers had changed their views about rape since they first became police officers. Six categories emerged from

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the responses given by the officers: (1) no, (2) yes, (3) yes and rape myth, (4) yes and victim blaming, (5) no and victim blaming, and (6) other. Less than half of the officers (40% or 40/100) stated that their views had not changed during their tenure as police officers. There was only a slight difference between how men (40% or 31/77) and women (39% or 9/23) responded to this question. Conversely, a small proportion of officers (2% or 2/100), exclusively men, simply stated “yes.” Another small percentage of officers (5% or 5/100), exclusively men, stated their views had not changed, but followed up with victim-blaming responses such as:

I don’t think my feelings about rape have changed, but I’m amazed by the amount of made-up claims.

No, I have not changed my thoughts about rape cases. I am just more aware of the number of false reports that are made.

No, perception has not changed, but I do think people tend to put themselves in positions that put them at a higher risk to be assaulted but that also does not make them any less of a victim.

Some of the officers (12% or 12/100) believed their views had changed as a result of becoming more aware of rape myths they once believed. This response was more common for male officers (14% or 11/77) than for female officers (4% or 1/23). Examples include:

Yes, I thought more were “rapes” such as stranger forcing someone to have sex. Now I realize the victim usually knows the person somehow. (female officer)

Yes, anyone from any background can be a victim. A prostitute is as much a victim as a schoolgirl. (male officer)

Yes, I always thought of rape as a female being assaulted in a dark alley. I now know that there can be many different scenarios and both genders can be assaulted. (male officer)

Over one third of the officers (35% or 35/100) admitted their views toward rape had changed and that they now question the credibility of the victim. A higher percentage of female officers (48% or 11/23) felt that the victim was to blame for the rape, com-pared to male officers (31% or 24/77). Since female officers were more reluctant to perceive the victim as a true victim of rape than were male officers, this finding offers some support for the IFGHT. The following are examples of this type of response:

Yes, to the negative unfortunately. I now have a tendency to not believe the “victim” because of how many people say they were assaulted that were actually not. However, I still treat each case as though it really happened. (female officer)

Yes, somewhat jaded. I was surprised at how much people cry “wolf” to save face when they had consensual sex with someone and are in a relationship with someone else. I have seen the other side (an actual rape) of how different people react to the situation.” (female officer)

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Yes, credibility. If an officer takes a report, the question by fellow officers is “was the victim credible?” or “did it happen?” (male officer)

The “other” category contained responses from six officers (6%). This represented responses from four male officers (5% or 4/77) and two female officers (9% or 2/23).

The third and final open-ended survey question asked officers how their view toward rape and rape victims had changed, if it had changed. Officers were asked to list which factors or experiences contributed to the change in their views. Five catego-ries emerged from their responses: (1) responses including rape myths and victim-blaming factors (false reports, alcohol use, etc.); (2) training, education, and experience; (3) sympathy for rape victims and frustration with perceived failure of the criminal justice system; (4) no change in views; and (5) nonresponse. The highest response category overall included officers who cited training, education, and experience as reasons for changing their views about rape and rape victims (33% or 33/100). Of those who responded in this way, 36% (28/77) were male and 22% (5/23) were female. The following are examples from this category:

Seeing the trauma (both emotional and physical) the incident brings on. If I were in their place, I would want the officer to be as thorough as possible and investigate everything to help me seek justice. (female officer)

Working with high school-aged kids and being a father of a teenager. (male officer)

Actually talking with victims/suspects in these reported instances and having “hands-on” experience. (male officer)

The second highest percent of total responses came from officers who cited rape-myth and victim-blaming factors. This category accounted for 31% (31/100) of the total responses including 32% (25/77) male officers and 26% (6/23) female officers. Examples include:

We get jaded by females making up the story, such as it was consensual but then they regret it the next day so they come in to report “rape.” Now I always have doubts about whether it really happened. (female officer)

False reports made by “victims” to get others in trouble or to hide their acts. While I know and believe that rape does occur, there are times when it simply doesn’t, even if acts during an incident fall within the definition. (male officer)

I’ve taken several reports (usually from females) who report that they had been raped. In many of these instances, after investigating I discover that the female has had a voluntary sexual experience with a male and then was afraid of retribution from their boyfriends. (female officer)

In addition, male officers with 4 to 6 years of experience and female officers with 7 to 9 years of experience most frequently gave responses to Question 3 that included rape myths and victim blaming.

