Bird at the Buzzer

Volume 20, No. 2 Fall 2011

The Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal is a peer-reviewed journal that serves readers by providing a forum for women-centered issues and approaches to sport and physical activity. Published bian-nually, both Spring and Fall, the Journal consists of original data-based research, review essays, creative writing, book reviews, commentaries, letters and responses, and other scholarly writings relative to sport and physical activity.

Contributions across all disciplines are welcomed, in addition to a variety of approaches and viewpoints. Emphases of the journal are the development of theory about women and their physicality, the gender issues relevant to women in sport and physical activity, feminist reconceptualizations of existing knowledge, and action-oriented research. Contributions for the Journal are sought throughout the world and from traditional and non-traditional settings.

While the Journal has been in publication for over 13 years, 2004 marks the first time it was published by the National Association for Girls and Women in Sport (NAGWS).

About WSPAJ

On the Cover1. Tennis player: www.fotosearch.com.2. Soccer player: Heather Wihelm-Carter, University of Utah. Photographer: Steve Wilson3. Softball player: Amberly Jeppson, University of Utah. Photographer: Steve Wilson.4. Track runner: Kristy Slade, University of Utah. Photographer: Steve Wilson.

Publication InformationThe Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal is published by the National Association for Girls and Women in Sport (NAGWS), a non-profit organization, 1900 Association Drive, Reston, VA 20191, (703) 476-3400.

CopyrightThe Journal holds the copyright for all articles that are published in it. Authors may copy for their own use and other persons may do a one-time use, but persons are not to copy for the purpose of avoiding subscribing to the Journal. Professional ethics makes such a practice contrary to the existence of the Journal.

© 2011 National Association for Girls & Women in Sport.

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Fall 2011

WSPAJ Vol. 20, No. 1 Fall 2011 1

Original Research ArticlesExamining the Impact of Journalists’ Gender in Online and Newspaper Tennis Articles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3-21 Edward M. Kian, Janet S. Fink and Marie Hardin

Socially Constructed Body of Female Adolescent Cheerleaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22-34Sonya SooHoo, Justine J. Reel and Patricia F. Pearce

Becoming a Football Player: Identity Formation on a Women’s Tackle Football Team . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35-50Bobbi A. Knapp

Observation of Step-Count Patterns of Women Participating in a Healthy Lifestyle Book Club Intervention . . . . . . . . . . . 51-64Cara L. Sidman, Jennifer L. Huberty and Yong Gao

Predictors of Exercise in Midlife and Older Women Based on the Health Promotion Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65-75Marlene Adams and Susan McCrone

Women’s and Girls’ Sports in Turkey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76-85H. Serap INAL

National Conference on Girls and Women in Sport and Physical ActivityIntroduction to a National Conference on Girls and Women in Sport and Physical Activity: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

Discovering Strengths of Body and Mind

The Muscule Problem: Myths about Girls, Women, Strength and Sports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86-87

Evidence-based Best Practices for Developing Physically Active Girls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

NAGWS Legacy Lecture: Girls and Women’s Role in Sport for Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

The Female Athlete Triad: Is Healthy Body Image Compatible with Gold? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

Respect. Are You Bringin’ It? Strategies to Make Athletics and Physical Education Safe and . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Inclusive for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered (LGBT) Students

NAGWS Panel: Our Collective Strength: Utilizing Title IX and Gender Equity to Secure Our Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88-89

Voices from the Field Panel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89-90

Author Bios. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91-92

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

Book ReviewBird at the Buzzer; UCONN, Notre Dame, and a Women’s Basketball Classic by Jeff Goldberg. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94-95Reviewed by Sonya Sanderson

Information ItemsAuthor Guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96-98

About NAGWS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

Fall 2011


Design/Layout

Melissa Quarry

WSPAJ 2011–2012 Editorial Board

EditorAnn BoyceUniversity of Virginia

Past Co-EditorLynda RansdellBoise State

VP PublicationsGlenna BowerUniversity of Southern Indiana

VP ResearchHeidi GrappendorfNorth Carolina State University

Emerging ScholarKelly BalfourUniversity of Tennessee

InternationalEtsuko OgasawaraBiwako Seikei Sport College

Managing EditorNAGWSChandelle Schulte

Review Board Editors

Title IX and Gender Equity Section EditorJenny WithycombeWithycombe Consulting

Health/Fitness Section EditorLeah RobinsonAuburn University

Biomechanics Section EditorJackie Hudson Chico State

Sports Management Section EditorsJennifer Van Sickle University of IndianapolisJennifer Bruening University of Connecticut

Diversity Issues in Sport Section EditorDoris CorbettHoward University

Sport Sociology Section EdtiorsCindra KamphoffNew Mexico State University

Shelley LucasBoise State

Sport Psychology Section EditorsJennifer WaldronUniversity of Northern IowaLori Gano-OverwayBridgewater College

Sport Pedagogy Section EditorsKim BushMeredith College

Book ReviewsGlenna BowerUniversity of Southern Indiana


Original Research Article

Examining the Impact of Journalists’ Gender in Online and Newspaper Tennis Articles

Edward (Ted) M. Kian, University of Central Florida; Janet S. Fink, University of Connecticut; Marie Hardin, Pennsylvania State University

Abstract

This study examined content differences in the framing of men’s and women’s tennis coverage based on the sex of sports writers. Articles on the 2007 U.S. Open in six popular Internet sites and newspapers were examined. Results showed both female and male writers wrote a higher percentage of articles exclusively on men’s tennis than on women’s tennis. Female journalists accounted for more overall newspapers articles than male reporters, whereas online articles were mostly writ-ten by male authors. Framing results showed female journalists largely reinforced hegemonic masculinity through the use of sexist and stereotypical descriptors that de-valued the athleticism and accomplishment of female athletes. In contrast, male journalists were more likely to challenge the traditional gendering of sport media content by praising the athleticism of female athletes. The contrasts suggest the potential presence of subtle shifts in traditional, masculine framing of sports by male reporters, who dominate the ranks of sportswriters.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

Edward (Ted) M. Kian, Ph.D.University of Central FloridaP.O. Box 161250Orlando, FL 32816-1250

E–mail: [email protected]

Phone: (407) 823–4631

September 20, 1973, marked a turning point for the women’s rights movement in the United States and for the progression of girls and women in sport through-out the world. That historic day saw Billie Jean King easily defeat staunch male chauvinist Bobby Riggs in the “Battle of the Sexes,” which still ranks as the most watched tennis match ever with nearly 50 million viewers in the United States (Spencer, 2000). Following King’s victory, coupled with the passage of Title IX by the U.S. Congress that was subsequently signed into law by President Richard Nixon in 1972, the rise of women’s sport into mainstream promi-nence seemed inevitable.

Whereas there has been considerable progress in the advancement and accep-tance of women’s sport over the past four decades, girls and women still receive

Kian, Fink and Hardin


fewer athletic opportunities than boys and men at all levels of sport nearly 40 years after both the passage of Title IX and King’s epic victory (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). Gender differences in sport are most pronounced in more lucrative, professional sports, as well as in the amount and types of media coverage athletes receive (Duncan, 2006). In general, male athletes receive much more sport media coverage and are often framed more positively than female athletes (Bishop, 2003; Lumpkin, 2009; Messner & Cooky, 2010). One reason for the entrenchment of men’s sports atop the sport hierarchy is a hegemonic structure that exists not only in the upper echelons of sport organizations and franchises, but also within the sport media outlets that deem which sports and athletes are worthy of publicity (Hardin, 2005). The concept of hegemonic masculinity ideologi-cally reinforces androcentrism as a primary characteris-tic of Western society that hierarchically places women in positions below men (Connell, 2005).

As a counter to a sport media structure that focuses most of its attention on men’s sports and is dominated by male gatekeepers (e.g., editors, producers, etc.), some scholars have argued that more women should be hired at all levels of sport media organizations, contending that female journalists would be more likely to cover women’s sport and less likely to use stereotypical and sexist lan-guage in their depictions of female athletes (Creedon, 1998; Zavian, 1998). However, others have argued that simply increasing the female body count among report-ers and in positions besides top-line management would have little impact because hegemonic masculinity is so deeply entrenched in the media workplace that aspiring female journalists have to adopt the dominant mascu-line values to advance their careers (Hall, 1996; Hardin & Shain, 2005b). Further, hegemonic masculinity is so engrained in mediated sports that structures, policies, and practices benefitting this gendered nature of sport orga-nizations are often “taken for granted,” even by women (Hardin & Whiteside, 2009; Hoeber, 2008).

This debate remains largely unsettled because there is little research comparing how female and male jour-nalists frame sport media content. Moreover, the sport media landscape is rapidly changing because of the increasing popularity of the Internet and precipitous

decline of newspapers (Pew Research, 2008). The com-munal nature of the Internet may be more accommo-dating to women’s news than other media (Redmond, Ridinger, & Battenfield, 2009; Royal, 2008). However, research on online sport media coverage is in its infancy, so studies are needed to determine its impact on cover-age of women’s sports (Real, 2006). This study attempts to help answer some of these questions by comparing framing of the U.S. Open men’s and women’s tennis tournaments by female and male reporters writing for popular Internet sites and newspapers.

