Metaphors of the Egyptian Political Situation in Egyptian News Headlines 2012-2013

Metaphors in Egyptian News Headlines

in Relation to the Egyptian

Political Situation 2012-2013 Fikr Wa Ibda'

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Political Situation 2012-2013

Dr. Wesam M. A. Ibrahim (*)

Abstract

This paper examines the use of metaphors in Arabic

political news discourse, focusing particularly on the

headlines of the news articles relating to the Egyptian

political situation in the period from June 2012 to

October 2013. Metaphors are skilfully manipulated in the

headlines to influence the public stance towards several

events and entities including Egypt, MB, Morsi, the June

30th

uprising, Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces. The findings

of this study reveal that metaphors are used as persuasive

strategies in Arabic political news discourse. The study,

then, provides an evidence of similarity between Arabic

and English political news discourse since the use of

metaphors for persuasion effects in English political news

(*)

Associate Professor of Linguistics Faculty of Education, Tanta University

Dr. Wesam M. A. Ibrahim Fikr Wa Ibda'

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discourse is evidenced in many studies. In addition, insights

gained from this study feed back into the conceptual

metaphor theory by providing further evidence to the

universality of metaphors.

Keywords: Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Political Discourse,

News Discourse, Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood

1. Introduction

Metaphors can be seen as an instrument of social

control (Fairclough, 1989, p. 36-37) that the media have at

their disposal. The aim of this paper is to examine metaphors

in newspapers from a discourse analytical perspective,

focusing particularly on revealing the persuasive effects of

metaphors in political news discourse. Metaphors constitute a

powerful tool for creating subtly persuasive messages in the

news (Charteris Black, 2004; Santa Ana, 1999). They “define

reality ... through a coherent network of entailments that

highlight some features of reality and hide others” (Lakoff

and Johnson, 1980, p.157). “[T]he choice of metaphor

vehicle can itself be a rhetorical move” since “the way we

describe an event to ourselves, often, in effect, creates our

attitude towards it” (Ritchie, 2006, p.147).




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The press is considered to be the fourth branch of

government (or “fourth estate”), which as the other three

‘estates’, namely, legislature, executive and judiciary,

should be acting in the best interests of the public. Egypt has

about 600 newspapers and magazines which are owned by

the government, the opposition or other political parties. The

Egyptian press is highly influential due to its large audience

and wide circulation. Egypt was ranked as the 159th out of

180 listed countries in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index

(the Reporters Without Borders annual report) although the

freedom and independence of the press (or media generally)

are guaranteed by the Egyptian Constitution. It should be

noted, however, that, after amendments to the existing press

laws in 2006, there is a noticeable improvement to the

government’s respect of the freedom of the press.

This study looks at metaphorical patterns in a corpus of

20,055 headlines of news articles relating to the political

situation in Egypt in the period from June 2012 to October

2013. These news articles are extracted from 8 Egyptian

newspapers: AlAhram AlAraby, AlAhram AlMessai,

AlAhram and AlAhram Weekly, AlGomhoriya, AlMessa,

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mass_media


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Almasry Alyoum, Sawt Al-Balad and Watani. It should be

noted that the first five newspapers are state-owned whereas

the last three are owned by private institutions (the

Opposition), and that Watani is the first Coptic newspaper in

Egypt. These newspapers are all written in Standard Arabic

and are targeted at the non-expert reader and consequently

their content is generally easily accessible.

The study, which takes a qualitative angle, explores the

functions of metaphors in Arabic political news discourse.

A bottom-up approach is adopted in searching for the

metaphorically used words (Pragglejaz Group, 2007), i.e.

not presuming specific conceptual metaphors, which is

likely to reduce bias towards finding precisely the linguistic

expressions that match the preconceived mapping. The

cognitive linguistic definition of metaphor as a cross-

domain mapping (Kövecses, 2002; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff

and Johnson, 1980) is used as a framework to describe and

analyse the Arabic linguistic forms of metaphor. This study

fills in a gap because there is no study, to my knowledge,

that investigates the use of metaphors in the headlines of the

Egyptian newspapers which are written in Arabic.




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1.1 Historical Background

This section presents some brief contextual

information about the political situation in Egypt in the

period from June 2012 to October 2013 (Ibrahim, 2014).

The MB group was formed by a school teacher, Hassan al

Banna, in March 1928. Over the course of its history, the

group grew into an international secretive organisation and

embraced various trends ranging from conservatism to

fanaticism and even jihadism. MB has been prominent in

the political situation of Egypt since the January 2011

Revolution. During the 18-day January Revolution, MB

adopted a middle path with young members participating in

the Tahrir sit-in protest and the senior members taking part

in the talks with Mubarak’s cronies (Durac, 2013, p. 187).

During the rule of SCAF (Supreme Council of Armed

Forces), MB won the majority of seats in both the People’s

Assembly and Shura Council. They also proposed Dr

Mohamed Morsi as their candidate for the 2012 presidential

elections. In the second and final round of the elections,

Egyptians were faced with a hard choice between Mohamed

Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood and Ahmed Shafiq, the


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last prime minister of Mubarak’s era. In the perspective of

many Egyptians, it was a choice between the return of

Mubarak’s regime and the start of Islamist rule. However,

the victory of Morsi over Shafiq was interpreted as a victory

for the revolution over the remnants of the old order (Stein,

2012, p. 45).

During the one-year rule of MB, shortages of gas and

electricity as well as media reports about the MB’s attempts

to ‘ikhwanize’ (dominate) the State Agencies enhanced the

Egyptians’ feelings of frustration and rejection of the MB

rule. The Egyptians’ frustration culminated in their support

of the movement Tamarod (Arabic for ‘Rebellion’) which

was founded in April 2013. Tamrod managed to gather the

signatures of millions of people who all demanded Morsi’s

resignation, early presidential elections and a new

constitution. In a very short time, this movement was able to

mobilize the Couch Party, a term used to ridicule the silent

majority of the Egyptians who usually avoided participating

in political life. Massive protests ensued demanding the

Army to interfere on their behalf and remove Morsi and his

group from power. The Egyptian Army Chief General Abdul

Fatah al-Sisi abided by the demands of the people and

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdul_Fatah_al-Sisi

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdul_Fatah_al-Sisi




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declared the removal of Morsi and the suspension of the

constitution. The Chief Justice of the Supreme

Constitutional Court, Adly Mansour, was declared the

interim president of Egypt. Morsi and other MB leaders

were arrested. Morsi’s supporters gathered in two sit-in

protests in Cairo (Rabaa Al-Adawiyya and Al-Nahdha).

