Birdsong and a Song about a Bird: Popular Music and the Mediation of Traditional Ecological...

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Birdsong and a Song about a Bird: Popular Music and the Mediation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Northeastern Brazil Author(s): Michael B. Silvers Source: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 59, No. 3 (Fall 2015), pp. 380-397Published by: on behalf of University of Illinois Press Society for EthnomusicologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/ethnomusicology.59.3.0380Accessed: 13-09-2015 22:29 UTC

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Vol. 59, No. 3 Ethnomusicology Fall 2015

© 2015 by the Society for Ethnomusicology

Birdsong and a Song about a Bird: Popular Music and the Mediation of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Northeastern Brazil

Michael B. Silvers / University of Illinois

Abstract.The mid- twentieth century songs of popular singer Luiz Gonzaga include lyrics about northeastern Brazil’s traditional ecological knowledge. For individuals who predict rain and drought based on natural patterns in the region’s semi- arid backlands, Gonzaga’s music continues to lend cred-ibility, clarity, and local significance to the practice known as rain prophecy. Through cultural history, lyrical and musical analysis, and ethnography, this article examines the process through which Gonzaga’s voice became a vehicle for the transmission of knowledge about the weather, suggesting that music produced through a profit- driven industry has played a role in the maintenance of local ecological knowledge.

Resumo. As músicas do cantor popular Luiz Gonzaga, datadas da metade do século XX, incluem em seu repertório letras que remetem à sabedoria ecológica popular da região Nordeste do Brasil. Para os “profetas da chuva”, indivíduos que preveem como será a quadra chuvosa no sertão semiárido a partir da observação dos sinais dados pela natureza, a música de Gonzaga continua a oferecer credibilidade, clareza e significado local a esta prática. Com base nos aspectos histórico- culturais e a partir das análises lírica e musical e da etno-grafia, este artigo analisa o processo pelo qual a voz de Gonzaga se tornou um veículo de transmissão de conhecimento sobre o meio ambiente, sugerindo, assim, que a música comercial tem desempenhado um papel na manutenção dessa sabedoria ecológica regional.

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Silvers: Birdsong and a Song about a Bird 381

Between 2008 and 2012, I conducted field research on a range of regionalist musics in Ceará, a state in Northeastern Brazil. Every orchestral concert I

attended during that period included a medley of classic tunes by Northeastern musical legend Luiz Gonzaga (1912–1989). I heard Ceará’s early music ensemble, Grupo Syntagma, play complex contrapuntal arrangements of Gonzaga’s songs alongside pieces by John Dowland and Giuseppe Sammartini. Several rock bands played blues- influenced covers of his music. Even Ceará’s klezmer band, Banda LeChaim, played its own version of Gonzaga’s best- known song, “Asa Branca,” as did an Andean pan- flute ensemble that performed on street corners while wearing cartoonish Plains Indian headdresses. The ubiquity of Gonzaga’s music is noteworthy but unsurprising. Gonzaga, a recording star of the mid- twentieth century who made a career of singing nostalgic songs about the drought- plagued Northeastern Brazilian countryside, continues to be seen in the Northeast as emblematic of the region. His songs, which were recorded and nationally disseminated by a music industry based in the country’s Southeast, are now considered a central part of the Northeastern “traditional” repertoire and a meaningful component of the region’s folklore. To perform his songs in the Northeast is to perform music that is “traditional,” “authentic,” and autochthonous (indigenous). Despite the popularity of Gonzaga’s music, it nevertheless came to me as a surprise to hear people known as rain prophets, individuals in the backlands of the Northeast who forecast rain and drought by observing nature, cite the lyrics of some of his songs when discussing the practice of rain prophecy. A substantial portion of his songs describe the region’s landscapes and mimic its soundscapes, many of his songs include lyrics about rain and drought, and a few have lyrics that convey traditional ecological knowledge about the climate—that a certain bird’s call is a sign of rain or drought, for example. Why might his music be significant to today’s rain prophets? What does it mean that these individuals refer to the lyrics of his commercial, popular music, some of which is from nearly seventy years ago, when talking about weather forecasting? Scholars of indigenous musics have taught us that musically transmitted knowledge about nature can have practical applications. For example, invocations about animals and plants can be sung to heal the sick or for prenatal care (Seeger 2004). Songs about the land can establish or reinforce senses of place, community, identity, and time (e.g., Feld 2012 [1982]; Impey 2002; Solomon 2000). They can also function as navigational tools, helping people locate natural resources and chart pathways (Koch 2013). In some cases, such songs can and have served as evidence in land trials to demonstrate the integral relationship between a people and the land (Koch 2013; Roseman 1998). Can recorded popular music similarly become entwined with the knowledge and experience of the natural world? Can commercial songs about rain affect the experience of drought?