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Three officers (3%) reported that they felt the criminal justice system had failed in some manner and that failure altered their perceptions of rape and rape victims. Of the three responses in this category, the results were similar for male officers (2.5% or 2/77) and female officers (4% or 1/23).

Prosecutors. They are not aggressive when it comes to prosecution and are unwilling to prosecute sexual assault cases that don’t have overwhelming evidence. (male officer)

I did attend training regarding sexual assaults, and although in many instances the victim feels they were assaulted, the court system fails them because they are unable to convict the suspect. (male officer)

From what I see, the S.A. (State’s Attorney) office finds any reason they can think of to not prosecute. So in the cases of rape that are actually legit, the vic-tims are getting screwed over by our system. I also feel those people falsely accusing others of rape should be prosecuted. They make it impossible for real victims to have a fair chance of seeing their rapist get the deserved con-sequences. (female officer)

Fifteen percent of officers (15/100) claim that they hadn’t changed their percep-tion. This includes 10% of male officers (8/77) and nearly one third of female offi-cers (30%, or 7/23). This was the most frequent response by female officers for this question, as the majority of female officers cited they hadn’t changed their percep-tion. Finally, 18% of officers (18/100) chose not to respond, which included 18% (14/77) of male officers and 17% (4/23) of female officers.

The results from the content analysis of the three questions suggest that there are some differences in the way male and female officers view complaints of rape. Male and female officers answered similarly when asked to define rape and also cited the same factors and experiences as reasons for changes in their perceptions of rape and rape victims. Some differences were seen between male and female officers when asked whether their views about rape had changed since they began working in law enforcement. Specifically, a higher percentage of female officers attributed blame to the rape victim compared to male officers (48% of female officers vs. 31% of male officers). The results from the qualitative analysis provide some support for the IFGHT.

Quantitative FindingsThe quantitative research question asked whether there are differences in the percep-tion of rape complainants among male and female police officers. Independent samples t tests were conducted to determine whether differences could be seen between male and female officers in each of the eight perception items included in the perception variable. Likewise, t tests were performed on the perception variable constructed by those eight items. The results revealed no statistically significant differences between the means for male and female officers in any of the items either independently or in the perception scale variable (see Table 2). It is worth noting, however, that the means

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Table 2. t-test Results for Each Variable at 95% Confidence Interval

Perception questions t df p

1. Credibility of claim −1.004 97 0.3182. Did not agree to sex −1.284 27.4a 0.2103. Blame placed on complainant −1.118 97 0.2384. Complainant interested −1.511 29.3a 0.2385. Sexually provocative 0.705 97 0.0766. Complainant lying −0.405 97 0.6877. Assumed interest −1.153 29.88a 0.2588. Unreasonable to refrain −0.800 97 0.426Perception Scale −1.159 29.16a 0.256

aDenotes equal variance not assumed.

for all of the variables were higher for female officers than their male colleagues, indicating that female police officers tend to view the rape complainant more nega-tively than male police officers (see Table 3).

Ordinal regression analysis examined the perception variable further to assess whether an officer’s gender influences his or her perception of the rape complainant. The perception variable served as the dependent variable, and officer sex was the pri-mary independent variable in the statistical model. Police officer characteristics, including education level, experience, marital status, whether they had children, and the use of alcohol were included as controls. A test of parallel lines confirmed the proportional odds assumption, verifying the validity of using ordinal regression for the analysis. The statistical model was not significant, which precludes further interpreta-tion of the model.1

No quantitative evidence was found to support the IFGHT. This means that male and female officers in this police agency have similar perceptions of rape complain-ants. These findings are similar to Jordan’s (2002) assertion that female officers may be no more inclined than male officers to be compassionate toward rape victims.

Discussion and ConclusionThe purpose of this study was to determine whether or not there are differences in the way that male and female police officers view rape complaints and rape victims. Of particular interest was whether support would be found for the intra-female gender hostility thesis (IFGHT). Using qualitative analysis, this study found some support for the IFGHT; female police officers held more negative views of rape complainants than male officers did. Conversely, the quantitative data showed no support for the IFGHT. There were no differences among male and female police officers in their perceptions of the rape complainant featured in the vignette.