These sit-ins were dispersed by the police forces on 14

August 2013.

1.2 Importance of Headlines in Newspaper Articles

Headlines have received a great deal of scholarly

attention (see for example, Dor, 2003; Feyaerts and Brone,

2005; Ifantidou, 2009; etc.). Headlines can be regarded as a

“riveting short-cut to the contents of newspapers” (Ifantidou,

2009, p. 699), and “a textual negotiator between the story

and its readers” (Dor, 2003, p. 696). They sometimes

provide what seems to be a summary of their stories,

highlight a single detail extracted out of the story, or contain

a quotation which the editor decided should be promoted to

the foreground (Dor, 2003, p. 697). In addition, headlines

seem to have a pragmatic function since they are a “part of

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supreme_Constitutional_Court_of_Egypt

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supreme_Constitutional_Court_of_Egypt

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adly_Mansour


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news rhetoric whose function is to attract the reader” (Bell,

1991, p. 189), and probably provoke the reader to read the

whole story.

The primary function of headlines, according to

Iarovici and Amel (1989, p. 441–443), is to alert the reader

(receiver) to the nature or the content of the text. Headlines

need to attract readers’ attention and curiosity, persuade

them to read the whole article, indicate the

writer/journalist’s attitude to a story, highlight the focus of

an article and provide clues to its content (Morley, 1998). In

order to achieve maximum economy, informativeness and

expressiveness in their headlines, journalists tend to use

metaphors. The use of metaphors enables journalists to

covertly convey their ideology to readers. A number of

studies have investigated the use of metaphors in

establishing and conveying ideology in the press (Hawkins,

2001; Herrera Soler, 2006; Sandikcioglu, 2001).

In the following sections, I present the theoretical

frameworks, the research methodology employed in the

study and the analysis of the research data. Finally, I outline

the main findings and implications of the study.




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2. Theoretical Framework

2.1 Conceptual Metaphor Theory

Traditionally, metaphor has been regarded as a mere

matter of language, a purely decorative and ornamental

figure of speech. It has been defined as “giving the thing a

name that belongs to something else” (Bywater, 1920, p.

56), as “an elliptical simile useful for stylistic, rhetorical,

and didactic purposes” (Johnson, 1981, p. 4), and a “device

of the poetic imagination and the rhetorical flourish” (Lakoff

and Johnson, 1980, p. 3). Over the past few decades, this

traditional view has been called into question.

Research on metaphor has witnessed a radical change

with the introduction of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory

(CMT) (Lakoff, 1987; Johnson, 1987; Lakoff and Johnson,

1980; Lakoff and Turner, 1989; Sweetser, 1990; Lakoff,

1993; Goatly, 1997; Kövecses, 2002, 2005 and so on). CMT

views metaphor as a result of conceptual mapping from a

source domain (usually a more tangible and universalised

domain of experience) to a target domain (usually a more

abstract or specialised domain).


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Metaphors can be seen as a “mechanism, through

which we comprehend abstract concepts and perform

abstract reasoning” (Lakoff, 1993, p. 203). They play a

central role in structuring the way we conceptualise the

world around us. Because a lot of our everyday concepts are

not easy to comprehend directly, conceptual metaphors

make them “accessible through metaphorical ‘scaffolds’

imported from better-known domains” since they organise

what we have already known and experienced of these

domains into a coherent framework (Allbritton, 1995, p. 43).

Within Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), a

distinction is drawn between conceptual metaphors on one

hand, and linguistic metaphors or metaphorical expressions

on the other hand.

[C]onceptual metaphors are deeply entrenched ways of

thinking about or understanding an abstract domain, while

conventional metaphorical linguistic expressions are well

worn, clichéd ways of talking about abstract domains.

(Kövecses, 2010, p. 34)

There are three basic kinds of conceptual metaphors that

shape human thought, namely, structural, ontological, and

orientational. Structural metaphors refer to metaphorically




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structuring one concept in terms of another (Lakoff and

Johnson, 1980, p. 14). One example is the conceptual

metaphor LIFE IS A PLAY which structures the target

domain ‘life’ in terms of the source domain ‘play’ and can be

realized in a diversity of common linguistic metaphors such

as ‘She always wants to be in the spotlight’ and ‘He always

plays the fool’ (Lakoff and Turner, 1989, p. 20).

Ontological metaphors are grounded in our experiences

with the physical world (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, p. 25).

Actually, when thinking of a non-physical phenomenon as

an entity or substance, we are allowed to identify, quantify,

categorise, and refer to it – and, in this way, reason about it

(Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, p. 25; Kövecses, 2010, p. 39).

Personification is a kind of ontological metaphors whereby

human characteristics, motivations, and activities are

assigned to nonhuman entities (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, p.

33; Kovëcses, 2010, p. 39).

Finally, orientational metaphors organise “a whole

system of concepts with respect to one another.” They are

based on spatial orientations such as up and down, in and

out, front and back, and central and peripheral. Such


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metaphorical orientations are not randomly assigned; rather,

they are embodied in our physical, social, and cultural

experience (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, p. 14). The

orientational metaphor HAPPY IS UP, for example,

provides an upward orientation that is coherent with such

positive cases as GOOD IS UP, ALIVE IS UP, CONTROL

IS UP; while SAD IS DOWN provides a downward

orientation which is coherent with negative cases like BAD

IS DOWN, DEAD IS DOWN, LACK OF CONTROL IS

DOWN (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, p. 18).

Another type of metaphors, which is also based on

actual experiences, would be images-schemas. An image

schema can be defined as “a recurring, dynamic pattern of

our perceptual interactions and motor programs that gives

coherence and structure to our experience” (Johnson, 1987,

p. xiv). An example is the PATH schema (Lakoff, 1987;

Johnson, 1987). In the PATH schema, a mover starts at a

source (a starting point) and moves through a path (an

actual trajectory) in order to arrive at a goal (an end point)

(Johnson, 1987, p. 112).