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382 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2015

Scholars who have explored connections between popular music and nature have demonstrated how music about nature can reveal musicians’ attitudes and ideas about the environment. In her landmark essay on lyrical references to the Tamsui River in Taiwan, Nancy Guy has shown that we can track environmental degradation and changing attitudes toward natural features in popular music (Guy 2009). Mark Pedelty has argued that songs about nature can tell us as much about propaganda and patronage as they can about a songwriter’s convictions, as with Woody Guthrie’s songs about the Columbia River (Pedelty 2008). I extend this conversation by asking not just what musical or lyrical depictions of nature can teach us about those who write the songs and the worlds they inhabit, but by asking how such songs can affect the experience of listeners and those who internalize the songs, even half a century after the initial recording of that music. In other words, this study aims to understand the reception of songs about nature rather than the motivation behind the composition of those songs. Here, I argue that rain prophets cite the lyrics of Luiz Gonzaga’s com-mercially recorded songs to give traditional ecological knowledge1 qualities of comprehensibility, authority, and autochthony. Gonzaga’s songs are able to ascribe these qualities to the ecological knowledge in his lyrics because of spe-cific characteristics of popular music: mass dissemination, audio recording, fame, and associations between popular music and place and between popular music and identity. Because Gonzaga’s recordings were mass disseminated and commercially successful, his nostalgic visions of the Northeast—its landscapes, soundscapes, and knowledge—reached the ears and imaginations of those who lived in the region. Because his music was recorded, his voice and his words have persisted through time. Because of his fame, his voice continues to possess an aura of authenticity and authority. The lyrics of his songs, only some of which he wrote or co- wrote, employed Northeastern traditional ecological knowledge and images of its natural environment as metaphors that were intelligible to his audience. Yet because he and his songs are so profoundly associated with the region and Northeastern regional identity, some Northeasterners see his music not only as a semiotically rich part of the Northeastern musical repertoire, but also as a meaningful source of ecological knowledge about the region. Luiz Gonzaga’s music is also meaningful for present- day rain prophets because of specific characteristics of rain prophecy. Rain prophecy is a verbal performance as much as it is a form of ecological knowledge, and it has its own history of mediation. It has long been associated with the radio and is performed today in a public spectacle. Furthermore, rain prophets understand the com-munication of knowledge about rain and drought as a meaningful local tradition that has much in common with regional musics and poetry. Rain prophecy, like Gonzaga’s music, is a signifier of regional place and identity and a useful source of information about the weather. The act of listening to and interpreting

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birdsong, for example, is simultaneously a performance of regional belonging and a practical method for predicting rainfall. The broader implication of my argument is that commercial, popular music is not inherently antithetical to traditional ecological knowledge. Many of my interlocutors in Brazil and a number of ethnomusicologists, from Alan Lomax (1977) through Jeff Todd Titon (2009), have worried that popular music—and capitalism more generally—threatens traditional music. Capitalism, it has been argued, promotes the mass production of ephemeral music, monopolizing air-waves and minds with popular music while pushing aside songs and sounds that are more entrenched in our communities. Building off these ideas, other scholars have said that we should be especially concerned about the survival of music that conveys traditional ecological knowledge (Marett 2010; Feld 1991). They suggest that capitalism and development, along with other factors that have more tenuous connections to capitalism itself, such as assimilation and trans- generational forgetting, lead to the endangerment of songs that help us comprehend the natural world, profoundly damaging our relationship to the planet (ibid.). The example of Luiz Gonzaga and the rain prophets illustrates that music produced through a profit- driven industry has played a role in the maintenance of traditional ecological knowledge. I have no intention to under-mine the argument that musically encoded knowledge about nature has been threatened by the effects of capitalism in a great number of contexts, but merely to complicate and expand our understanding of music’s relationship to tradi-tional ecological knowledge. Through a combination of cultural history, musical/lyrical analysis, and ethnography, I show how Gonzaga’s voice has become a vehicle for the expres-sion of knowledge about the Northeastern environment. This article is organized in two major sections. In the first, I explore Gonzaga’s musical transmission of the Northeastern imaginary, his depiction of Northeastern acoustemologies and traditional ecological knowledge about rain and drought, his enduring fame, and the ways he has come to be associated with the Northeastern region and Northeastern identity. In the second section, I turn to rain prophecy to examine its history of mediation and I assess the rain prophets’ citation of the lyrics of Gonzaga’s songs, asking how and why these lyrics remain relevant to them.

Luiz Gonzaga and the “Invention of the Northeast” Brazilian historian Durval Muniz de Albuquerque Jr. has written that the notion of a Brazilian “Northeast region” was a discursive “invention” (2009). Prior to the 1940s, Brazil was understood as having two geographical regions: north and south. The south was home to the nation’s industrial capitals, and the north was the nation’s backwater, home to the impenetrable Amazon and