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Table 3. Group Statistics

Perception questionsOfficer

sex N M SD Range

1. How would you rate the credibility of the complainants’ claim of sexual assault?

Male 76 3.14 1.303 1-7Female 23 3.48 1.675 1-7

2. The complainant communicated that she did not agree to sex.

Male 76 2.24 1.305 1-7Female 23 3.48 2.081 1-7

3. How much blame should be placed on the complainant for the alleged rape?

Male 76 2.41 1.308 1-7Female 23 2.78 1.380 1-7

4. The complainant was interested in sexual intercourse.

Male 76 2.54 1.446 1-7Female 23 3.22 1.999 1-7

5. The complainant was sexually provocative. Male 76 3.41 1.651 1-7Female 23 3.13 1.660 1-7

6. The complainant is lying about the incident. Male 76 2.62 1.265 1-7 Female 23 2.74 1.214 1-77. Given the complainant’s behavior, it was reasonable

for the accused to assume that she was interested in having sex.

Male 76 2.86 1.547 1-7Female 23 3.39 2.061 1-7

8. Given how far things had progressed between the two parties, the complainant was unreasonable to expect the accused to refrain from trying to have sex with her.

Male 76 2.26 1.554 1-7Female 23 2.57 1.727 1-7

Perception Scale variable Male 76 2.68 0.916 1-6Female 23 3.02 1.278 1-6

Note: Missing data excluded from the table.

The findings from this study are distinct from previous studies and shed light on an area within the literature that has been largely neglected. Although there is some quali-tative evidence that differences exist between male and female police officers in how they viewed rape victims, the support for IFGHT was limited. Male and female offi-cers in this agency responded similarly in most instances, which contrast with the findings of prior research that suggests that female officers are more sympathetic toward rape victims than male officers are. The divergence from prior research may be the result of other factors. It could stem from the manner in which the data in previous research were analyzed. Nearly all of the prior research focused on police perceptions of rape and rape victims has employed one method of analysis, most often quantita-tive. Using a mixed methodological approach proved to be important to the present study as each method yielded unique results.

The findings from the first qualitative research question asking officers to define rape showed that the majority of the officers defined rape in accordance with the legal definition. It is not surprising that both male officers and female officers responded similarly to this question since they are trained to enforce the criminal code in the

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same manner. Police officer training likely accounts for the homogeneous definitions given by the officers. Consequently, when officers were asked to define what consti-tutes rape they may be predisposed to recite the legal code.

The inclination for the police officers to answer in a certain way may also stem from the process of police socialization. Van Maanen (1975) describes this process as a series of stages that police officers go through beginning early in their careers. Essentially, police officers learn quickly that a high level of commitment to the police organization is associated with an increase in acceptance by other officers. Adopting an overzealous policing style may be frowned upon by coworkers and supervisors, making acceptance difficult and leading to decreased job satisfaction. According to Van Maanen, police officers adopt group norms by conforming to attitudes and behav-iors of more experienced officers in pursuit of approval. Placed into the context of the current study, this means that the police officers (both male and female) learn to view rape victims and rape complaints similar to the culture found within this particular police agency. The police socialization process may account for the lack of difference in responses between male and female officers, to the majority of the survey questions. Since police officers within this agency are similarly trained, there may be an inclina-tion for the officers to promote the attitudes and behaviors of those experienced supe-riors who previously guided their training. It is possible that the process of training and socialization neutralizes any differences that there may be among male and female officers.

Prior research examining how officer characteristics influence the way police offi-cers view rape has generated results that were not found in the current study. Past research has found that officers with higher levels of education (more than high school or GED) were less prone to victim-blaming attitudes and rape myth acceptance (Page, 2007). Education level did not influence the responses given in the current study; however, it should be noted that the majority of the officers (77% or 77/100) have earned a 4-year degree. Also, this study found no differences in the experience level of the officers, where other research has found that increased levels of experience lead to decreased rape myth acceptance (Page, 2007). In addition, prior research has found that married police officers tend to have a slightly more favorable view of the com-plainant (Field, 1978). This research found no differences between responses when marital and parental statuses were included in the analyses. Overall, none of the inde-pendent variables produced statistically significant differences in the quantitative responses. Again, this may suggest that the socialization process of the police officers in this agency may wash out potential effects from these variables.

Although the quantitative findings did not support the IFGHT, there was some sup-port within the qualitative analysis. The most robust support for the IFGHT was found when officers were asked whether their views toward rape complainants have changed during their tenure as a police officer. The content analysis revealed that female offi-cers held the victim partially responsible for the rape more often than male officers. Although some of the male officers also believed the victim was at fault for the rape, victim-blaming responses were offered more frequently by female officers. It is an

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interesting finding, given that the literature states the opposite is true, that male offi-cers are less sympathetic toward rape victims and more likely to have victim-blaming attitudes (Brown & King, 1998; Page, 2008; Schuller & Stewart, 2000).