According to the tenets of CMT, the metaphors used in

everyday language, in literature, in the press and other genres




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are based on the same conceptual metaphors.

Writers/Journalists manage to make their metaphors more

resonant through masterfully adopting mechanisms such as

extension (extending a conventional metaphor by mapping

additional slots), elaboration (filling in slots in uncommon

ways rather than adding new elements to the source domain),

and combination (the simultaneous use of two or more

conceptual metaphors) (Lakoff and Turner, 1989, p. 67-72).

2.2 Metaphor and Persuasion in English Political (News)

Discourse

Scholars call for a more critical scrutiny of metaphors in

public communication (e.g., Charteris-Black, 2005; Hart,

2010; Jeffries, 2010; Semino, 2008) which involves not only

identifying, classifying or comparing metaphors, but also

demonstrating how they help to reproduce, naturalize and

legitimize specific ideologically biased representations. It can

be argued that metaphor goes beyond being merely a

cognitive phenomenon to being a strategic rhetorical resource

that can be used for conveying certain ideologies and for

persuasion. In this study, metaphors are treated as a strategic

tool of persuasion that predisposes one understanding of


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reality over others. Persuasion is a process aimed at

convincing the target to change their attitude or behavior

toward some event, idea, entity, object, etc., and to adopt this

new attitude as a part of their core belief system. Persuasion,

as a rhetorical goal, is central to political action, and language

is one of the main tools for the achievement of this goal. It is

therefore not surprising that language plays a central role in

politics (Chilton, 1996, p. 47; Chilton, 2004, p. 3).

Messages are persuasive when they: (1) relate to

something in which the persuadee already believes (anchor)

and (2) evoke things that are already known or at least

familiar (Charteris-Black 2004, p. 18). That is why

metaphors, which structure abstract or unfamiliar concepts

in terms of concrete or familiar ones, can be seen as a

powerful tool in achieving persuasion.

In political rhetoric the primary purpose of metaphors is to

frame how we view or understand political issues by

eliminating alternative points of view. Politicians use

metaphors for negative representations of states of affairs

that are construed as problematic and positive

representations of future scenarios that are construed as

solutions to problems; they also use them for negative and




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positive representations of out-groups (i.e. opponents) and

of in-groups (i.e. supporters) respectively. (Charteris-Black,

2011, p. 32)

Scholarly attention has been paid to the use of

metaphors in the press as a strategic framing device to

reproduce specific ideologies (e.g. Charteris-Black, 2006;

Hart, 2010; Musolff, 2004; Reisigl and Wodak, 2001; Santa

Ana, 1999). In English news discourse, editors tend to use

metaphors in headlines because of their resonance with the

public. This effect of metaphors can be explained by their

ability to trigger elaborate background knowledge in the

public and hence by being processed relatively quickly and

effortlessly (Jeffries, 2010, p. 21; Hart, 2010, p. 145–167).

The use of metaphors is likely to foreground some aspects

of the phenomenon in question and downplay others, and

therefore potentially affect receivers’ views. In addition, the

choice of one metaphor rather than another has

consequences for: (1) how a particular issue is ‘framed’ or

structured, (2) which aspects are foregrounded and which

backgrounded, (3) what inferences are facilitated, (4) what

evaluative and emotional associations triggered, (5) what

courses of action appear to be possible, and so on

(Fairclough, 1992; Allbritton, 1995).


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This section has shed light on the use of metaphors as

persuasive strategies in English political news discourse.

This study attempts to explore the use of metaphors in

Arabic political news discourse in order to detect similarities

and/or differences between Arabic political news discourse

and its English counterpart in relation to the use of

metaphors as a device for persuasion.

3. Methodology

In this study, the online searchable database Nexis UK

is used to get access to the text of a wide range of Egyptian

newspapers in Arabic. I managed to identify the articles

which contained relevant search terms like ‘Mubarak’ ركمبا ,

‘Arab Spring’ ’Morsi‘ , الربيع العربي Muslim‘ , مرسي

Brotherhood’ خوان المسلمونإلا , ‘Islamist’ and , سالميةإ -سالميإ

‘Al-Sisi’ The search yielded a total of 20,055 of . السيسي

Egyptian news articles covering the period from June 2012 to

October 2013 from 8 newspapers: AlAhram AlAraby,

AlAhram AlMessai, AlAhram and AlAhram Weekly,

AlGomhoriya, AlMessa, Almasry Alyoum, Sawt Al-Balad and

Watani. I divided the articles into two groups (as shown in

Table 1) in terms of the political situation in Egypt, namely,




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Morsi’s Regime (30 June 2012 to 3 July 2013) and After

Morsi (4 July 2013 to 25 October 2013).

Newspaper Morsi’s Regime

30/6/2012 to 3/7/2013

No. of Headlines

After Morsi

4/7/2013 to 31/10/ 2013

No. of Headlines

Al-Ahram Al-Arabiya AhrArab 109 122

Al-Ahram Al-Messai AhrMess 358 340

Al-Ahram and Al-

Ahram Weekly

AhrW 1361 777

Al-Gomhurrriah GOM 2021 629

Al-Masry Al-Youm MasYoum 3464 3909

Al-Messa MESSA 2325 1008

Sawt Al-Balad SwB 805 1004

Watani WAT 1174 649

Total 11617 8438

Table 1

I identified the occurrences of metaphors in the

headlines in the light of the conceptual approach to metaphor

(cf. Kövecses, 2002; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff and Johnson,

1980). Then, I counted the metaphors, as shown in Table 2,

and classified them according to the entities and/or events of

the Egyptian political situation to which they are related.

Newspaper Morsi’s Regime

No. of Headlines

No. of

Metaphors

% After Morsi

No. of

Headlines

No. of

Metaphors

%

AhrArab 109 82 75% 122 87 71%

AhrMess 358 246 68% 340 252 74%

AhrW 1361 850 62% 777 565 72%


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GOM 2021 1359 67% 629 405 64%

MasYoum 3464 2774 80% 3909 2765 70%

MESSA 2325 1724 74% 1008 638 63%

SwB 805 509 63% 1004 679 67%

WAT 1174 711 60% 649 453 69%

Total 11617 8255 71% 8438 5844 69%

Table 2

Finally, I attempted to examine the rhetorical, emotive

and persuasive potentials of these metaphors.