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the drought- ridden Northeastern hinterlands. The discourse of the “Northeast” emerged between the 1920s and 1940s as a way of describing the segment of the nation affected by drought. The Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística was responsible for officially establishing the regional designation in 1942, but the broader discourse of the Northeast and Northeastern- ness had developed through regionalist literature and the arts, nation- building efforts, and waves of migrants from the Northeast to Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo in search of work and income to send home. Albuquerque and others (e.g., Vieira 2000; McCann 2004; Loveless 2012) argue that the music of Luiz Gonzaga, whose voice could be heard throughout Brazil in the 1940s, played a vital role in the construction of the Northeastern imaginary. Gonzaga, who had his first hit song in 1941, was hardly the first musician to depict the region in his music. In 1914, composers Catulu da Paixão Cearense and João Pernambuco, for example, wrote the iconic ballad “Luar do Sertão” (Moonlight of the Backlands), which described the beauty of the moonlight in the Northeastern countryside.2 But Gonzaga’s songs combined a romantic nostalgia with descriptions of the hardscrabble realities of life in the region. His music expressed a desire to return home to the Northeast, and spoke to the dreams and frustrations of the displaced Northeastern workers who found themselves in Brazil’s alienating metropolises, acknowledging the reasons for their migration—drought, poverty, and hunger—along with their love of their distant homeland. Additionally, unlike “Luar do Sertão,” which was based on a Northeastern melody, Gonzaga’s music evoked the Northeastern countryside in multiple ele-ments of its sound, leading to the development of a new genre known as baião, which combined and updated the musical sounds he heard as a child. In his performances, Gonzaga’s nasal, oaken voice at times cracked and quavered like the Northeastern cowboy singers of aboio, a kind of vocalization used by ranch-ers to herd cattle. His accordion- playing style was unlike that of other musicians before him. He rapidly opened and closed the bellows of his piano accordion as if he were playing the sort of diatonic button accordion typically played in the Northeastern backlands. The baião rhythm was an adaptation of a rhythm played on the bass strings of a steel- string guitar that accompanied a type of Northeastern improvised sung duel called cantoria, and the xote and pé- de- serra rhythms that he often performed were derived from the fiddle- accompanied dance music of the region. His use of the mixolydian, dorian, and lydian domi-nant modes as well as harmonies in parallel thirds came from Northeastern fife- and- drum band music and from several rural Northeastern vocal practices. Moreover, his music was only one part of his performance of Northeastern- ness, which included his folksy charm and a leather costume styled after the clothes of Lampião, a well- known bandit from the region. Written across the front of

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one of Gonzaga’s most recognizable accordions were the words “É do Povo” (It’s of the people). As a result of Gonzaga’s caricatured performance of Northeastern identity and music, Northeastern migrants gained a genre of nostalgic commercial music they could call their own, while the rest of Brazil developed a vision of what the Northeast looked, felt, and sounded like.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Northeastern Acoustemes, and Birds in Gonzaga’s Music Gonzaga’s music conveyed traditional ecological knowledge within a broad range of images and stereotypes of the region. His lyrics, many of which were written by his primary collaborators Humberto Teixeira (1915–79) and Zé Dan-tas (1921–62), described the region’s men as strong, hardworking, and tenacious. The songs spoke of their labor: herding cattle, picking cotton, and planting beans. They described the hardships of migration and of assimilation to city life in the Southeast. They pleaded for rain. They described the pains and pleasures of courtship and romance. They explained the dance moves and the celebra-tions associated with St. John’s Day, the biggest holiday in the Northeast. And many of his songs described the soundscapes of the countryside. Birdsong, in particular, appeared frequently in his songs, as did references to birds in other metaphorical contexts, with descriptions of their migratory flights, their cages, and so on.3 A bird can be seen on the covers of his 1957 album O Reino do Baião (Kingdom of Baião) and his 1962 album Ô Véio Macho (Oh Old Guy), with a blue- fronted Amazon parrot perched on his hat and on the bellows of his accordion, respectively. Some of his best known and most beloved songs are named after birds, among them “Assum Preto” (Smooth- billed Ani), “Sabiá” (Rufous- bellied Thrush), and “Asa Branca” (Picazuro Pigeon), which is often referred to as the “anthem of the Northeast.” Embedded into the lyrical depictions of labor, love, parties, and birds are bits of Northeastern traditional ecological knowledge, sometimes included merely as passing allusions, and sometimes explained in detail. Gonzaga’s song “Marim-bondo,” (Wasp) co- written with José Marcolino (1964), suggests that a wasp will try to enter one’s house when the rain has arrived, ensuring a good rainy season—and cotton harvest—to come. “São João do Carneirinho” (St. John of the Lamb) (1958), by Gonzaga and Guio de Moraes, and Gonzaga’s famous “A Triste Partida” (The Sad Departure) (1964), a setting of a poem by Patativa do Assaré, allude to a Northeastern belief that if there is no rain by St. Joseph’s Day, on the nineteenth of March, a drought will follow. A number of his songs that reference birdsong do so by describing the mean-ing of the bird’s call in relation to the arrival of rain or drought. The lyrics of

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“Baião da Garoa” (Baião of the Light Rain) (1952), written by Gonzaga and Herve Cordovil, say the rufous- bellied thrush will not sing “in the land of drought / when the harvest is no good,” while it did sing that “one time it rained in the dry land.” The song “Pássaro Carão” (Limpkin) (1962), by Gonzaga and José Marcolino, describes the calls of the limpkin and the smooth- billed ani as signs that “rain will fall:”

The limpkin sangThe smooth- billed ani sang tooThe rain will fallIn my backlands

Gonzaga was known for his stage banter, and in a filmed segment intended for television in the 1970s, he introduces his performance of “Acauã” (Laugh-ing Falcon) by talking about the significance of the bird’s call in comparison to that of the purple- throated euphonia. The call of the laughing falcon “augurs” drought, while the purple- throated euphonia’s call heralds rain.