Literature Review

Hegemonic Masculinity and Sport Media

Italian revolutionary Antonio Gramsci coined the term hegemony to describe the dominance of one social class over others. The concept has since been applied to socio-cultural phenomenon involving oppressive power relations in regard to race/ethnicity, gender and class by many scholars (Artz & Murphy, 2000; Gramsci, 1971). Connell (2005) built off Gramsci’s notion of hegemony to develop the concept of hegemonic masculinity, which she defined as the configuration of gender practices that strengthen societal dominance of men who conform to accepted forms of masculinities and the subordination of women in society. More specifically, Connell’s theory of gender power relations is based on the premise that there is a gender order consisting of multiple masculinities and femininities operating in a hierarchy of structured power relations. At the top of the hierarchy is hegemonic masculinity, which valorizes and reinforces desired traits among men, such as aggression, individuality, and asser-tiveness (Connell, 2005). Scholars have argued the insti-tutions of sport and mass media are two of the primary forces helping to preserve hegemonic masculinity in the democratized world (Connell, 1990; Trujillo, 1991).

Challenges to Hegemonic Masculinity

An important – indeed, necessary – feature of cultural hegemony is its requirement of consent. Mass media, including sport media, provide “contested terrain” for hegemony in that they allow for the presentation of concepts and ideas that may challenge the dominant

Sex of Writers


paradigm and allow for subtle shifts in the ways groups are framed, and, ultimately, culturally perceived (Messner, 2002, p. 93; Condit, 1994; Hargreaves, 1994; Kellner, 1990). The application of the concept of hegemony to sport media studies allows an understanding of the media not as monolithic, but as sites where struggles for power take place. For instance, Messner (2007) noted changes in media coverage of female athletes over the decades that now make “the framing of female athletes as sex objects … appear transparently unfair and prejudicial” (p. 41). Further, sports feminists have also asserted that the Internet might provide a more empowering space for female athletes – a place where hegemonic patterns in coverage would give way to more egalitarian images of male and female athletes (Hardin, 2009). Even so, however, scholars including Messner (2007) have asserted that the ruling group (in the case of athletics, men) must consent for substantive changes to take place (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Demetriou, 2001, Hardin, Shain, & Shultz-Ponitaowski, 2008).

Hegemonic Masculinity Reinforced in Coverage

There is overwhelming evidence mass media portray female athletes differently than male athletes in both quantitative and qualitative ways. These different por-trayals serve to further institutionalize notions of male dominance, gendered practices, and female inferiority (Angelini, 2008; Duncan, 2006; Fink & Kensicki, 2002). For example, an extensive number of gender-focused studies on sport media coverage over the last 30 years have shown men consistently receive more overall cov-erage than women regardless of the sport or type of medium (Duncan & Messner, 2000; Duncan, Messner, & Williams, 1991; Eagleman, Pedersen, & Wharton, 2009; Sagas, Cunningham, Wigley, & Ashley, 2000). Generally, men’s sports emphasizing traditional (hege-monic) masculine qualities like aggression, power, and speed receive the most media coverage (Duncan, 2006). In contrast, female athletes considered more feminine and sexually attractive to heterosexual males are typically given far more media attention than those competing in sports construed as more masculine in nature (Lenskyj, 1994; Vincent, Imwold, Masemann, & Johnson, 2002). Furthermore, when covering women’s sport, media are

more likely to minimize female athletes’ accomplish-ments and skill by regularly comparing their abilities to men and to delve into their personal lives (Fink & Kensicki, 2002; Kian, Vincent, & Mondello, 2008; Shugart, 2003). These differences in sport media content are highlighted by the use of gender-specific descriptors, which reinforce the traditional gender order (Eastman & Billings, 2000). For example, studies have demonstrated that media coverage is more likely to discuss family members, employ denigrating humor, and allude to psy-chological frailty in content relative to female athletes (Billings, Halone, & Denham, 2002; Kinnick, 1998). Some scholars attributed these differences, in part, to a lack of women employed in all types and at all levels of sport media organizations (Schell & Rodriguez, 2000; Wann, Schrader, Allison, & McGeorge, 1998).

Female Employee Representation in Sport Media

Among daily newspapers and popular sport Web sites, men comprised 94% of sports editors, 90% of assistant sports editors, 89% of reporters, 90% of col-umnists, and 84% of copy editors/designers (Lapchick, Moss II, Russell, & Scearce, 2011). Additional research showed women make up 8% of anchors and 19% of reporters on local television sportscasts, and 12 % of U.S. newspaper sport department employees (Hardin & Whiteside, 2006; Lapchick et al., 2011; Papper, 2008; Sheffer & Schultz, 2007).

There is little demographic research specifically on online sports writers. Schultz and Sheffer (2007) analyzed newspaper sport writers who also write an Internet blog for their newspapers’ Websites, finding men make up 98% of newspaper sport bloggers. A sur-vey by the John Curley Center for Sports Journalism at Pennsylvania State University (JCCSJ, 2009) revealed nine of 10 Internet sport bloggers are men and less than 20% worked as sport journalists for any type of tradi-tional media before their blogging careers. However, many of the writers at the mainstream, more popular Internet sport sites are former newspaper sport reporters who now work for online sites, in large part because of the collapse of the newspaper industry (Kian, Burden, & Shaw; Lapchick et al., 2011).



Media Framing

Journalists cover events by selecting and organizing facts before embedding them in a storyline, a process commonly referred to as framing (Devitt, 2002). In constructing a storyline, journalists emphasize certain attributes over others by including or excluding spe-cific words, phrases, images, sources, and repetition of themes, essentially making them more or less salient to media consumers (Lane, 1998, McCombs & Ghanem, 2001; Rohlinger, 2002). In describing the influence of media framing, Kuypers (2002) wrote, “frames actually define our understanding of any given situation” (p. 7). Media framing of issues can impact consumers’ views on issues, which then become more difficult to change (Bronstein, 2005; Parker & Fink, 2008; Tuchman, 1978).

Influence of Sport Journalists’ Gender on Framing

The gender of writers is a factor that theoretically could influence how much coverage is provided to male and female athletes, and how sport journalists frame content based on the gender of athletes. Several studies have analyzed the quantity of gender-related print sport media content. Pedersen, Whisenant, and Schneider (2003) found female sports writers in Florida were just as likely to cover boys’ high school sports as the male writers, with both genders predominantly covering boys’ sports. Denham and Cook (2006) found that male jour-nalists authored 64% of all articles on the 2004 Summer Olympic Games published in three prominent U.S. newspapers, with female authors publishing more than male writers only on the sport of gymnastics. A study on Olympic track and field coverage in two popular British newspapers over a 56-year period revealed just 2% of 478 articles were authored by female journal-ists (King, 2007). In contrast, Urquhart and Crossman (1999) found that female sports writers employed by “Canada’s national newspaper” (p. 193), the Globe and Mail, wrote a significantly higher percentage of their articles on female athletes than male sports writers wrote on female athletes. In the only published sport media study that examined online author output by gender, Kian and Hardin (2009) found the vast major-ity of newspaper and online articles published on the

National Collegiate Athletic Association’s (NCAA) bas-ketball tournaments focused on men’s games. However, whereas 83% of all articles authored by male journalists focused on the men’s tournament, roughly 65% of all stories authored by female journalists focused on the women’s tournament (Kian & Hardin, 2009).

Of course, sports writers often do not get to pick which events or games they cover. The gatekeepers in sport media organizations often assign the women’s sports beat to female journalists, assuming the outlet even designates women’s sport as worthy of a beat reporter (Kian, 2007; Miller & Miller, 1995). Being assigned to this beat could hinder career advancement opportunities for these women because of a perceived lack of reader interest in women’s sports, as well as less respect for the women’s sports beat among their mostly male colleagues (Gamst, Sutherland, & Evans, 1993; Hardin & Shain, 2006; Hardin, Shain, & Shultz-Ponitaowski, 2008). However, assignments by editors should have little influence on how individual journal-ists frame the events they do cover.

Only a few researchers have examined how an author’s gender influences the framing of sport cover-age in print media. Vincent (2004) analyzed British newspaper coverage of male and female tennis players who competed at the 2000 Wimbledon tennis cham-pionships, finding no significant differences in the amount of coverage based on the gender of sports writ-ers. However, the qualitative analysis showed content produced by male journalists typically devalued and trivialized the accomplishments of professional female tennis players by using negative cultural stereotypes and sexual innuendo (Vincent, 2004). Denham and Cook (2006) compared female and male sports writers at three prominent U.S. newspapers and found the females wrote a higher percentage of articles using quotes from men than the male sports writers. A more recent study on Internet and newspaper coverage of NCAA basket-ball, however, showed that writers were more likely to favor athletes of their own gender in coverage. The male journalists were significantly more likely to praise the athleticism of male athletes than were the female jour-nalists who covered men’s basketball, whereas female writers were more likely to frame women as athletically

Sex of Writers


powerful when compared with male authors who cov-ered women’s basketball (Kian & Hardin, 2009).