4. Analysis and Discussion

The number of metaphors identified in my data is quite

high, as shown in Table 2, with 8255 metaphors in the first

section (Morsi’s regime) and 5844 in the second (After

Morsi). These metaphors are classified according to the

entities and/or events of the Egyptian political situation to

which they are related. For limitations of space, I will only

focus on certain entities and events including Egypt, MB,

Morsi, the June 30th uprising, Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces.

In this section, I examine how these entities and events are

framed in the headlines of the selected Egyptian newspapers

through the use of metaphors. Framing is related to the way

the content of the text is presented, and more specifically,

the angle or perspective that the text producer is taking




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(Huckin, 1997). Metaphors are used by journalists as a

persuasive strategy to lead readers to construct certain

representations of entities and events. In my analysis, I will

provide examples of the metaphors used in the

representation of Egypt, MB, Morsi, the June 30th uprising,

Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces.

4.1 Egypt

Morsi’s Regime

مصر في مفترق طرق 1(GOM, 4/12/2012) Egypt at a crossroads

مصر .. على حافة الخطر 2

(MESSA, 30/6/2013) Egypt .. On the verge of danger

مصر تنزف دما 3(GOM, 4/12/2012) Egypt is bleeding

ساعة الحرجة بعد ُمهلة الجيش 42تدخل ال ـ « المنقسمة»تليفزيون إسرائيل: مصر 4

لمرسي

(MasYoum, 2/7/2013) Israeli Television: the ‘divided’ Egypt will enter

the critical 24 hours after the Army’s ultimatum for Morsi

After Morsi

مصر وميالد جديد 5(AhrMess, 30/7/2013) Egypt and a new birth

مصر ليست كعكة.. مصر وطن 6(GOM, 11/8/2013) Egypt is not a cake .. Egypt is a country (homeland)

مصر في الطريق لالستقرار 7

(GOM, 16/8/2013) Egypt on the path to stability

مصر تنتفض ضد اإلرهاب 8

(AhrMess, 22/10/2013) Egypt revolts against terrorism

الممكن لمصر أن تخسر معركتها مع اإلسالم المتشدد؟ هل من 9

(WAT, 19/9/2013) Is it possible for Egypt to lose her battle with Radical

Islam?

يا شباب مصر.. األم الخالدة تناديكم 10

(AhrW, 8/7/2013) Oh youth of Egypt .. The immortal mother is calling you

../../../../sony/AppData/Roaming/Microsoft/Word/Headlines%204%20July%202013%20-%2025%20October%202013.docx



../../../../sony/Desktop/CADAAD/AlAhram%20and%20AlAhram%20Weekly/After%20June%20uprising%203%20July%202013%20to%2025%20October%202013/Al-Ahram_Al-Ahram_Weekly%203%20July%20to%2025%20October%202013%20--%20601-777.rtf


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«والدة مؤلمة للديمقراطية»صحف أوروبية: مصر تشهد 11

(MasYoum, 17/8/2013) European newspapers: Egypt witnesses ‘ a

painful birth of democracy’ and slips into hatred

نائب وزير الدفاع السعودي: مصر ستتعافي قريبا 12

(SwB, 8/9/2013) The Saudi Deputy of the Minister of Defense: Egypt

will recover soon

إستعادة عافية مصر أوال 13

(AhrW, 25/9/2013) Recovering Egypt’s health comes first

Table 3

The structural metaphors in (1, 3 & 4) and the

orientational metaphor/image schema in (2) draw from the

domains of journey, health and path respectively and thus

refer to Egypt, which is also personified, as someone at

crossroads (1) and on the verge of danger (2), as someone

who is bleeding (3) and is in a critical condition (4). This

strategic rhetoric seems to characterise the threatening and

critical situation of Egypt during Morsi’s regime.

Upon removing Morsi from presidency, the

representation of Egypt undergoes a radical transformation,

as shown in the metaphors (5-13). Egypt is represented as

someone who is to be reborn (5) and, thus, would start a

new life. There is a reification of Egypt in (6) whereby it is

depicted as something concrete – a cake. This ontological

metaphor implicitly refers to the rumors related to the

sinister conspiracy of the MB to divide Egypt and also to the

MB’s attempts to ‘ikhwanize’ (dominate) the state.




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Invoking the path schema in (7), Egypt is depicted as

traveling on a path towards stability. Then, Egypt is

portrayed as fighting in a war against terrorism (8) and

radical Islam (9). Personification is used in 10-13 to

represent Egypt as a mother who is calling out for her

children (10), as a mother who is giving a painful birth to

democracy (democracy is also personified as a baby) (11),

and finally as someone who is sick but will recover soon (12

& 13). The metaphors in (12) and (13) implicitly represent

MB as a disease causing the sickness of Egypt.

The metaphors used in the examples above are likely to

arouse in readers emotions such as patriotism and allegiance

to Egypt, as well as worry about its wellbeing. They may

also lead readers to construct a negative stance towards MB

as being a threat to Egypt’s welfare and stability.

4.2 Muslim Brotherhood (MB)

Morsi’s Regime

الظواهري: النظام االخواني مهتز ومرتعش 14

(SwB, 21/4/2013) The ikhwani (MB) regime is tremulous and shaking

الحكومة..تتخبط 15

(MESSA, 10/1/2013) The Government is floundering

لمصر« التقشف»التشريعات االقتصادية: نحمل 16

(MasYoum, 22/6/2013) The economic legislations: we are

carrying/bringing ‘abstinence’ to Egypt


22

الجبهة تتصدى لمحاولة استحواذ جماعة اإلخوان المسلمين على مفاصل الدولة 17

(WAT, 19/4/2013) The Front is thwarting the attempt of the MB Group to

acquire/dominate the ‘joints of the state’