There are also many songs about birds, like the story of assum preto [smooth- billed ani], asa branca [picazuro pigeon], bem- te- vi [great kiskadee], the juriti [white- tipped dove]. And there’s the story of the acauã. The acauã has a different story. It’s an auguring bird, a bird that nobody wants to hear sing, because it calls the drought. It always brings bad news, which isn’t what happens with the vem- vem [the purple- throated euphonia, literally “come- come”]. When the vem- vem starts to sing, the people say there is good news there, vem- vem, in the road and the street, vem- vem, vem- vem. Everyone hopes to hear something good, good news. . . . But the acauã, when it sings near a poor rural farmer’s house, he does everything to send her away, to remove her . . . because she’s going to sing an inferno near his house, because she’s bringing, she’s auguring something bad.4

Gonzaga’s monologue also mentions the emotional response elicited by the sounds of these birds. The purple- throated euphonia brings happiness, whereas the laughing falcon brings fear and sadness. Through text painting and emo-tive singing, he carries these sentiments into his performance of “Acauã” in the clip cited above. Following his explanation of the bird’s call, he sings a slow and mournful rendition of Zé Dantas’ song, accompanied only by his accordion. The first few phrases of the refrain, which starts with the word “acauã,” begin on an accented, cried flat seven of the mixolydian mode. The piercing timbre of his voice and the tension of the lowered leading tone imply the bird’s ominous news. The song’s lyrics clearly explain the meaning of the laughing falcon’s cry as it is understood by those who live in the Northeastern backlands.5 The lyrics, below, tell that the bird’s call “augurs” and “invites” drought:

The laughing falcon sings endlesslyThrough summer,

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Amid afternoon silence, auguring,Inviting drought to the backlands . . .In the joy of the rainy seasonSing the river frog, the tree frog, the toad,But in the sorrow of droughtYou hear only the laughing falcon

In the song’s coda, he mimics the bird’s call, demonstrating for his audi-ence the very sound that arouses fear and sorrow and that warns of a coming drought. He sings the word acauã repeatedly and quickly in a syncopated rhythm for nearly twenty seconds, transitioning from pitched singing to cawing the word in a scratchy falsetto mimicking the raptor’s loud cry. The sound of the word acauã itself is imitative of the sound of the bird’s most typical call, and the rhythm of the word also aligns with the rhythm of the call. The laughing falcon sings one pitch and then repeats that pitch and slurs down a whole step, sing-ing a- cau- ã, long short- short, a distinct quarter note followed by two slurred eighth notes. The bird repeats the call over and over, increasing in tempo and syncopating its rhythm (see Hilty 2003; Barkley et al 2012). Gonzaga mimics these vocalizations, sounding nearly identical to the bird as he voices its name while imitating its cry, although his melodic contour is unlike that of the bird. “A- cau- ã, ‘cau- ã, ‘cau- ã, A- cau- ã,” he sings, alternating between the syncopated cries and the bird’s rapid- fire laughs, between his unpitched, scratchy falsetto and his singing voice. In this recording of “Acauã,” Gonzaga captures the sound of the bird’s call, the emotion it provokes in people from the Northeastern backlands, and its meaning in relation to traditional ecological knowledge about rain and drought. For his audience of Northeastern migrants, his music would have provided them with a nostalgic recollection of the sounds, feelings, and knowledge of the region they left behind. But because of its national exposure, his interpretation of Northeastern knowledge reached the ears of audiences that remained in the Northeast who could hear his music in distinct, locally meaningful ways.

The Radio and Gonzaga’s Enduring Fame in Ceará Over the mid- twentieth century, Gonzaga’s vision of the Northeast traveled across the nation in large part due to the medium of the radio, making him an enduring index of the region for a national audience. In his music and image, his Northeastern audiences heard and saw themselves, while his fame valorized their region and regional identity on the national stage. Brazil’s “golden age” of radio occurred between the mid- 1930s and the mid- 1950s (by one estimate, 95 percent of households in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo owned radios by 1950 [see McCann 2004:23]), and radios were a principle

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tool for the assimilation of Northeastern migrants in the Southeastern cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. It allowed them to establish a connection with national and urban life while still having access to sounds that reminded them of home, via shows that specialized in rural musical traditions, including live, improvisatory cantoria duels. Gonzaga, who first left his rural home in the Northeastern state of Per-nambuco in 1930 to join the army, moved to Rio de Janeiro in 1939 to pursue a career as a musician. In 1940, he started appearing on “amateur hour” radio programs in which he performed popular music of the time, including waltzes, fox trots, tangos, and choros. Although he initially achieved little success com-peting against better- skilled musicians who played similar styles, he ultimately realized he could take advantage of the growing potential market for North-eastern music. His strategy to play music for an audience of migrants from the Northeast followed a significant change in the Brazilian recording industry of the 1930s, whereby the working class had acquired the ability (and desire) to consume regional recordings and the industry responded by expanding, attract-ing American record labels, and segmenting the market by region and genre (see Tinhorão 1998 and Silva 2003). By the late 1940s, his fame had spread nationally and his voice had become irrevocably associated with the Northeastern backlands. He no longer made efforts to speak with a Rio de Janeiro accent, and he fully adopted his North-eastern stage persona. He began touring, and made radio and concert appear-ances throughout the Northeast, also taking junkets to the region’s small towns. In November 1951, for example, he performed a series of live radio shows in Fortaleza, Ceará’s capital, making a stop in the religious town of Canindé to make a vow to the local patron saint before returning home to Rio de Janeiro.6 In April of 1953, he performed in a festival in the Cearense town of Iguatú around the time local officials met to plan the construction of the town’s radio station.7 In May of that year, he starred in a “radiophonic show” promoted by Fortaleza’s Rádio Iracema, and then appeared again in June 1956 in Fortaleza in a radio special called the “Festa do Radialista.”8 Between 1946 and 1955 he sold more records than any other Brazilian artist (Santos 2004:54), and the baião—subsumed under a broader genre called forró by the end of the 1950s and thereafter—was a national fad. Gonzaga’s national popularity began to decline in the mid- 1950s, precipi-tated by changes in the nation’s political and cultural climates (Santos 2002:62). In January 1956, Juscelino Kubitchek assumed the presidency, and with him came plans to modernize and improve the Brazilian economy, which included the expansion of the consumer economy. Sales of televisions soon eclipsed those of radios, which were responsible for baião and forró’s success, and Elvis and rock and roll, as well as samba and bossa nova, came to dominate the mediated