Part of the reason female writers may be more asser-tive in framing female athletes as athletically competent may be the impact of Title IX, the 1972 Landmark U.S. civil rights law that supports equal access to sports opportunities for male and female students in federally-funded educational settings; A law that has enabled millions of girls and young women, over the past sev-eral decades, to compete in sports. Several studies have examined differences between male and female writers in coverage of Title IX. The studies include an analy-sis of Title IX coverage by The New York Times and Washington Post during the 1970s, which found female reporters were actually more likely to use a “patriarchal” frame than male journalists, which “helped confirm the role of women in sports as that of trespasser rather than rightful participant” (Lane, 1998, p. 18). Thus, these female journalists actually helped strengthen and rein-force hegemonic masculinity in sport. However, a more recent study on newspaper coverage of Title IX from 2002-2005 found female journalists were more apt to frame Title IX in a positive light and used more female sources than male journalists (Hardin, Simpson, Garris, & Whiteside, 2007). Finally, a longitudinal study on Title IX newspaper coverage showed that social control was evident initially amongst reporting by female sport journalists, but then a feminist perspective emerged in their framing of Title IX coverage before more recently being transformed into a post-feminist worldview narra-tive on the law (Kaiser, 2011).

PurposeThis research examines potential connections between

the likelihood of covering men’s or women’s tennis and choices on how those sports are framed, based on the sex of sports writers. Additional research is needed to determine if increasing the female body-count among sport journalists would result in more coverage of women’s sports and framing that is less likely to reinforce hegemonic masculinity than generally found in sport journalism (Duncan, 2006). This research looks at those questions by examining coverage of the simultaneously-held U.S. Open men’s and women’s tennis tournaments.

Furthermore, it directly compares framing of men’s and women’s tennis articles between newspapers and Internet sites based on the sex of writers. Because their audiences are less broad and they are not hindered by long-standing work routines, Internet writers may be less likely to uphold traditional gender stereotypes than newspaper reporters (Hoffman, Novak, & Venkatesh, 2004).

MethodologyA content analysis was used to determine the num-

ber of articles written and descriptors used by female and male sports writers in Internet and newspaper articles relative to the 2007 U.S. Open men’s tennis tournament, women’s tennis tournament, and articles that included content on both tournaments. Content analysis is an unobtrusive and non-reactive tool used by researchers that has been applied to nearly every form of communication (Krippendorff, 2004). Forming a systematic coding of a text is paramount for a content analysis (Neuendorf, 2002). Content analysis has been particularly effective in examining media images of historically oppressed groups such as women (Stacks & Hocking, 1998). It is also commonly employed in fram-ing studies (Bronstein, 2005; Lind & Salo, 2002).

Sampling Selection

This research examined framing based on the sex of sports writers by analyzing the frequency of descrip-tors in all byline, print media articles on the U.S. Open tennis tournaments published in three mainstream newspapers and three popular Internet sites. Tennis was selected because it is one of the only professional sports in which the women’s game is nearly or as popular as the men’s version (Crossman, Vincent, & Speed, 2007; Spencer, 2004). The men’s and women’s U.S. Open Tennis Championships run simultaneously, with many journalists assigned to cover both tournaments. However, most U.S. print sport media outlets do not staff a major-ity of the U.S. Open tennis tournaments, but instead often publish articles produced by national wire services. Therefore, some media outlets combine daily coverage on both tournaments into one article, which provided another basis for comparison in this exploratory study.

Newspapers with the highest circulation figures



typically have larger travel budgets and thus are more likely to cover national events, such as the grand slam tennis and golf tournaments. In September 2007, when the majority of this data was collected and most of the U.S. Open was played, the three newspapers selected for examination, USA Today, The New York Times, and The Los Angeles Times ranked first, third, and fourth, respectively, among U.S. newspapers in average weekday print circulation (Editor & Publisher Yearbook, 2007). All three newspapers are deemed so influential in the industry that their news agendas impact other news out-lets (Reese & Danielian, 1989). Second in circulation was The Wall Street Journal, a publication that focuses on business and does not offer regular sports cover-age to the extent of the others. Thus, The Wall Street Journal was not included in this study.

In September 2007, the online sport news sites pro-duced by ESPN, Fox Sports, and SI.com (Internet site for Sports Illustrated) ranked second, fourth, and ninth among the most popular U.S. Internet sport sites as compiled by ComScore Network (The Big Lead, 2007). No. 1 Yahoo Sports and No. 7 AOL Sports were not included because at the time this data was collected nei-ther assigned writers to attend and cover sporting events to the extent of Sports Illustrated or the other two sites. It should be noted that some of the writers for SI.com also write for Sports Illustrated magazine, although other reporters on SI.com only write for the Web site. The other four sites among the 10 most popular included the official Web domains for the National Football League, Major League Baseball, World Wrestling Entertainment, as well as the site for College Sports TV.

Data Collection

The time frame of articles collected was August 26 through September 10, 2007. This 16-day period included all 14 days of play in the men’s and women’s singles and doubles draws. All byline articles on the U.S. Open men’s and/or women’s tournament published in these six outlets over this period were included in this study and resulted in an analysis of 192 articles. Articles not attributed to an individual author(s) were omitted, because writers’ gender could not be determined. All three online sites were checked twice daily for new arti-

cles. Only the text of articles was coded for descriptors. Headlines were included, but photos, charts, photo captions, and reader comments (after Internet articles) were not as Internet and newspaper reporters often do not determine such content.

Coding Procedures

A coding schema was used for this study based on that developed by Kian, Mondello, and Vincent (2009), which had a 91.8% intercoder reliability rate in an article focusing on Internet coverage of men’s and women’s col-lege basketball. Their categories were derived from previ-ous research on gender and sport media content (Harris & Clayton, 2002; Lumpkin & Williams, 1991; Vincent, Pedersen, Whisenant, & Massey, 2007). The categories included: (1) physical appearance, sexuality, attire; (2) ath-letic prowess, strength; (3) athletic weakness, limitations; (4) positive skill level, accomplishments; (5) negative skill level, failures; (6) family role, personal relationships; (7) psychological strength, emotional strength; (8) psycho-logical weakness, emotional weakness; (9) humor. Table 1 provides actual examples of descriptors in the data for the various coding categories.

Two graduate students were trained to identify and code these specific categories of descriptors in print media content. In a pretest, both coders, working independently, examined 20 selected articles on the French Open tennis tournaments. Intercoder agreement between coders in the pretest was 80% or higher for all nine categories, using Holsti’s reliability formula (Stacks & Hocking, 1998). The graduate students again worked independently to analyze the content for the themes. Bylines were hidden before actual coding of the U.S. Open articles began. Therefore, coders did not know the sex of the authors. Only after all coding was com-plete and tabulated did the lead author reveal bylines. For this study, the intercoder reliability rate between the two coders was 83.6%, with the lead author determining final coding results for any differences between the two student coders.

In terms of framing of content, newspaper and television content analyses of different sports indicated Internet and newspaper authors would be more likely to describe female athletes than male athletes with descrip-

Sex of Writers


tors on their athletic weakness/limitations, family role/personal relationships, negative skill level/failures, physi-cal appearance/attire, psychological/emotional weak-ness, and would attempt to incorporate humor into articles (Billings et al., 2002; Elueze & Jones, 1998). In contrast, a plethora of research leads to the likelihood that reporters would be significantly more likely to describe male athletes with descriptions of their athletic prowess/strength, positive skill level/accomplishments, and psychological/emotional strength than female athletes (Duncan, 2006). No previous researchers have compared articles on both sexes with those exclusively on a men’s sport or women’s sport. However, based on the research on the gendering of sport media cover-age, it appears likely that articles on both sexes would be more likely to reinforce than counter traditional framing when compared with articles exclusively on men’s or women’s tennis. Through this logic, articles solely on men’s tennis would be more likely to have a higher proportion of descriptors on athletic prowess than descriptors found within articles on both sexes. Likewise, articles exclusively on women’s tennis would have a higher proportion of descriptors on athletic weakness than in articles on both sexes, because the lat-ter would include commentary on men’s tennis that is less likely to include such descriptors.

FindingsThe focus of articles by Internet and newspaper out-

lets based on the gender of authors is shown in Table 2. Not surprisingly, more overall articles (n=84 or 44%) focused on the men’s tournament than the women’s tournament (n=40 or 21%), with the remainder cover-ing both the men’s and women’s tournaments (n=68 or 35%). The men’s tournament was won by Roger Federer of Switzerland, while the women’s singles draw was captured by Justin Henin of Belgium. Venus Williams (semifinals) and Andy Roddick (quarterfinals) advanced the furthest of any Americans in the singles’ draws. Thus, the presence of American players should have had little effect on the likelihood of these U.S.-based outlets covering men’s and/or women’s tennis, as both brackets were roughly equal for the ascension of U.S. players.

In analyzing the effects of gender in sportswriting, chi-square tests were calculated to compare differences between observed and expected frequencies under the null hypothesis of independence in articles by female and male sports writers devoted to men’s and women’s tennis. Other results include the total number of descriptors for each category and the percentage of the total codes employing those descriptors under each cat-

Table 1Coding Examples for Categories from Data Set

Category Specific Examples from Text

Physical Appearance/Attire “...wearing a sequined red dress and carrying a shiny black handbag...”