مهدى عاكف وخطة اغتصاب مصر 18

(SwB, 21/6/2013) Mahdi Aakef and the scheme to rape Egypt

النظام اإلخواني احتالل لمصر «: القوى الثورية»مؤتمر 19

(MasYoum, 27/3/2013) The ‘Revolutionary Forces’ Conference: the

ikhwani (MB) regime is a takeover (an occupation) of Egypt

20 « سرطان اإلخوان»مصر أصيبت ب ـ «: شفيق »

(MasYoum, 13/5/2013) Shafiq: Egypt is inflicted with the ‘MB cancer’

ومازالت المعركة مستمرة بين اإلخوان والقضاء 21

(AhrW, 26/4/2013) The battle continues between the Brothers and the

Judiciary

بيت الطاعة اإلخواني»تهاني الجبالي: القضاة لن يدخلوا 22 »

(MasYoum, 27/4/2013) Tahani Al-Gebaly: the Judges will not enter the

‘Ikhwani (MB) House of Submissiveness’

بروفة الحرب األهلية فى موقعة المقطم 23

(MasYoum, 23/3/2013) A rehearsal of civil war at the battle of Al-

Moqatam

تجر البالد ألتون حرب أهلية« اإلخوان»سلفيون: 24

(MasYoum, 20/4/2013) Salafists: the ‘Brothers’ are dragging the country

to the furnace of a civil war

After Morsi

لبقاءاألخيرة ل« اإلخوان»حرق الكنائس وإشعال الفتن الطائفية ورقة 25

(MasYoum, 15/8/2013) Burning/setting fire to churches and igniting

sectarian tension are the Brothers’ final card for survival

اإلخوان يضعون العراقيل ويرفضون أي حلول لألزمة الراهنة 26

(MasYoum, 10/8/2013) 6 April: the ‘Brothers’ are putting obstacles and

refuse any solutions of the current crisis

Table 4

The Metaphors (14-26) are likely to lead readers to

construct a negative attitude towards MB and their rule.

Ontological metaphors are detected in (14) and (15) in the

form of personification of the MB regime and government.




23

The MB regime is framed as being weak, trembling and

shaking (14). This framing is maintained through the

personification of the government which is depicted as

floundering (15). Both metaphors are likely to create in readers

an impression of MB’s incompetence. The ontological

metaphor in (16), which presents a reification of abstinence,

can be seen as a play on the MB slogan during the elections,

‘we are bringing/carrying welfare to Egypt’. This metaphor

highlights the contradiction between the MB promises during

the elections and their performance after assuming power.

The Muslim Brotherhood regime is depicted in (19) as

an occupation of the country. Traditionally, anyone

occupying a country is an outsider who does not belong to

that country. This metaphor implies that the MB members

do not belong to Egypt but rather constitute a threat to her

and her people. A further negative representation of MB

members is detected in (20) whereby they are described as a

(malignant) cancer that has inflicted Egypt.

Metaphors in (23), (24), and (25) are used to stress the

MB’s involvement in acts of violence. They are dragging

the country to a civil war (23, 24) and are being involved in

igniting sectarian tension and setting fire to churches (25).


24

The metaphor used in (25) draws from the domains of

sports/games, heat and war. It depicts the MB group as

someone playing cards, and whose last card, which provides

a guarantee to stay in the game, would be to ignite sectarian

tension and set fire to churches. In addition to this creative

combination, the conceptual metaphor of Politics is A Game

is implicitly invoked. The path schema is invoked in (26)

whereby the MB group obstructs the path leading all

solutions of the crisis. These metaphors are used as

rhetorical strategies which seem to add to the negative

representation of MB members as caring only about their

survival and continuity in power regardless of the best

interests of Egypt.

It should be noted that the metaphors in (17), (18),

(19), (21), (22) provide a scenario whereby the MB group

attempts to ikhwanize (control and dominate) Egypt. The

MB’s desire to ikhwanize the state is recurrently depicted as

dominating all the joints of the‘ (سيطرة على كل مفاصل الدولة)

state’ (17). In (18), there is an association between the

Former MB Supreme Guide, Mahdi Aakef, and a sinister

conspiracy to rape Egypt. The personification of Egypt as a

potential victim of rape with the MB members as rapists

further enhances the negative attitude towards MB and




25

creates in the readers emotions of hatred and contempt of

the group and its members. In (21), the tension between the

MB group and the Egyptian Judiciary is represented in terms

of a war metaphor. The resistance of the Judiciary against

the MB’s attempts at ikhwanization is expressed by an

interesting metaphor in (22) which depicts a scenario in

which the MB group takes the role of a husband having the

power to force his wife to enter the House of

Submissiveness1 and the judges assuming the (بيت الطاعة)

role of the wife who refuses to submit to the husband’s will.

The term ‘Ikhwanization’ is defined by the online

thesaurus2 as ‘imposing the doctrine of the Muslim

Brotherhood (on state institutions, etc.)’. It is derived from

‘Ikhwan’, the Arabic word for ‘brothers’, and more

specifically from Jamiat al-Ikhwan al-muslimun which

means the Muslim Brotherhood. The term ‘أخونة’

‘Ikhwanization’ was used first in Arabic, then was coined in

English in July 30, 2012 by Creeping Sharia3 (a blog that

1 In Islamic marital law, a husband may force his wife who has left his house to

come back and continue living with him (even against her will) by a judicial order

committing her to enter the House of Submissiveness (بيت الطاعة). 2 http://thesaurus.babylon.com/ikhwanization

3http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/2012/07/30/letter-to-the-editor-exposes-

obamas-ikhwanization-of-the-mideast/

http://thesaurus.babylon.com/ikhwanization


26

denounces the ‘methodical advance of Islamic law (sharia)

in non-Muslim countries’ particularly the United States).

The Arabic term ‘أخونة’ and its English equivalent

‘Ikhwanization’, which can be explained as the attempt of

the MB movement to impose its ideology on all facets of life

in Egypt, were used as a synonym of monopolisation and

unjust domination by the Egyptian and Arab media as well

as the opponents of the MB movement and the Islamist trend

in general. The ‘anti-Ikhwanization’ campaign launched by

the media during Morsi’s regime has succeeded to a large

extent in bringing about a general public opinion opposed to

the actions of the MB administration. As noted by Saleh

(2013), a number of studies showed that during Morsi’s one-

year-regime, more than 90% of the private Egyptian media

and more than 70% of state-owned media were opposed to

Morsi and the MB.