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soundscape (62–3). The front page of Fortaleza’s newspaper, Jornal o Povo on December 29, 1956, featured an article that began, “Record stores—where Bach mixes with Luiz Gonzaga—proliferate, national music loses ground, and a tide of luck pushes the ship of adaptors of foreign music.” Northeastern regional music had lost its national appeal to music from abroad. Forró came to be seen as a folkloric Northeastern genre and Gonzaga’s career shifted primarily to the Northeast, where he maintained only some of his fame. By 1960, when he returned to Fortaleza to perform in a daylong celebration of the fifth anniversary of Rádio Iracema, he was relegated to performing at nine thirty in the morning, finishing his brief thirty- minute set three hours before João Gilberto “and his ‘bossa nova’” took the stage, and seven hours before the performance of the headlining act, Carlos Nobre, a popular romantic balladeer of the time.9

Despite the decline in his popularity throughout the sixties, Gonzaga had earned a lasting reputation as an icon of the Northeast by the 1970s, and people in Ceará regarded him proudly. In 1975, he was made an honorary citizen of the Cearense town of Barbalha, and less than two months later he was made an honorary citizen of the state of Ceará. One newspaper article that year said, “The large amount that Luiz Gonzaga has done for Ceará and for the North-east deserves to be seen and highlighted, since he was always a defender of our music, of our tradition and customs, publicizing Ceará and Cariri in all of his shows performed in Brazil.”10 Another article called him “a true ambassador of Ceará.”11

Gonzaga died in 1989 at the age of seventy- six, but his reputation and his music remain legendary. In September 2005, President Luiz Inácio “Lula” Da Silva declared a “national day of forró.” The decree, Law number 11.176, issued by President Lula and the Brazilian National Congress reads, in part, “The thir-teenth of December is hereby instituted as the ‘National Day of Forró,’ in homage of the birthdate of musician Luiz Gonzaga do Nascimento, the ‘King of Baião.’” In Fortaleza in December 2009, the city held a week of free concerts to celebrate the holiday. An article from Jornal o Povo claimed the “national day of forró” was necessary to preserve forró, which it called a “perfect amalgamation of the ethnic influences that compose the formation of our people,”12 a representation of the Northeastern people themselves. Gonzaga’s songs were front and center in the concert series.

Rain Prophecy and the Performance of Traditional Ecological Knowledge The Meeting of the Rain Prophets is held annually on the second Saturday of January in the city of Quixadá in the interior of Ceará. At the event, rain

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prophecy is a performance of Northeastern tradition and rural Northeastern- ness as much as it is an act of communicating practical knowledge about rain and drought. “Rain prophet” is a social identity adopted by individuals who have developed reputations for their mastery of traditional ecological knowledge and who perform their predictions publicly, and thus it refers not to those who merely possess the appropriate knowledge, but to those who also have an aptitude for oration. For many rain prophets, knowledge of weather and knowledge of sound are entwined. Birdsong, as we have seen, is among the most common indicators of rain or drought. In addition to birdsong, prophets observe the sounds of frogs, the direction in which birds construct their nests, the behavior of ants, the time of year when flowers bloom, the arrangement of stars, and other natural patterns. Rain prophet José Erismá listens to birdsong as one of his primary forecasting methods.13 He says:

On the first day of the year, at the passing of the thirty- first of December to the first of January, the birds sing differently, like in a party, so they gather and make their show among themselves since they are happy for the good year that will appear in the rainy season, in the wintry period in Ceará, and also because this is the North-east. . . . They sing more. They have a different song. (Personal communication, José Erismá, September 3, 2011, Quixadá, Ceará, Brazil)

When Erismá hears birds singing loudly in large flocks at the start of the year, he understands their calls to be a sign of a good rainy season. Like many rain prophets from Ceará, Erismá shares his predictions at the Meeting of the Rain Prophets. Rain prophecy has involved the public perfor-mance of knowledge for at least two generations. Until the early twentieth cen-tury, predictions were often shared in markets, at religious, athletic, and political meetings, and at other social gatherings (Taddei 2006). Rain prophet Erasmo Barreira grew up watching his father predict to farmers in his home. The gather-ings he attended as a child were informal but nevertheless significant for local farmers as a source of information and for establishing a sense of community. He says:

But I followed my father, my whole life at home . . . They’d schedule a day in De-cember, on some Sunday or another Saturday in December, to talk about how it was going to be the next year, the perspective for the next year, you know? And here it was as if it were a meeting of any kind of official organization. And one person would argue, and another would say that the rainy season wouldn’t be good because there wasn’t I- don’t- know- what, the prophecy of whoever and such didn’t work . . . ninety percent [of the farmers] would go to hear my father’s conversation, and I would go along. (ibid)

Today’s rain-prophet identity resulted from the radio, where prophets could hone their skills in a more formalized setting, making an art of public rain

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prognostication (Taddei 2006). Since 1997, many prophets have performed their forecasts at the Meeting of the Rain Prophets, attended by farmers, students, university professors, and the television and print news media that publicize the findings. The event, which was founded and continues to be run by Hélder Cortez, is sponsored by an organization called the Instituto de Pesquisa, Viola e Poesia do Sertão Central (The Institute of Research, Viola, and Poetry of the Central Backlands), which also holds monthly cantoria concerts. João Soares, who directs the organization, emphasized to me that he hosts the event not solely to valorize rain prophecy over government weather forecasts, but to celebrate the kinds of skills, talents, and values that come from life in the Northeastern backlands (also see Pennesi 2007; Pennesi and Souza 2012).14 He sees rain prophecy as a Northeastern tradition not unlike cantoria. Singer João de Oliveira, who performed in a concert on the eve of the 2009 Meeting of the Rain Prophets, said, referring to cantoria performers, “In some form, we are associated with those who have knowledge of the weather. We certainly have importance for their [those who live in the Northeastern backlands] daily lives (in Alex Pimentel, “Falsos profetas serão barrados em encontro,” Diário do Nordeste [Fortaleza, CE], December 30, 2008). That same year, the Meeting of the Rain Prophets opened with a song performed by Guilherme Calixto, who improvised a verse, excerpted below, about the similarities between prophecy and poetry:

This great tradition affects even my spirit.It seems as if the prophets follow the right path,Because I wanted to give up my verse to become a prophet.A prophet is almost a poet in the way he thinks and creates.The poet thinks about verse and sacred poetry,And the prophet acquires lessons about our daily lives.

(January 9, 2010, Quixadá, Ceará, Brazil)

Calixto, Soares, and Oliveira see rain prophecy as “traditional,” North-eastern, and poetic, even likened to Northeastern music. It combines sensory knowledge of nature, including the perception and interpretation of sound, with verbal performance to celebrate local senses of place and identity.

Rain Prophets and the Voice of Gonzaga In 2009 and 2012, I attended the Meeting of the Rain Prophets in Quixadá, and I conducted interviews with rain prophets on a third occasion in 2011. Each time, rain prophets cited the lyrics of songs by Gonzaga in their public speeches and private interviews. The citation of Gonzaga’s lyrics by rain prophets when discussing rain prophecy can be explained by two similarities between rain prophecy and Gonzaga’s music: 1) both are considered reliable sources of

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knowledge about the Northeast and 2) both are understood to be traditional and locally rooted forms of Northeastern expression.15

Gonzaga as Recognizable and Authoritative Source

Because of Gonzaga’s national reputation and fame, his voice lends intel-ligibility and authority to Northeastern knowledge. Rain prophet Erasmo Bar-reira referred to Luiz Gonzaga’s voice when he explained to me that the call of the acauã is a common indicator of drought. I had asked him if he knew of any examples of rain prophecy that involved sound and birdsong in particular. “The ‘cauã,” he said, “is one of those occurrences that lots of times, that when she enters January singing loudly in the bush, someone once said you call this an ‘augur’ [agouro], you know? Auguring [agourando] that the rainy season won’t come. This is the ‘cauã.”16 That “someone” who had described the Laugh-ing Falcon’s prophetic cry as “auguring,” he later clarified, was Luiz Gonzaga in his recording of Zé Dantas’ song “Acauã.” (Personal communication, Erasmo Barreira, September 3, 2011, Quixadá, Ceará, Brazil.) By explaining rain prophecy through the voice of Gonzaga, Barreira was able to frame his knowledge in a context that most Brazilians, including those from outside the Northeast (and perhaps even ethnomusicologists from abroad), could comprehend. I think it would be safe to say that a majority of Brazilians today know of Gonzaga and his music; he is a cultural reference that can help people make sense of the Northeast and its practices. In addition, Barreira’s reference to Gonzaga’s voice added credibility to his knowledge. In our conversation, it was not Barreira who said that when the laughing falcon sings loudly in January, it is a sign that the rainy season won’t come. It was someone else—Gonzaga. I cite more senior scholars to give my knowledge authority. Rain prophet Erasmo Barreira cited Gonzaga.