Athletic Prowess/Strength “He served big, hit hard...”

Athletic Weaknesses/Limitations “Before Serena hobbled to the court with thumb and calf injuries...”

Positive Skill Level/Accomplishments “Federer is a wizard with his racket...”

Negative Skill Level/Failures “...he played two lousy tiebreakers...”

Family Role/Personal Relationships “...and while he traveled with his wife and child...”

Psychological/Emotional Strength “He has the moxie to think he can take on the likes of Federer and Nadal...”

Psychological/Emotional Weakness “Young isn’t the most positive player on the court, frequently frowning and shaking his head.”

Humor “Turns out, he wanted to make sure he wasn’t letting the match go so long that he’d miss a tee time.”



Table 2Sources and Focus for all Articles Based on Sex of Authors

MediumInternet Newspapers All Sources

M. Ten.

W. Ten.

Both M+W

M. Ten.

W. Ten.

Both M+W

M. Ten

W. Ten

Both M+WFocus of Articles

Articles by Male Writers 19 12 11 32 6 27 51 18 38

% of Articles by Males 45% 29% 26% 49% 9% 42% 43% 25% 32%

Articles by Female Writers 8 2 4 25 20 26 33 22 30

% of Articles by Females 57% 14% 29% 35% 28% 37% 39% 26% 35%

Total Articles 27 14 15 57 26 53 84 40 68

% of Articles by Medium 48% 25% 27% 42% 19% 39% 44% 21% 35%

egory. Because three distinct categories were compared when analyzing the use of descriptors, an ANOVA ran-domized block design was used to determine if there were any significant differences per category among articles focusing on men’s tennis, women’s tennis, and articles containing information on both the men’s and women’s tournaments based on the gender of the sports reporters who wrote them (alpha = 0.05). Pairwise com-parisons were used to see which descriptors significantly differed from others within articles on men’s tennis, women’s tennis, and those featuring both sexes based on the sex of sports writers. In addition, binomial tests for proportions were calculated to examine differences between the frequency of descriptors used by female and male sports writers on men’s tennis, women’s ten-nis, and both sexes in newspaper and online articles.

The focus of articles by Internet and newspaper based on the gender of authors is shown in Table 2. Not surprisingly, more overall articles (n=84 or 44%) focused on the men’s tournament than the women’s tournament (n=40 or 21%), with the remainder cover-ing both the men’s and women’s tournaments (n=68 or

35%). When the number of articles published, based on the sex of sports writers, was examined, male journal-ists wrote 56% (n=107) of the 192 total byline articles on the U.S. Open (See Table 2). As expected, 43% of the total articles by male journalists focused on men’s tennis, compared with just 25% focusing exclusively on women’s tennis. This discrepancy was greater in news-papers, where 49% of male-authored articles focused on the men’s tournament. In contrast, just 9% of male byline newspaper articles focused solely on the women’s tournament.

When the articles written by female sport journal-ists were examined, approximately 39% of all articles focused on the men’s tournament, compared with 26% on the women’s tournament. The 1% difference (26% by female sportswriters, 25% by male sports writers) is not statistically significant, X^2 (2, N=192) = 2.713, p = 0.258. Table 2, however, does indicate a gender con-trast when examining the differences between Internet and newspaper stories. Female Internet reporters wrote just 14% of their articles exclusively on women’s ten-nis, whereas male Internet reporters wrote 29% of their

Sex of Writers


articles solely on women’s tennis. However, female newspaper writers wrote 28% of their articles on wom-en’s tennis compared to only 9% of the articles by male newspaper reporters. Thus, while the overall percent-ages between male and female sportswriters and what they covered were not significant, had only traditional newspapers been included in the analysis, the percent-age of articles written about the women’s tournament by females would have been nearly three times greater than the percentage written by males.

Also examined were descriptors used by female newspaper writers regarding the women’s tournament, men’s tournament, and articles which included cover-age of both tournaments. Table 3 presents the descrip-

tors used by female newspaper writers related to the women’s and men’s tournaments. The binomial tests for two proportions showed female newspaper writers were significantly more likely to use a higher proportion of descriptors for physical appearances and family roles in articles focused exclusively on women’s than in those on men’s tennis. Moreover, they also used a higher pro-portion of descriptors falling under positive skill level and psychological strengths in articles solely on men’s tennis when compared with those on women’s tennis.

Articles written by female journalists covering both the men’s and women’s tournaments were significantly more likely to have a higher proportion of descriptors relative to physical appearances and family roles than

Table 3Total Codes and Pairwise Comparisons for Newspaper Articles by Female Authors

Category Men Tennis 25 Articles

Wom. Tennis 20 Articles

Both Sexes 26 Articles

Z Value p Value

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.

M/W W/B M/B M/W W/B M/B

Phys. App., Attire

29 5.7% 62 11.3% 72 13.8% -3.2808 -1.2135 -4.3921 0.0014 0.2278 0.0000

Ath. Prowess

36 7.0% 28 5.1% 30 5.7% 1.3133 -0.4533 0.8528 0.1921 0.6513 0.3958

Ath. Weaknesses

50 9.8% 43 7,9% 36 6.9% 1.1043 0.6025 1.6800 0.2721 0.5482 0.0961

Pos. Skill Level

212 41.5% 190 34.7% 180 34.5% 2.2612 0.0866 2.3195 0.0259 0.9311 0.0224

Neg. Skill Level

68 13.3% 68 12.4% 72 13.8% 0.4253 -0.6597 -0.2281 0.6715 0.5110 0.8200

Psy. Strength

57 11.2% 40 7.3% 41 7.9% 2.1640 -0.3346 1.8097 0.0328 0.7386 0.0733

Psy. Weaknesses

23 4.5% 25 4.6% 24 4.6% -0.0542 -0.0213 -0.0746 0.9569 0.9830 0.9407

Family/Relationship

29 5.7% 85 15.5% 56 10.7% -5.1709 2.3238 -2.9547 0.0000 0.222 0.0039

Humor 7 1.4% 6 1.1% 11 2.1% 0.4027 -1.3200 -0.9056 0.6880 0.1898 0.3673

Total for All Articles

511 100% 547 100% 522 100%

Z values are calculated by subtracting the column listed second from the first (e.g., M/W = subtract women from men)

M/W = Comparisons between articles exclusively on men’s tennis and articles on women’s tennis.

W/B = Comparisons between articles exclusively on women’s tennis and articles on both sexes.

M/B = Comparisons between articles exclusively on men’s tennis and articles on both sexes.



in articles on just men’s tennis, whereas articles on men’s tennis had a significantly higher proportion of descriptors for positive skill level than those covering both the men’s and women’s tournaments. Articles focused solely on women’s tennis had a significantly higher proportion of descriptors on family roles than articles which included both the men’s and women’s tournaments.

Surprisingly, the only significant difference in how male newspaper writers framed men’s and women’s tennis was that men unexpectedly used a significantly higher proportion of descriptors for athletic prowess in articles focusing on women’s tennis than in their articles focusing on men’s tennis. As shown in Table 4, other significant differences in framing by male news-paper reporters showed they used a significantly higher proportion of descriptors on positive skill level and humor in men’s articles than in articles that covered both the men’s and women’s tournaments. They also

used a significantly higher proportion of descriptors for athletic weaknesses in articles covering both the men’s and women’s tournament when compared with those focusing only on the men’s tournament.

When the framing of men’s and women’s tennis by female sports writers was examined in the newer medium of the Internet, there were no statistically significant dif-ferences in any of nine coding categories in how female Internet reporters framed articles exclusively on men’s tennis and those on women’s tennis. Table 5 shows the only significant differences in framing by female online reporters included comparisons with articles covering both the men’s and women’s tournaments. Female Internet writers used a significantly higher proportion of physical appearance and positive skill-level descrip-tors in articles covering both tournaments than in those just focused on the men’s tournament. As expected, female online writers also used a significantly higher proportion of descriptors for psychological strengths in

Table 4Total Codes and Pairwise Comparisons for Newspaper Articles by Male Authors




Z Value p Value

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.


Phys. App., Attire

34 5.2% 8 8.5% 35 6.4% -1.2879 0.7610 -0.8557 0.2008 0.4484 0.3942

Ath. Prowess

37 5.7% 12 12.8% 43 7.8% -2.5844 1.5744 -1.4881 0.0112 0.1185 0.1399

Ath. Weaknesses

28 4.3% 8 8.5% 56 10.2% -1.7750 -0.5108 -39919 0.0789 0.6106 0.0001

Pos. Skill Level

295 45.4% 38 40.4% 214 39.1% 0.9038 0.2521 2.2093 0.3683 0.8015 0.0294

Neg. Skill Level

75 11.5% 10 10.6% 61 11.1% 0.2564 -0.1408 0.2213 0.7981 0.8883 0.8253

Psy. Strength

55 8.5% 7 7.4% 46 8.4% 0.3327 -0.3083 0.0418 0.7400 0.7585 0.9667

Psy. Weaknesses

39 6.0% 4 4.3% 41 7.5% 0.6775 -1.1320 -1.0235 0.4996 0.2603 0.3085

Family/Relationship

54 8.3% 6 6.4% 46 8.4% 0.6406 -0.6603 -0.0539 0.5233 0.5106 0.9571

Humor 33 5.1% 1 1.1% 6 1.1% 1.7415 -0.0268 3.8691 0.0847 0.9787 0.0002


650 100% 94 100% 548 100%

Sex of Writers


articles on the men’s tournament than articles covering both. When compared with their articles exclusively on the women’s tournament, female online writers used a significantly higher proportion of descriptors for posi-tive skill level and a significantly lower proportion of descriptors for psychological weaknesses in articles that covered both the men’s and women’s tournaments. Therefore, 4 of 5 (80%) of the significant differences in framing by female Internet reporters conformed to traditional gendering in sport media content.