4.3 Morsi

Morsi’s Regime

عصر .. الليمون 27(GOM, 15/12/2012) Squeezing lemon

أحالهما .. مر .. سي 28(GOM, 6/7/2012) The sweeter is Mor (bitter) … si

أولي حكم سنة 29

(MESSA, 29/6/2013) First year ruling

mailto:إديني%20..%20عقلك%20بقلم%20:مصطفي%20غزال%[email protected]%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20عصر%20..%20الليمون%20!

mailto:إديني%20..%20عقلك%20بقلم%20:مصطفي%20غزال%[email protected]%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20عصر%20..%20الليمون%20!

mailto:بهدوء%20ابراهيم%20الطويل%20tawel-tawel%[email protected]%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20أحلاهما%20..%20مر%20..%20سي




27

أعطينا مرسي رخصة ولم يستطع القيادة «: يونيو 03»البرادعي يدعو للمشاركة في 30

(MasYoum, 29/6/2013) El-Baradie calls for participation in ‘30 June’:

we have given Morsi a license but he could not drive..

مينا وحد القطرين ومرسي وحد بين الفلول والثوار 31(GOM, 29/11/2012) Mina united the two countries and Morsi united the

Remnants and the Revolutionaries

ل إلى رمز إلنقسام المصرييناألنباء الفرنسية: مرسي تحو 32

(SwB, 30/6/2013) French news: Morsi has turned into an icon for

Egyptians’ division

After Morsi

داعية سلفي: مرسي هدية من هللا.. ومن يشكك في عودته يشكك في ربنا 33

(MasYoum, 12/8/2013) A Salafist preacher: Morsi is a gift from Allah

and who doubts his return doubts our God

«.. القائد الرباني للثورة»مرسي «: النهضة»خطيب 34

(MasYoum, 9/8/2013) Al-Nahdha preacher: Morsi is the ‘godly leader

of the revolution’

اإليكونوميست: "مرسي" المسئول األول عن تعطيل المسار الديمقراطي 35

(MESSA, 6/7/2013) Economist: Morsi is the primary responsible for

obstructing the democratic path

Table 5

The metaphors used in (27) and (28) refer implicitly to

the final round of the 2012 presidential elections when

Egyptians were faced with a difficult choice. The short

headline (27), which takes the form of a two-word noun

phrase, summarises the dilemma faced by many Egyptians

when they were forced to choose between Morsi (an MB

leader) and Shafiq (Mubarak’s last prime minister), or in

other words, between the start of the Islamic rule or the

return of Mubarak’s regime. The gustatory image (28)

makes an interesting use of word play since the first half of

mailto:لحظة%20تمرد%20بقلم%20:يسري%20السيد%[email protected]%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20%20مينا%20وحد%20القطرين%20ومرسي%20وحد%20بين%20الفلول%20والثوار


28

the name ‘Morsi’ in Arabic, ‘Mor’, means bitter. This

metaphor also summarises the difficulty in choosing one of

the two presidential candidates since the sweeter/better of

the two is still bitter.

The incompetence of Morsi as a president is depicted in

the metaphors (29) and (30) whereby he is described as a

student in the first year of school (29) and as an incompetent

driver although given the license to drive (30). There is an

elaboration of the Journey metaphor with Morsi as a driver of

a vehicle (the country is the vehicle and the act of leadership

is the act of driving). The reference to the people giving

Morsi the license to drive the country alludes to the fact that

he was democratically elected/chosen by the people.

A historical allusion is spotted in (31) whereby the

Pharaoh King Mina is contrasted to Morsi. Mina united

Egypt which was divided into two kingdoms in ancient times;

whereas, Morsi united adversaries (the Remnants and the

Revolutionaries) and led them to stand in one position against

him. Morsi is also seen as an icon for Egyptians’ division

since he was the reason behind the Egyptians' division into

two teams, i.e., the MB members and all the other Egyptians

(32). Maintaining the negative representation of Morsi, the




29

metaphor in (35) presents a combination of the path schema

with an ontological metaphor, thus, depicting Morsi as an

obstacle in the path of democracy.

Positive attitudes towards Morsi appear only in the

headlines which present direct quotes of the Islamists. In the

perspective of the Islamists, Morsi is framed as a gift from

Allah (33) and as someone who is claimed to have a

spiritual power (34). This is a typical strategy used in the

discourse of the Islamists to persuade the public, particularly

the less educated and the poor, to follow them.

All the metaphors discussed above are likely to lead

readers to hold a negative stance towards Morsi. Even those

metaphors which reflect a positive stance towards him are

framed in a way that highlights the Islamists’ sinister

strategies in manipulating the Egyptian ordinary citizens.

4.4 The June 30th

Uprising

Morsi’s Regime

مفتي اإلخوان: األمة في مفترق طرق.. ومدعو اإلصالح يجرونها إلى النار 36(MasYoum, 28/5/2013) The Ikhwani (MB) Mufti: the nation is at

crossroads … and reform simulators/posers are dragging her to

fire/hell

يونيو 03مصادر: حالة طوارئ في التيارات اإلسالمية ل ـ إجهاض 37 (MasYoum, 21/6/2013 (Sources: an emergency in the Islamic trends

to abort (have an abortion of) 30 June


30

عبد الماجد: سنعلنها ثورة اسالمية إذا أرادت المعارضة إسقاط مرسى 38

(SwB, 21/6/2013) Abdel Maged: We well declare an Islamist

Revolution if the Opposition wanted to overthrow (bring down)

Morsi

يونيو 03يوم « أعداء اإلسالم»الجهاد يقرر دعم مرسى في مواجهة 39 (MasYoum, 10/6/2013) Al-Jihad decides to support Morsi in

confronting ‘the enemies of Islam’ on 30 June

ن اإلسالم والصليبيينيونيو حرب بي 03وجدي غنيم.. 40

(SwB, 16/6/2013) Wagdy Ghoneim: 30 June is a war between Islam

and the Crusaders

«أهداف الثورة»سيصل لمحطة « يونيو 03»عبدالجليل مصطفى: قطار 41

(MasYoum, 25/6/2013) Abdel Galil Mustafa: The ‘30 June’ train

will arrive at the station of ‘the aims of the Revolution’