LimitationsThis research is not void of limitations. First, generalizability is a concern since this study used a relatively small sample and was conducted in one Midwestern police agency. Also, the police agency is racially homogeneous with a high proportion of female police officers; therefore, the findings from this study may not be generaliz-able to other agencies that are more racially diverse or that employ more or less female officers.

The level of education the officers have within this agency may be different than other agencies. The vast majority of police officers within this agency are well edu-cated. Page (2007) found that officers with higher education were less likely to support rape myths. The fact that many of the officers in this study have attained at least a 4-year degree presumes that overall rape myth acceptance in this agency may be lower than it would be in other agencies. Given that rape is a sensitive topic, it is also pos-sible that some of the officers in this study responded to the survey questions in a socially desirable manner. This may hold particularly true for the quantitative portion of the survey. For example, Page (2010) found that police officers acknowledged the seriousness of rape in her quantitative survey, but when asked to provide feedback for the survey, 6% of the officers in her sample wrote sexist and derogatory remarks that directly conflicted with their quantitative responses. Rape is a crime in which the majority of victims are female, and this study used exclusively female researchers to gather the survey data. It is conceivable that some officers chose responses that would be viewed more favorably by others. Effects of social desirability bias should be mini-mal, however, since anonymous surveys were administered rather than using inter-viewing techniques.

Since the research design was cross-sectional, it is limited to how the officers replied at the time of the survey only. Given that rape is a crime with countless sce-narios, the vignette used for this study does not encompass all possible circum-stances that may play a role in police officer perceptions and responses. The aim was to tap into any attitudinal biases the officers held toward rape and rape victims, so a logical extension of this would be to examine the officers’ responses to actual rape complaints.

Policy ImplicationsPolice officers often place great emphasis on the crime-fighting aspect of their job when it comes to responding to calls for police service; ultimately, their goal is to clear/close criminal cases. In this pursuit of clearing cases, police officers may not have a full understanding of the impact that rape has on rape victims. For this reason,

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it is essential that mandatory rape and sexual assault sensitivity training is a component of police officer training. Past research has found that specialized sexual assault train-ing improves the way that police officers interview rape complainants (Lonsway, Welch, & Fitzgerald, 2001). The more knowledgeable police officers are regarding rape scenarios and rape victims, the less likely it will be that they subscribe to rape myths and victim-blaming tendencies when processing this type of case. Sensitivity training challenges any predisposed notions of stereotypical rape situations and rape complainants that officers might have by debunking the myths surrounding rape. Male and female officers then apply their knowledge to rape scenarios within the classroom before exercising their new skills in the field. Since perceptions may change over time, it is important that training be required on a continual basis. Lonsway et al. stresses the importance of ongoing classroom and practical training along with mana-gerial monitoring to ensure the officers do not revert back to previous behaviors that may be based on rape myths or victim-blaming tendencies.

To date, there are no published mixed methodological studies focused on differences in perceptions of rape and rape victims among male and female officers. Although this study only found some support for the IFGHT in the qualitative part of the analyses, the results highlight the value of incorporating a mixed methodological approach. A dual methodological approach can provide a full picture of the manner in which police offi-cers view and react to rape. The results from this study are just the beginning; additional research incorporating both qualitative and quantitative designs is needed to determine whether the results of this study are unique to this agency. Further examination and replication across multiple research sites is needed in the future.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Note

1. We did not table any of the regression results as the regression model was not statistically significant, which precludes any further interpretation of the findings. Regression results available upon request.

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Bios

Ericka Wentz is a doctoral student in the criminal justice graduate program at North Dakota State University. Her research interests include a variety of topics related to policing, as well as sexual assault victimization, with particular interest in examining the ways race and gender influence the police culture and decision-making processes of police officers.

Carol A. Archbold is an associate professor in the Department of Criminal Justice and Political Science at North Dakota State University. Her research interests include women in policing, police liability, and accountability, police processing of sexual assault cases, and issues related to race and the criminal justice system. She has published several articles in Police Quarterly, Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, Journal of Criminal Justice, and the Journal of Crime and Justice. She has published several books including the following: Police Accountability, Risk Management and Legal Advising (LFB Scholarly Publishing, 2004); Women and Policing in America: Classic and Contemporary Readings (Aspen Publishing, 2011); and is currently writing Policing: A Text/Reader, which will be included in the Criminology & Criminal Justice Text/Reader series for SAGE Publications in 2012.

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