When framing by male Internet writers was exam-ined, most of the significant differences involved com-parisons of articles that were written about both the men’s and women’s tournament (See Table 6). Not surprisingly, male online reporters did use a significantly higher proportion of descriptors on family roles for arti-cles on women’s tournament when compared with those on men’s tournament. This was the only significant dif-ference between articles based solely on the men’s and

Table 5Total Codes and Pairwise Comparisons for Internet Articles by Female Authors




Z Value p Value

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.


Phys. App., Attire

10 4.2% 6 7.4% 13 12.0% -1.1245 -1.0474 -2.679 0.2635 0.2974 0.0084

Ath. Prowess

13 5.5% 6 7.4% 6 5.6% -0.6212 0.5167 -0.0177 0.5359 0.6065 0.9859

Ath. Weaknesses

14 5.9% 6 7.4% 2 1.9% -0.4712 1.8773 1.6678 0.6385 0.0634 0.0985

Pos. Skill Level

95 40.3% 27 33.3% 57 52.8% 1.1046 -2.6622 -2.1707 0.2720 0.0090 0.0323

Neg. Skill Level

26 11.0% 8 9.9% 11 10.2% 0.2862 -0.0698 0.2311 0.7753 0.9445 0.8177

Psy. Strength

42 17.8% 7 8.6% 8 7.4% 1.9665 0.3107 2.5373 0.0520 0.7567 0.0127

Psy. Weaknesses

15 6.4% 10 12.3% 4 3.7% -17257 2.2450 0.9994 0.0875 0.0270 0.3200

Family/Relationship

17 7.2% 10 12.3% 6 5.6% -1.4306 1.6595 0.5679 0.1557 0.1001 0.5714

Humor 4 1.7% 1 1.2% 1 0.9% 0.2869 0.2052 0.5531 0.7748 0.8378 0.5814


236 100% 81 100% 548 100%

women’s tournaments by male Internet journalists. Ironically, male online reporters used a significantly higher proportion of physical appearance descriptors in articles covering both tournaments than in articles covering only the men’s or the women’s tournament. They also were significantly more likely to frame athletic prowess in articles covering only the men’s tournament than in articles covering both sexes. However, they were also more likely to frame psychological weaknesses in articles focused solely on the men’s tournament com-pared to articles covering both the men’s and women’s tournaments. Male Internet writers had a higher propor-tion of psychological strength descriptors in articles on focused on the women’s tournament than in articles covering both tournaments. Further, they had a signifi-cantly higher proportion of descriptors injecting humor in articles covering both tournaments than within those just covering the women’s tournament. Overall, 4 of the 7 significant differences went against assumptions made from previous research.



DiscussionMale reporters wrote the majority (56%) of the

total U.S. Open articles published in the six examined online sites and newspapers. However, that percentage was lower than expected from previous research, most of which found men authored the vast majority of print sport media articles (Kian et al., 2009; King, 2007; Pedersen et al., 2003). Moreover, female journalists actu-ally accounted for a slight majority (52%) of the total newspaper articles in the population. This is the first known study examining newspaper coverage of both men’s and women’s sports that found women authored a majority of the total articles. It should be noted male newspaper reporters still wrote more articles on the men’s tournament than women working for newspa-pers. However, because men overwhelming dominate the legions of newspaper sports writing staffs (Lapchick et al., 2011), this unexpected result signifies tennis may

Table 6Total Codes and Pairwise Comparisons for Internet Articles by Male Authors




Z Value p Value

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.

Times Used

% of Desc.


Phys. App., Attire

5 3.8% 15 3.5% 27 6.8% 0.2808 -2.1677 -2.1645 0.7794 0.0326 0.0328

Ath. Prowess

49 7.5% 28 6.5% 17 4.3% 0.6082 1.4122 2.0740 0.5444 0.1610 0.0407

Ath. Weaknesses

33 5.0% 20 4.7% 15 3.8% 0.2893 0.6229 0.9492 0.7730 0.5348 0.3448

Pos. Skill Level

297 45.3% 179 41.6% 184 46.3% 1.2064 -1.3664 -0.3169 0.2305 0.1749 0.7520

Neg. Skill Level

85 13.0% 55 12.8% 69 14.4% 0.0896 -1.8470 -1.9584 0.9288 0.0677 0.0530

Psy. Strength

70 10.7% 62 14.4% 32 8.1% -1.8392 2.8780 1.3956 0.0689 0.0049 0.1659

Psy. Weaknesses

57 8.7% 29 6.7% 19 4.8% 1.1678 1.2033 2.3784 0.2457 0.2317 0.0193

Family/Relationship

30 4.6% 38 8.8% 22 5.5% -2.8299 1.8254 -0.6973 0.0056 0.0709 0.4872

Humor 9 1.4% 4 0.9% 12 3.0% 0.6572 -2.1826 -1.8531 0.5126 0.0314 0.0668


655 100% 430 100% 397 100%

be one of the few men’s sports where editors are more likely to assign female reporters. Thus, editors may see tennis as one of the few “gender-appropriate” sports where female sport journalists are regularly assigned to cover male athletes (Vincent et al., 2002). However, this may at least be partly attributable to female athletes also competing in the same tournament, which, in turn, resulted in more female journalists designated to cover both tournaments (Hardin & Shain, 2006). Interviews with newspaper editors would clarify why female writers produced more tennis articles.

Even with a higher percentage of female sports writ-ers than found in previous research, both newspapers and online sites still provided more overall coverage of the men’s tournament than the women’s tournament, even though both tournaments were held simultane-ously in the same location and offered the same prize money. This shows the greater value placed on men’s

Sex of Writers


sports by journalists despite covering a professional sport like tennis, where both male and female athletes are popular (Spencer, 2000). No U.S. players advanced to the final of the men’s or women’s tournament, and superstar U.S. female player Venus Williams advanced further in the tournament (semifinals) than any U.S. man in the singles draw. Thus, favoritism by U.S.-based media should not have impacted the lopsided amount of coverage on men’s and women’s tennis.

Moreover, Internet coverage of the tournament indicated that online media producers have similar priorities as traditional media gatekeepers, because approximately 48% of all Internet articles focused solely on the men’s tournament, compared to just 25% on the women’s tournament. Similarly, 42% of all newspaper articles concentrated on the men’s tournament, whereas just 20% of newspaper articles focused on the women’s tournament. Furthermore, 75% of reporting for the Internet sites was done by male reporters, compared to just 48% of newspaper articles. The fact that a higher percentage of male bylines appeared in Web reports may reflect the privileging of male hires into the online sports environment as newspaper sports departments shrink due to economic pressures.

No matter the medium or the gender of authors, the quantity of coverage still skewed heavily toward the men’s tournament. That likely will not change until women’s sports are perceived as just as athletic and entertaining as men’s and, perhaps, as more women are promoted into gatekeeping positions in sport media organizations. Women in sport media leadership posi-tions may be more inclined to value and provide cover-age of female athletes than male gatekeepers (Hardin, 2005). This study did not examine the sex of editors at these six outlets. Thus, much more research is needed on how social identity and demographics of editors and content producers impact the gatekeeping process.

This research does not support the notion that female sports journalists are less likely to frame women’s sports in sexist, stereotypical, and traditional ways than male journalists. In fact, female journalists in this study were more likely to uphold hegemonic masculinity than the male journalists in terms of the descriptors used to frame content, especially female newspaper

reporters. This gender bias in framing came even with the unexpected result that more women authored news-paper articles than men. These results supported the conclusion of Pedersen et al. (2003) who wrote that “the biased coverage given to the girls’ athletics” by female sports writers “indicates they are under pressure to adopt the prevailing culture, and as such, contribute to the perpetuation of hegemonic masculinity” (p. 388).

However, some results from this study suggest male sports writers may be rejecting traditional framing of men’s and women’s sports. Male newspaper sports reporters actually used a higher proportion of descrip-tors for athletic prowess in women’s tennis articles than in men’s tennis articles, countering previous research that showed sexist commentary by mostly male journal-ists as the norm in tennis media coverage (Halbert & Latimer, 1994; Kennedy, 20001; Vincent & Crossman, 2009). In addition, Internet male sports writers were more likely to counter than uphold traditional fram-ing of men’s and women’s sports. This was in direct contrast to women writing for the three Internet sites, who mostly upheld sexist stereotypes through the use of descriptors. Male sports writers may now be more sensitive to using sexist language in articles on female athletes because of public criticism on gender bias in media coverage from scholars (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005; Kane & Parks, 1992) and organizations such as the Women’s Sports Foundation. In addition, the atti-tudes of male sports writers may be changing because of the influence of Title IX, which has allowed their daughters and sisters, for example, to compete success-fully in sport.