الشعب المصري سينتصر إلرادته 42

(AhrAra, 30/6/2013) The Egyptian people will have victory for his

will

من نظام استبدادي « تحرير مصر»األسواني: المعارضة تحّولت لحركة 43 (MasYoum, 13/4/2013) Al-Aswani: The Opposition turned into a

movement to liberate/release Egypt from a(n) authoritarian/despotic

regime

يونيو ل ـ تحرير الوطن من العدو اإلخواني المحتل 03ت آسف يا ريس: مظاهرا 44

(MasYoum, 8/6/2013) ‘We are sorry President’: the June 30th

demonstrations are to liberate the country from the occupying

Ikhwani enemy

After Morsi

د ضد من ال يخافون هللابديع: مرسي وضع مصر على خارطة العالم المتقدم.. ولنتح 45

(MasYoum, 18/7/2013) Badie: Morsi placed Egypt on the map of the

progressive world .. Let’s unite against those who do not fear Allah

سامح عاشور رئيس الحزب الناصري: 03 يونيو أنقذت رقابنا من سيف اإلخوان 46

(GOM, 28/8/2013) Sameh Ashur the president of the Nasserist

Party: 30 June saved our necks from the sword of the Brothers

أعاد ترتيب المشهد « يسيالس»و«.. تسونامي شعبي»يونيو 03الهلباوي: 47 (MasYoum, 21/7/2013) Al-Helbawy: 30 June is a ‘popular tsunami’

.. And Al-Sisi rearranged the scene

اإلخوان وحلفاؤهم يخرجون علي شعب واحد 48

(AhrMess, 11/7/2013) The Brothers and their allies have gone out

against one nation

«إخوان»و« مصريين»قسمونا إلى « الجماعة»على الحجار: 49

(MasYoum, 8/9/2013) Ali El-Hagar: The Group divided us into

Egyptians and Brothers

../../../../sony/AppData/Roaming/Microsoft/AppData/Roaming/AppData/Roaming/Microsoft/Word/Headlines%2030%20June%202012%20-%203%20July%202013.docx






31

Table 6

The MB members' perception of the June 30th uprising

is different from that of the rest of Egyptians. The

metaphors (36, 37, 38, 39, 40 & 45) present the perspective

of the MB. The difficulty of the situation facing Egypt is

expressed in terms of a Journey metaphor in (36). The

country is described as being at crossroads and the reform

simulators/posers (a reference to the Opposition) are

dragging her to hell. In (37), the Islamists’ rejection of the

June 30th uprising is stressed by depicting the uprising as a

baby that should be aborted, or in other words, have his life

terminated violently. An orientation metaphor is detected in

(38) in the reference to ‘bringing down’ Morsi. The use of

the adjective ‘Islamist’ to modify the presumed revolution,

which will be allegedly declared by the Islamists in case

Morsi’s regime is threatened, is quite manipulative. It seeks

to persuade the public that any person standing against this

revolution would be a sinner since this person would be

standing against Islam.

The metaphors (39) and (40) further epitomize the

main argument of the Islamists that any person standing


32

against (opposing) them and their president Morsi is an

enemy of Islam. Thus, the people going out in the June 30th

demonstrations are represented by the Islamists as enemies

of Islam and even as crusaders. Indeed, the June 30th events

are depicted as a war between Islam and the crusaders.

These references in the discourse of the Islamists seek to

ignite sectarian tension and evoke emotions of solidarity and

defense of Islam in the public. In contrast to the Islamists’

position, there is an elaboration of the Journey metaphor in

depicting the June 30th uprising as a train with specific

stations (41). The train travels between stations until it

arrives at the destination station where the aims of the

revolution will be achieved.

Newspapers seem to have intended to construct and

maintain an ‘us’ vs. ‘them’ (two conflicting parties/sides)

distinction. They use metaphors as discursive strategies in

constructing and representing the two sides in the Egyptian

situation. A war metaphor is detected in (42). The Egyptian

people are collectively personified and depicted in a war in

which they will have victory. It should be noted that the MB

members are excluded from the Egyptian people and are

depicted as the enemy. The metaphors in (48) and (49) further

support the division of the people into two groups




33

‘Egyptians’/the ‘nation’ vs the MB members. The negative

representation of the MB members continues with referring to

them as an authoritarian regime (43) and an occupying enemy

who does not belong to Egypt and constitutes a threat to her

(44). There is a reification of Egypt as something to be placed

on a map in (45) as well as an insinuation that any person

opposing the MB rule is not a good Muslim. In (46), the June

30th uprising is depicted as a savior from the MB group who

assumes the role of the villain. The use of the sword as the MB

weapon may evoke the idea that the MB members would have

led (dragged) the country back to backwardness and

ignorance. The events are represented as a tsunami– a natural

force that no one can stand against (47). Al-Sisi’s positive role

in the Egyptian situation is further enhanced by metaphorically

depicting him as a director or organizer who would clean up

the mess after the tsunami and reorganise the scene.