Gonzaga’s Songs as Local Expressive Tradition

Rain prophecy is more than a rural, hereditary form of weather forecasting. It is a form of local knowledge that has been endorsed by Gonzaga as an index of the region and transmitted—through his voice—in memories and on audio recordings. When I asked radio host and rain prophet Ribamar Lima about the relationship between music and life in the rural Northeast, he incorporated the lyrics of one of Gonzaga’s best- known songs in his response. For him, Gonzaga and rain prophecy are both examples of traditions that are deeply rooted in the Northeastern experience. He said:

When you see an ant leaving a low place to find higher ground, it’s because it’s go-ing to protect itself. It knows. It has a God- given gift. When we see, for example, the mandacaru—which is a characteristic plant of the Northeast, a cactus—when

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it blooms during drought, it’s a sign that rain has arrived in the backlands, which was said by Luiz Gonzaga. So these are small things that we see, that we start to observe, that make sense, that work. Here we lack water to drink, for home use, and for the animals to drink, which is the worst. Sometimes we have to get water from far, from other states, because we have neither water nor pasture. So we have eternal suffering. And from that comes the Northeastern lament. (Personal com-munication, Ribamar Lima, January 9, 2010, Quixadá, Ceará, Brazil.)

“When the mandacaru cactus blooms during drought, it is a sign the rain has arrived in the backlands,” Lima quotes. These words are the opening lyrics of the popular song, “Xote das Meninas” (Girls’ Schottische) (1953), written by Luiz Gonzaga and Zé Dantas. The song, about the maturation of an adolescent girl whose only interest is love, is now a standard part of the repertoire of forró music. The flowering of the mandacaru cactus is, according to anthropologist Karen Pennesi, among the most trusted forecasting methods among those she asked in Ceará (2007). To Lima, these lyrics provided evidence for how North-eastern music and rain prophecy derive from the needs and “eternal suffering” of the Northeasterner. For him, Gonzaga’s words were traditional, local, and part of the experience of the region, rather than merely a reflection or representa-tion of it, underscoring the traditional and local nature of rain prophecy. That is, if Gonzaga said it is a locally meaningful tradition, then it must be a locally meaningful tradition. Rain prophecy is also a public performance with a Northeastern rhetori-cal aesthetic. Certain metrical patterns of speech and internal rhymes, many of which derive from the poetic qualities of cantoria and Northeastern cordel chapbook poetry, are present in both rain prophecy performances and in Gon-zaga’s music. Thus, Gonzaga’s songs and the discourse of rain prophecy are both rooted in the expressive verbal traditions of the region. Both times I attended the Meeting of the Rain Prophets, the performance of cantoria singing and the recitation of cordel poetry were integral to event, and many of the rain proph-ets recited their forecasts in ways that were, themselves, poetic and oratorical. At the Meeting of the Rain Prophets in 2012, a rain prophet held up a flower from the mandacaru cactus and recited lyrics from “Xote das Meninas,” before announcing that a good winter would come. His reference to Gonzaga height-ened the expressive quality of his prediction in a way that seemed quintessentially Northeastern. He said:

Last year I said the rainy season would begin in December, and that’s when it started. It rained for eight months. This year it will already start to rain on the fifteenth of the month. In January and February, however, it will rain only a little. Now, come March and April there will be lots of rain, folks. It’s nature that’s telling us that. It’s the toad. It’s the spider. It’s the crab. It’s the butterfly. It’s the birds. It’s the bee. And all of nature . . ..

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Here’s the mandacaru flower. [He raised the flower with his right hand.] When Luiz Gonzaga said in the song, “When the mandacaru flowers during drought, it’s a sign that rain will fall in the backlands. And when the girl gets sick of her doll, it’s a sign that love has arrived in her heart.” . . . there will be rain. From the twentieth of January it will rain. In February, it will only rain a little. And in March, April, and May, and June, everything will flood, and it will be a great rainy season. It’s certain there will be rain. (January 14, 2012, Quixadá, Ceará, Brazil. Name unknown.)

When he listed animals that indicate rain or drought, his voice alternated between two pitches, more or less, intoning the name of the animal on the higher pitch. His words gradually fell into a cadence and his voice grew in intensity. As he named each month it would rain, he shook the cactus flower up and down, accentuating the stressed syllables in his speech, bringing the song’s metaphori-cal lyrics into the present. The metrical and melodic quality of his speech, the physical and visual performance with the flower, and his reference to Gonzaga made the presentation of his prediction not only musical (not to mention local, traditional, illustrative, and authoritative), but also emotional and convincing in a way that his local audience would comprehend.

On Mass- Mediated Acoustemologies and Ecological Knowledge Luiz Gonzaga was not the only Brazilian musician to sing about the North-east, nor even about the region’s birds or its traditional ecological knowledge about rain and drought. But it was lyrics to his songs that I heard uttered by rain prophets, and it was his music that I heard—and continue to hear—in both expected and unexpected settings in Ceará. I have no reason to believe that rain prophets learned their practice directly from Gonzaga’s songs, but I do believe that Gonzaga’s songs help make rain prophecy meaningful for today’s rain proph-ets. His voice and his words still seem authentically Northeastern, symbolizing tradition and local identity, because of his role in the discursive construction of the Northeastern region, because of the semiotic density of his music, layering musical sound with local knowledge, visual imagery, and linguistic and poetic tropes, and because of his fame and legendary status. When we study relationships between music and nature, there is much we can learn by studying the ideologies, biographies, and practices of musicians. But we can also learn how music about the environment affects listeners and their experience of the environment by studying such music’s reception through historical and ethnographic research. Here, I have combined both approaches by exploring Gonzaga, his music, and his reception in Ceará, as well as the music’s impact on present- day rain prophets. I have shown that music that depicted a nostalgic (albeit harsh) vision of the Northeastern Brazilian natural environment continues to have an influence on the transmission of Northeastern traditional ecological knowledge.