ConclusionsResults of this research should not be generalized

because coverage from only six (major) media outlets and just on one sport were examined. Thus, these results may not be indicative of all print sport media content by female and male reporters. Moreover, the total population (N=192) of examined articles was smaller than expected because both newspapers and especially Internet sites often published wire stories or press releases without author attribution. However, these six outlets are highly prominent newspapers and

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Socially Constructed Body Image of Female Adolescent Cheerleaders

Sony SooHoo, University of Utah; Justine J. Reel, University of Utah; Patricia F. Pearce, University of Alabama at Birmingham

Abstract

Adolescent cheerleaders are seen as American icons, but psychosocial factors can predispose them to body image disturbances and disordered eating. Understanding body image development is critical to promoting healthy body image, as well as preventing disordered eating and its related health risks. The purpose of this study was to explore the development of body image among adolescent female cheer-leaders. A grounded theory approach was used to conduct 26 interviews with 14 adolescent female cheerleaders (M = 14.07, SD = 2.40) who cheered at All-star gyms, junior high, or high schools to explore their body image experiences. The categories included body awareness (i.e., physical changes, body comparison), cheerleading environment (i.e., cheerleading image, position body type, uniform), and social fac-tors (i.e., parental influences, comments from others). These categories influenced body image through the central category, developing attitude, demonstrating the complexity of body image construction among adolescent females.


Sonya SooHoo, Ph.D.University of Utah1819 10th AvenueSan Francisco, CA 94122


Phone: (415) 939–2433

During adolescence young women begin to undergo pubertal body changes, with 24 to 46% reporting body dissatisfaction (Neumark-Sztainer, Story, Hannan, Perry, & Irving, 2002). Eighty percent of girls in North America are dieting (Dorian & Garfinkel, 1999), which can be the first step toward more severe unhealthy behav-iors (e.g., overeating or restriction) and eating disorders (Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2006; Spear, 2006). Approximately 61.7% of adolescent females reported attempt-ing to lose weight using pathogenic methods such as restricting, diet pills, vomiting, and laxative use (Eaton et al., 2006). Adolescent girls are more likely than any other age group to develop eating disorders. With an incidence rate of 5% for adolescent females, eating disorders rank as the third most common chronic illness in this population (Golden et al., 2003). Over 10 million U.S. females have been clini-cally diagnosed with eating disorders. Eating disorders have the highest mortality

SooHoo, Reel and Pearce


rate of any psychiatric disorder, yield numerous health consequences, and destroy family systems (Casiero & Frishman, 2006).

Several factors (i.e., negative affect, dietary restraint, deficits in peer and parental support) predict body dis-satisfaction, and body dissatisfaction is the strongest risk factor for disordered eating among adolescents (Bearman, Presnell, Martinez, & Stice, 2006; Paxton, Eisenberg, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2006). However, under-standing the mechanisms of body image development among adolescent females who participate in sports is limited. Interestingly, young athletes in aesthetic sports (e.g., cheerleading, figure skating) reported negative body image associated with pressures in the sport envi-ronment (Sherman & Thompson, 2009).

Many adolescent competitive cheerleaders experi-ence weight-related pressures, feel dissatisfied with their bodies, and engage in disordered eating behaviors (Reel & Gill, 1996; Thompson & Digsby, 2004). Thompson and Digsby discovered that 70% of high school cheer-leaders were dissatisfied with their bodies. Reel and Gill (1996) revealed that 84% of high school and college cheerleaders reported a demand to lose weight or main-tain an unhealthy weight for their sport. High school cheerleaders reported the uniform as the most salient pressure (60.7%), followed by peers (53.6%) and stunt partners (41.6%), and reported stronger body dissatis-faction and disordered eating than college cheerleaders. Therefore, a qualitative research methodology (ground-ed theory) was used to gain an in-depth understanding of the process of body image development among ado-lescents to serve as a foundation for building healthy body image in this unique population. Therefore, the research question was, how do female adolescent cheer-leaders develop their body image?

Method

Design

A grounded theory methodology was used to bet-ter understand body image development in female adolescent cheerleaders and to generate a substantive theory through inductive analysis. The researchers used a constant comparative process (Strauss & Corbin,

1998) to analyze the verbatim transcripts, comparing and contrasting incident to incident at the property and dimensional level to provide informational and theoretical sampling. As recommended by Strauss and Corbin, theoretical sampling was based on emerging concepts, aiming to maximize opportunities to com-pare incidents, events, and happenings at the dimension and property level.

Participants

The purposive sample consisted of 14 adolescent female cheerleaders between the ages of 10 and 17 years old (M = 14.07, SD = 2.40) from All-star gyms, junior high, and high schools. The participants self-identified as Caucasian (n = 11), Vietnamese (n = 1), Hispanic (n = 1), and Chinese (n = 1), and had an average of 3 years (SD = 1.36) of cheerleading experience. We recruited participants through gatekeepers (e.g., directors, coach-es), and then snowball sampling. In addition, we used maximum variation sampling to capture and describe the central themes that cut across a large variation (Patton, 2002). To achieve maximum variation, we used theoretical sampling to choose forms of data collection that yielded additional information valuable in generat-ing a theory, exploring dimensions and properties to maximize differences based on the emerging concepts (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1998), and increasing the quality of data gathered in each of the interviews (Morse, 2000).

Data Collection

The university’s institutional review board (IRB) approved the study prior to data collection. We con-ducted all 26 semi-structured interviews in a private set-ting (i.e., closed room in a public library, living room in their house) and recorded them with an audio-recorder. The 14 initial interviews lasted an average of 30.14 min-utes each (SD = 12.22). After transcribing the interviews verbatim and analyzing the initial interview, a follow-up interview determined whether the results reflected the participant’s thoughts, feelings, and experiences to verify and expand certain categories, increasing the credibility or internal validity of the study (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). We conducted 12 follow-up interviews within one to four weeks of the initial interview, which lasted an aver-

Adolescent Cheerleaders


age of 20.16 minutes each (SD = 8.17). Two cheerleaders declined to participate in the follow-up interview; one of the cheerleaders did not return phone calls and the moth-er of the other cheerleader, without providing rationale, did not allow her child to participate in the follow-up. See the appendix for an interview guide.

Data Analysis

We used line-by-line analysis to conduct the three phases of grounded theory analysis (open coding, axial coding, and selective coding). Analysis procedures inte-grated hand-written coding and electronic coding with Atlas.ti software version 5.2 (Muhr, 2006). In the open coding phase, we identified concepts and their proper-ties and dimensions. Properties were characteristics of a category that gave it meaning, and dimensions were ranges along which the properties of a category varied, providing variation to the theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). After breaking down data in open coding, data were reassembled in the axial coding phase—the process of relating categories to their subcategories—to form a more accurate and complete explanation of the phe-

nomenon (Strauss & Corbin). Similar to the process in open coding, constant theoretical comparisons were performed through the use of analytic tools (i.e., memoing, conceptual diagrams). Selective coding—the process of integrating and refining the theory by find-ing a central or core category that represents the main theme of the research (Strauss & Corbin)—was used to elicit the core category. Then, an iterative process of moving between categories, open and axial-derived codes, and raw data was used to check for consistency and conceptual and temporal logic, through theoretical saturation. Theoretical saturation occurred when no new properties or dimensions emerged from the data, and the emerging theory had accounted for all possible variations (Strauss & Corbin).

Results

Figure 1 illustrates how female adolescent cheerlead-ers conceptualized their body image through the inter-active relationships between the factors encountered within the cheerleading environment, internal factors, and influences of significant people in their lives.

Figure 1

Awareness of the Body

Pubertal physical changes Body comparison with peers

Social Factors

Parental influence Comments from others

Cheerleading Environment

Image Position

Body type Uniform

Developing

Attitude

Body Image

Emergent Theory of Body Image Development in Adolescent Cheerleader



Awareness of the Body

Pubertal Physical Changes. A cheerleader’s aware-ness of the body was illustrated by developmental issues. The younger cheerleaders noticed their improve-ment in strength and cardiovascular endurance as a result of cheerleading participation. For example, Ashley (age 12) stated, “Well, I never thought I was like ugly or anything, but I was never like fat, but I got a lot more stronger in the middle of Cheerz [All-star gym].” She described her physical appearance as “skinny and muscley and tall,” and stated, “I was the same except for I was not as strong at all. I was weak.” Her awareness of how cheerleading increased her physical capabilities paralleled another young cheerleader’s comments. Ann (age 11) described her physical appearance as “medium height… kind of athletic,” and stated that she was “out of shape” and a “coach potato (sic)” before participat-ing in cheerleading. Cheerleading increased her fitness level; she could do more push-ups and had an “easier time running.”

In contrast to the younger cheerleaders, older cheer-leaders had an easier time articulating the developmen-tal factors that contributed to their feelings, thoughts, and behaviors regarding body image. Half of the older cheerleaders described how their body image changed from being unaware of their physical appearance in middle school to becoming highly conscious of their bodies in high school. Toni (age 17) stated:

When I was a pre-teen or in middle school, I didn’t look at my body either, um, I didn’t think it was that important like, but I guess it’s just cuz like again I was skinny and I didn’t, but when I got to high school I definitely paid a lot more attention to it, um, I would like pull out parts of my body to see if I was fat or skinny.