4.5 Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces

After Morsi

ملك السعودية يحيي الجيش المصري: أخرجتم مصر من نفق يعلم هللا أبعاده 50

(MasYoum, 3/7/2013) The King of Saudi Arabia salutes the

Egyptian Army: you have moved Egypt out of a tunnel that only

Allah know its dimensions

نك سياج مصر وحاميهااإلمارات للجيش المصري: أثبت من جديد أ 51

(MasYoum, 3/7/2013) The UAE to the Egyptian Army: you have

once again proved that you are the fence of Egypt and her protector


34

الجيش يسترد كرامة الوطن 52

(AhrW, 1/8/2013) The Army retrieves the dignity of the country

" انقذ مصر من السقوط في الهاوية"السيسي 53

(SwB, 28/7/2013) Al-Sisi saved Egypt from falling into the abyss

فرحات ل "السيسي": مصر تشهد مولد زعيم جديد 54

(SwB, 24/7/2013) Farhat to Al-Sisi: Egypt witnesses the birth of a

new leader

مولد نجم من جيش الشعب 55

(AhrW, 13/8/2013) The birth of a star from the people’s Army

عبدالناصر يعود 56

(GOM, 22/7/2013) Abdel Nasser returns

بطل شعبي واألوفر حظ ا لو ترشح للرئاسة « السيسي»حمدين صباحي: 57

(MasYoum, 19/9/2013) Hamdeen Sabahi: Al-Sisi is a folk hero and

the luckier if nominated for the Presidency

ا شعبيا بعد أن أنهى حكم مرسى الكارثى« السيسى»إيكونوميست: 58 أصبح رمز

(MasYoum, 18/10/2013) Economist: Al-Sisi has become a public

icon after he ended Morsi’s disastrous rule

السيسى ابن مصر البار حفيد مينا و حور ام حب 59

(WAT, 24/7/2013) Al-Sisi is the good son of Egypt, the grandson of

Mina and Horemheb

Table 7

The metaphors used in (50, 51 & 52) present the

Armed Forces as the guardian of Egypt who managed to get

her out of a tunnel (50), protect and surround her boundaries

(51), and retrieve her dignity (52). The use of ‘tunnel’ (50)

and fence (51) invokes the containment schema. Al-Sisi is

represented as a protector of Egypt (53), a new leader (54), a

star (55), a reincarnation of (the deceased Egyptian

President) Nasser (56), a folk hero (57), a folk icon (58), a

son of Egypt (which is personified as a mother) (59), and a

grandson of the Pharaoh Kings Mina and Horemheb (59).

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pharaoh




35

Al-Sisi’s relation to the Pharaoh Kings who used to be army

leaders and war heroes is highlighted (59). The historical

allusion to the Pharaoh King Mina who had united Egypt

into one kingdom is particularly interesting since it evokes

in the readers’ minds the scenario of the division of Egypt

under the MB rule and presents Al-Sisi as the preventer of

such division.

Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces are frequently framed in

the headlines (and media generally) as the protectors of

Egypt who have saved her from the disastrous MB rule. This

framing is likely to lead readers to support whatever position

they would take on any issue.

Through focusing on national security, the text producer

can influence the reader’s perception (Huckin, 1997): his/her

rejection or acceptance of Morsi and MB on the one hand and

Al-Sisi and the Armed forces on the other hand. Metaphors

are used as rhetorical discursive strategies which emphasise

the threat that the MB group presents to Egypt and the

Egyptians. Promoting in readers emotions of fear and worry

about the destiny of Egypt, their homeland, is likely to lead

them to construct an overall sense of rejection of Morsi and


36

the MB group. The constant veneration of Al-Sisi and the

Armed Forces, on the other hand, is likely to lead readers to

construct an overall sense of acceptance of them. Morsi and

the MB are being criminalised and denigrated as

incompetent, retrograde and radical. Conversely, Al-Sisi and

the Armed Forces are being constantly glorified as the

protectors and saviors of Egypt. Readers’ stance to Morsi and

the MB is likely to be affected and gradually becomes one of

incompetence, deviance and criminality. Their stance to Al-

Sisi and the Armed Forces, on the other hand, becomes one

of reverence, respect and gratitude.

5. Conclusion

Contemplating English political news discourse, Baker

et al. (2013, p. 3) state that newspapers ‘‘have the role of

constructing ideologically motivated versions of reality,

which are aimed at persuading people that certain

phenomena are good or bad.’’ To fulfill this role, journalists

tend to skillfully manipulate metaphors, which are powerful

persuasive strategies, to influence public opinion. This study

demonstrates that Egyptian journalists have adopted this

tendency and used metaphors ubiquitously as persuasive




37

strategies while covering the Egyptian political situation in

the period 2012-2013. Two conflicting sides were identified

in the metaphors used in the Egyptian newspapers headlines:

the first includes the Egyptians, the Opposition, Al-Sisi and

the Armed Forces; whereas the other includes Morsi, the MB

and some Islamists. The newspapers headlines present this

picture of division with a tone of certainty and authority

(Huckin, 1997) that the typical readers would not question

but rather would use as a foundation for the attitude they

would construct towards the represented entities and events.

The study reveals that Arabic political news discourse

is characterised by an extensive use of metaphors which

share the same target domains used in its English

counterpart, namely, war, journey, health, path,

containment, among others. This finding gives further

evidence to the universality of metaphors.


38

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فكر وإبداع دراسة لالستعارة فى عناوين الصحف المصرية

ل المشهد السياسي المصرى حو 2102إلي 2102في الفترة من

47

دراسة لالستعارة فى عناوين الصحف المصرية

صرى حول المشهد السياسي الم 2102إلي 2102في الفترة من

(*) مد عبد اخلالق إبراهيموسام حم د/

مستخلص:تتناول الدراسة استخدام االستعارة في الخطاب اإلعالمي السياسي باللغة العربية، وتركز بصفة خاصة علي عناوين الصحف المصرية التي

إلي أكتوبر 2102تتعلق بالمشهد السياسي المصري في الفترة من يونيو ه الستخدام االستعارة في عناوين . وقد وجدت الدراسة أن هناك اتجا2102

الصحف المصرية للتأثير بوجه عام في توجهات الناس نحو العديد من يونيو، 21األحداث والشخصيات، مثل جماعة اإلخوان المسلمين، ثورة

القوات المسلحة المصرية، وغيرها. وقد توصلت الدراسة أيضا إلي أن شبه نظيره باللغة اإلنجليزية في الخطاب اإلعالمي السياسي باللغة العربية ي

بعض المالمح الرئيسية وخاصة استخدام نفس المفاهيم كمشبه به وأيضا استخدام االستعارة كاستراتيجية من استراتيجيات اإلقناع. والنتائج التي توصلت إليها هذه الدراسة تدعم نظرية االستعارة المعرفية بتقديم دليل علي

عالمية االستعارة.

جمهورية مصر العربية –جامعة طنطا -كلية التربية -أستاذ مساعد اللغويات اإلنجليزية (*) –جامعة األميرة نورة بنت عبد الرحمن –كلية المجتمع –أستاذ اللغة االنجليزية المشارك

المملكة العربية السعودية

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Metaphors of the Egyptian Political Situation in Egyptian News Headlines 2012-2013

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