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Research on indigenous musics has shown how music can transmit applied knowledge about nature. Yet the communication of traditional ecological knowl-edge through music is not merely the domain of indigenous or traditional musics. It can also happen with commercial, popular music. Acoustemologies must be learned, and are not acquired innately; the knowledge of place through sound can be transmitted through mass mediation as much as it can through the oral tradition. In this case, the commercial nature of Gonzaga’s music was central to its ability to reach Northeastern audiences and affect individuals in the century long after the music was initially written and recorded. This example, moreover, serves as a reminder that when we discuss music as a potentially threatened element of our complex ecosystem, we must remem-ber that, at least in some cases, practices tied to the comprehension of nature or that are deeply rooted in local cultures can be supported by—even created by—technology and commerce. Not only do rain prophets listen to the radio, but the radio helped make today’s rain prophets, both in the sense that “rain prophet” became a reified identity in part due to performing predictions on the radio, and also in the sense that the radio helped transmit rain prophecy through Gonzaga’s music. Without overstating the role of Gonzaga’s songs, I find the citation of his lyrics indicative of a relationship between local acoustemologies, traditional ecological knowledge, and mainstream popular music, demonstrat-ing a process through which the transmission of knowledge about nature and sound came to be mediated through popular music in ways that gave them an enduring aura of authenticity and embeddedness.

Notes 1. I use the term “traditional ecological knowledge” as it has been defined by Fikret Berkes, scholar of resource management, who describes it as “a cumulative body of knowledge, practice, and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down . . . by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings . . . with one another and with their environment” (2012:7). Ber-kes writes, “Knowledge of the biophysical environment is embedded in the social environment” (2012:31). Indeed, it is even embedded in musical culture. 2. The authorship of this song is disputed in the literature. Catulu da Paixão Cearense copy-righted the song, but it is widely accepted now that it was written by João Pernambuco. 3. Both Vieira (2000:45) and Loveless (2010:223) mention the prevalence of birds in Gon-zaga’s songs. Santos (2004:122–126) describes the association between birds in his music and the Northeastern knowledge of drought, also briefly mentioning birdsong in particular. 4. “Luiz Gonzaga Canta Acauã,” accessed October 17, 2010, http://www.luizluagonzaga.mus.br/ index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=648&Itemid=47. 5. Gonzaga is not the only Northeastern Brazilian musician to have sung about the laughing falcon. Dominguinhos, often considered Gonzaga’s successor, praised the wisdom of the North-eastern people and their ability to recognize drought from the laughing falcon’s call in his 1976 song, “O Canto de Acauã” (The Laughing Falcon’s Song). Clemilda, a forró singer best known for her bawdy lyrics and double- entendres, attributes the opposite meaning to the bird’s call in her 1977 song, “Canto do Acauã” (Song of the Laughing Falcon), in which she claims that the laughing falcon’s song brings happiness and rain to the backlands. Relatedly, in his book Waiting for Rain,

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Nicholas Arons writes that the laughing falcon’s call is a “symbol of hope and a harbinger of plentiful rain” in Ceará (2004:5). In fact, according to anthropologist Karen Pennesi, the laughing falcon’s call can have both meanings to present- day rain prophets in the Northeast, depending on whether the bird sings while perched on a green branch or a dry branch (2007). Furthermore, according to ornithologist Steven Hilty (2003), the laughing falcon’s vocalizations are most frequent during the rainy season, and not periods of drought. 6. “Luiz Gonzaga vem novamente ao Ceará!” Jornal o Povo (Fortaleza, CE), November 5, 1951. 7. “Iguatú festejará o primeiro de maio,” Jornal o Povo (Fortaleza, CE), April 27, 1953. 8. “Hoje na festa do radialista estréia de Luiz Gonzaga o rei do baião,” Jornal o Povo (Fortaleza, CE), June 20, 1956. 9. “Programa Irapuan Lima Rádio Iracema,” Jornal o Povo (Fortaleza, CE), July 2, 1960. 10. “Luiz Gonzaga vai ser cidadão barbalhense.” Jornal o Povo (Fortaleza, CE), October 2, 1975. 11. “Luiz Gonzaga é afinal cearense.” Jornal o Povo (Fortaleza, CE), November 27, 1975. 12. “Sobre o forró.” Jornal o Povo” (Fortaleza, CE), December 12, 2009. 13. José Erismá (rain prophet and accountant), interview by the author, September 3, 2011. 14. The event was initially conceived to provide useful information for the management of local agribusiness and to send a message to the government that local forecasts should be considered in decisions regarding the distribution of seeds (Taddei 2006; 2012). 15. My experience with the rain prophets was not unique, and I can assume they did not mention Gonzaga in my presence simply because they knew I was researching Northeastern music. Anthropologist Karen Pennesi, who has conducted extensive ethnographic research with the rain prophets, writes that rain prophet Chico Leiteiro often sang for her the songs of Gonzaga “inspired by the topic or lesson of the moment” (Pennesi 2007:49). 16. Erasmo Barreira (rain prophet, radio announcer, retiree), interview by the author, Sep-tember 3, 2011, Quixadá, Ceará.

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