Rams (age 16) discussed how physical changes to her body during puberty influenced her body image and self-esteem:

I felt like I mean, boobs were growing, and then I started breaking out and um, you know, my arm pits would get sweaty, and it, it just felt weird…I guess those kinds of things did affect my self-esteem.

Aubri (age 16) also stated that “When I was very little I was very, very petite, and then once I hit puberty, uh, things changed, and um, I couldn’t eat the things I could when I was littler.” Her body started to change when she turned 13 years old in junior high school. She was aware of her bodily changes during puberty, but “it [puberty] wasn’t a negative experience.” However, Chloe (age 17) had a more difficult time going through puberty in junior high (ages 13 – 15):

I was kind of chubby when I was little, and since I was always around cheerleaders with my mom [mom was a cheer coach], I kind of was like, like in junior high hated the way I looked because I was kind of bigger, but I was still like on cheer and everything. I don’t know. I hated it…when I was little I was kind of insecure…like when I was going through puberty basically in junior high and all that stuff.

Body Comparison with Peers. The younger girls tended to compare themselves to peers in relation to fitness and body size. For example, Ashley (age 12) bragged that she was tall, strong, and muscular by expressing, “I compared myself to all my friends…I’m the strongest in my class.” Kimberly (age 11), on the contrary, reported that she did not compare herself to other girls anymore because she felt negative emotions. She said, “I don’t really compare myself to people cause that just brings me down, you know, like there are people on the team that are way skinny and like small and everything.”

An older cheerleader, Rams (age 16) compared her physical appearance with teammates:

All these girls, they go tanning so their legs are like, like evenly tanned and brown and they’re so skinny and shapely and just like model legs, and here I am like I got white ass legs that I haven’t shaved in for-ever, you know, all these girls they’re, they’re pretty shapely you know.

This social comparison made her “feel a little inferior” and she expressed the pressures she felt to look and act a certain way, and even monitor the food she ate.

Body awareness and social comparisons started earlier for Chloe (age 17) than for the other older



cheerleaders. She began comparing herself to other girls in elementary school. Because she did not want to feel insecure and look different than the other girls any-more, she decided to change her physical appearance. She said:

I still felt like since everyone was like still petity, elementary-looking. I was like, everyone always told me that I looked older than I was, and so that was always like hard to be compared to like everyone else on my squad who was teeny, and I wasn’t big, but I wasn’t like teeny-tiny like all of them, so it was hard to get through.

It appeared that the older girls were more aware of their bodies at the time of puberty (in junior or high school) than the younger cheerleaders. This time period marked their recollections of increased body awareness.

Cheerleading Environment

Image. The cheerleaders depicted a certain image that reflects the media portrayal of female cheerleaders, which include physical and personal attributes. Rams (age 16) illustrated:

They all pretty much have the same kind of hair, very blonde, silky, pretty hair that I like. They’re always long, um, they tie them up in a ponytail. They tie them up really high. They love to wear bows…most of them are pretty glamorous. Glamorous, white, shapely...fit, uh, nice body, like uh, let’s say toned stomach, but uh big boobs and big ass.

Aubri (age 16) reported that people believe that cheerleaders “have to be really skinny” and “they’re stuck up and brats and um, don’t work hard.” Alexa (age 15) also indicated cheerleaders should “have the personality” of being “outgoing…fun…happy…and feel comfortable with herself,” and felt the pressure to main-tain this image.

Although the cheerleaders were aware of the stereo-typical image that was portrayed in the media, many of the participants did not believe that there was a certain look for cheerleaders their age. The youngest cheer-leader, Jade (age 10) said, “they can look like anything…everybody looks different on the team.” She continued to describe that “some of us are like really tall and some

of us are like really short, and we’re all like different in our own way.” In a similar manner, Kimberly (age 11) conveyed that cheerleaders “can be any size.” The older girls agreed that there was no specific image as long as the cheerleaders were able to perform the requisite stunts and tumbling.

Position Body Type. Eight of the participants, regard-less of age, believed that there was no particular body shape or size for a cheerleader. However, the cheerleader’s perception of a certain body type for each position influ-enced the thoughts and feelings regarding her body. The description for a flyer (cheerleader who is at the top of the stunt and is lifted by others) is presented first. Eleven of the cheerleaders stated that flyers are smaller, shorter, and skinnier. Alexa (age 15) expressed, “I’ve seen like all shapes and sizes of girls, but um, it kind of depends on, like your spot in cheerleading, like if you are going to be flyer, like you will have to be little, teeny, and skinny.” According to Aubri (age 16), “flyers are usually shorter and skinnier than the back spots and the bases.” A flyer is a coveted position in cheerleading, and being a flyer would allow for optimal advancement to co-educational squads at the high school and college level.

The bases are the cheerleaders who lift and toss the flyers in the air. Kimberly (age 11) stated that the bases “have to be able to lift any amount of weight and…have to be able to catch her.” Lifting and tossing requires strength and power. Aubri (age 16) mentioned, “They have to [have] a lot more arm and leg power to lift them up. In stunts that require more than one base, the cheerleaders explained that the bases should be the “same height” and have the “same arm length” to propel the flyer up in the air with equal strength and timing to “hit” the stunt. Hitting the stunt meant that the flyer went up in the air and came down without falling. Alexa clarified:

It doesn’t look very different when you just look at it but when you like learn how to put up a stunt, then it could be a difficult process and like usually the two bases and the stunt group have to be the same height or else it doesn’t work because and like the arms would be higher than another and the timing is off. They have to be the same height cuz I based with a girl who was a head shorter than me and I had to like bend down really low.



Some of the cheerleaders stated that the back spots are taller than the bases and flyers. Because one of their roles is to hold the ankles of the flyers to keep them steady, nine of the cheerleaders said that back spots are the tallest of the three main positions. Gretchen (age 15) said, “You want back spots to be taller to reach the flyer instead of reaching over the bases if they’re [bases] too tall.” Ann (age 11) stated that “they have to be pretty tall too cause they got to reach up.” Back spots are tall, but they do not need to have a certain body shape.

Uniform. According to the participants, the uni-form usually consists of a sleeveless top called the shell and a skirt. The All-star girls wore a long sleeve shirt under the shell to show precision of the movements and a skirt with “spankies” underneath it. Jade (age 10) explained that the length of the skirt on the younger squad was “almost to the knees” and “spankies” were similar to biking shorts.

The girls on junior and high school squads also wore a tank top and skirt but without the long sleeve shirt underneath. All nine of these cheerleaders described the skirt as being short. Toni (age 17) discussed uniform coverage:

We have like two or three different uniforms, um, a lot of schools like tend to just have straps and like they’ve got pretty cool designs on the straps, but at Hillcrest they make it mandatory that it covers the shoulder…the skirts are pretty short.

In addition, the short skirt seemed to accentuate body image pressures. Alexa (age 15) stated:

It’s definitely, like, knowing that I have to go out there in my short, short skirt and I like want to be able to look and feel good about myself…one of my personal goals is to stay, like, healthy for myself and be able to wear my cheerleading uniform.

She was aware of her body in her uniform, felt the pressure, and desired to stay “healthy” by going to the gym. Alexa stated that she would “never starve” herself or “have an eating disorder” because she saw a former flyer on her team “worried about keeping her weight down and “had an eating disorder.”

Social Factors

Parental Influence. Several of the girls described the personality of their parents, and how they influenced the development of their body image. The cheerleaders who did not care about what people thought and felt com-fortable with their physical appearance attributed this “I don’t care” attitude to one or both of their parents. Ann (age 11) described her mother as supportive and funny and said, “My mom said that, you know what, everybody is a few extra pounds than they should be and who really cares?” When I asked how Alexa (age 15) developed her “I don’t care” attitude, she responded, “That’s just how I am, like, I don’t know. I kind of get that from my dad.” In addition, if a parent did not focus on his or her appearance, then the child modeled the “I don’t care” attitude, and in turn felt comfortable with her physical appearance. Two cheerleaders got their “I don’t care” attitudes from their mothers who did not focus on their physical appearance. Gretchen (age 15) said:

She never worried about herself, so I was like, ‘Well, if she’s happy, you know, she doesn’t need to be this tall or this skinny.’ She doesn’t care, you know. She was a good example…unlike my aunt who like, you know, “I need a boob job.” You know, what-ever. My mom didn’t care. You know, no pedicures or anything every day.

Rams (age 16) also discussed that her mother did not focus on her physical appearance and did not care what people thought about her. Hence, she developed an “I don’t care” attitude from her mother. Rams explained that she felt her mother played a large role in shaping her body image through her actions and verbal persuasion:

She was the one who told me, you know, “Rams, don’t worry about what other people think.” My mom is also one of the big influences and she’s just she’s given a lot of advice, a lot of advice, and she seems to really understand about the teenage.

Comments from Others. The participants indicated that, although parents can have a positive influence on their daughters’ body image development, their direct comments regarding weight and body size and shape can contribute to depression and insecurities. Toni (age



17) stated that her mother had a major influence on how she viewed her physical appearance because her mother “exercises every morning and her goal is to stay thin.” She felt “that pressure to like stay in shape from her,” especially with comments such as “You need to go to the gym” or “You should probably go to the gym or something.” Her mother’s monitoring of her daughter’s weight or body increased during the off-season when Toni was not training for cheerleading: “She’s not going to mention anything about it because we have cheer in the morning now, so she knows that I’m get-ting my exercise.” Her mother’s comments about her weight made her “feel down,” question her own body, and then believe that she needed to change her body through exercise. She said:

I remember when she told [me that] I was gaining a little weight, I thought that, “Is she saying that I’m fat?” and started thinking, “Well, that’s just her opinion because she’s always like trying to stay thin.” But um, I think once after that initial shock, um, I didn’t mind it so much. I thought, “Maybe she’s right. Maybe I should exercise a little bit.”

Although Rams’ (age 16) mother had a positive effect on her body image, her father undermined her self-esteem and body image. She stated:

My father…was a big asset that affected my self-esteem because, um, you know, he was a kind of person that wanted me to join pageants and stuff like my teenage years, and that was never going to happen so he always says some stuff sometimes like, “Oh, you look a little fat today”…“Have you been eating more?” I hate it when he took me out to eat like sometimes he would tease me. He’d take me to a buffet and I eat as much as I could. He’d be like, “Rams, don’t eat so much.”

In addition to comments from parents, remarks from friends or peers also affected the cheerleaders’ thoughts and feelings about their physical appearance. Kimberly (age 12) expressed that “There were a few people that called me big…one kid named Jason, and he was really rude. He was like the school bully.” The negative comment did not seem to influence how she felt about her body image. She said that she “feels really

good” about herself and “didn’t really care” about what people said about her.

Developing Attitude

The central category for the current study was Developing Attitude, which met the criteria suggested by Strauss ( 1987). Developing Attitude is related to the other main categories, Awareness of the Body, Social Factors, and Cheerleading Environment, and has a direct effect on the body image of each of the female adolescent cheerleaders in the study. The cheerleaders developed an “I don’t care” or “I care” attitude toward what people thought in response to the sources of body image construction, which are the main categories in the emergent theory.

All the cheerleaders (ages 10 to 17) responded to certain factors within the cheerleading environment (i.e., wearing the uniform in front of a crowd, expectations of body types for cheerleading positions, stereotypi-cal image), comments from others, parental influences, physical changes, and body comparison by developing an “I don’t care” attitude regarding what people in their lives think, and in turn influenced their thoughts and feelings regarding their bodies. They had developed a way to give an impression of indifference to self and others that they do not care what people think about their bod-ies. Kimberly (age 12) exemplified this tendency: “I didn’t really care about what they said. I just thought about what I think. I just think that I don’t really care what they think right now cause I’m me and that’s all I can do right now.” Gretchen (age 15) stated a similar response after receiving comments from other people, “It doesn’t matter. You know, if people don’t like me because you know, too big too little, it’s their problem not mine.” In response to cheering at games, Rams (age 16) conveyed:

I don’t really care cuz I know if there are people in the crowd who want to look at me, they’ll see me, you know, but it’s just most of the time people just concentrate on the people in front. So, height, weight, you know, I don’t really care. I don’t let it get to me because there isn’t anything I could do about it. I might as well enjoy it while I am there.

Each of the cheerleaders who developed the “I don’t care” attitude reported feeling “comfortable”



or “happy” about their physical appearance. Jade (age 10) exclaimed, “I’m happy. I like the way I am, like, I wouldn’t change myself, like, I like how tall I am and stuff…it’s just like some people don’t get to like who they are and stuff, so I really like who I am.” Holley (age 12) also said, “I feel good about it [physical appear-ance]. I’m um, athletic, and I’m in shape and I feel good about myself.” An older cheerleader Toni (age 17) said, “I’m pretty happy with it [physical appearance].”

On the other hand, there were certain situations or conditions on which the older cheerleaders (ages 15 to 17) were unable to resist body image triggers and responded by caring what people thought about their bodies. They allowed these sources of body image con-struction to change their “I don’t care” attitude to “I do care” about what people think, affecting their thoughts and feelings surrounding body image. For example, Chloe (age 17) said,

I’m happy with myself. I like my physical appear-ance. I’m not really insecure about with like the way I look. Sometimes I am of course, everyone gets like that when you’re in front of like a big crowd and you know everyone is starring at you and someone has to be judging you, but you kind of just have to brush it off and not care what people think…if you worry so much about what other people think when you’re like in front of them, it just makes it worse so if you do care, you just kind of have to tell yourself not to.

She was secure with her physical appearance, but there were moments that caused her to worry about what people thought when she performed in front of a crowd.

Definitely when you’re on your period and you just feel like bloated…you have to be in some tight cheer uniform and you’re just not feeling it, so defi-nitely those days and you’re just like, “I hate this.” Everyone, like, on our cheer squad’s like way pretty so if you feel not as cute as everyone else, then you feel like down on yourself.

Marcy (age 16) reported feeling comfortable with her body, but her positive body image was threatened by teammates who discussed weight and food.

There’s one girl that was obsessed with you know, like, what she was eating, “Oh my gosh, you’re eating that. Do you know how many calories that has?” and that kind of thing is like the type of thing that makes you like worry about it…you’re like thinking [to] yourself “Why is she so worried about it because should I be worried about it?”

DiscussionThe cheerleaders in this research expressed comfort

with their bodies before and after they started partici-pating in cheerleading, and reported improved strength and cardiovascular endurance. Sports can help females focus on the physical capabilities of the body rather than on physical appearance (Miller, Sabo, Farrell, Barnes, & Melnick, 1999; Smolak, Murnen, & Ruble, 2000). In fact, sport participation allows girls to resist the traditional ideology of femininity by challenging the self-objectification of girls and women in a culture that objectifies and sexualizes women (Frederickson & Roberts, 1997). Second, sport participation can counter gender scripts for girls. Girls are rewarded for being self-assured, self-disciplined, and strong, a constellation that contrasts the conventional image of females as fragile and an object of desire for males (Sabo, 1993).

As adolescent cheerleaders in the study navigated through adolescence, they became increasingly self-conscious as they noticed physical changes associated with puberty, which supports previous research find-ings that preoccupation with one’s body image occurs during puberty as girls’ prepubescent figure transform into a fuller and heavier bodies (Hill, 2002). Researchers have shown that various pubertal changes (e.g., body fat changes, early maturation) have been associated with negative body image (Swarr & Richards, 1996).

Because there is a wide range of individual differenc-es regarding the timing of maturational processes that occur during puberty, it is natural for girls to compare their bodies to those of other girls. This body compari-son (Schultz, Paxton, & Wertheim, 2002) can serve as a potential trigger of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating (Stormer & Thompson, 1996; Wertheim, Paxton, Schutz, & Muir, 1997). In this research, the cheerlead-



ers compared their bodies to other girls at school or on their cheerleading team, providing more evidence that pre-adolescents and adolescents compare themselves to other girls in their age group (Paxton, Schutz, Wertheim, & Muir, 1999; Schultz et al., 2002; Wertheim et al., 1997). Schultz and colleagues examined body compari-sons in more than 500 adolescent females and found that 38%, 53%, and 72% of 7th, 8th, and 10th grades, respectively, reported that they compared their bodies to their peers more frequently than to family members. Qualitative studies exploring body image among ado-lescent females also revealed that girls compared their bodies to their peers (McCabe, Ricciardelli, & Ridge, 2006; Thomsen, Bower, & Barnes, 2004; Wertheim et al., 1997). Wertheim and colleagues interviewed 30 girls (ages 14 to 16 years old) and revealed that they com-pare themselves to their immediate friends. Although studies have shown a positive correlation between body comparison, body dissatisfaction and negative eating behaviors in female adolescents (Stormer & Thompson, 1996), further research is needed to determine the extent to which body comparison leads to body dissatisfac-tion, as well as characteristics of girls who compare their bodies to other girls (Schultz et al., 2002). The results of the current study provide additional insight into the characteristics of girls who compare their bodies, as well as the interpersonal processes and consequences of body comparison.

The younger cheerleaders (ages 10-12) compared their bodies to other girls on their team or at school to determine their own body size, shape, and strength. These younger cheerleaders felt comfortable with their bodies because they did not care what people thought about their physical appearance, developing an “I don’t care” attitude to resist negative self-appraisals after body comparisons. Therefore, they did not engage in any body image behaviors to monitor or sculpt their bodies. In contrast, the high school cheerleaders (ages 16-17) compared their entire body or a single body part with girls on their team or at school after experiencing puberty, and in turn they felt “inferior” or “less of a girl.” Also, high school cheerleaders decided to monitor their food intake or “work on being healthy” through exercise, supporting Schultz and colleague’s (2002) con-

tention that body comparisons lead to body dissatisfac-tion and dieting.

Body image concerns among athletes in aesthetic sports are well documented (Sherman & Thompson, 2009). While this study did not find the cheerleading uniform to be the most common weight-related pressure for high school cheerleaders (Reel & Gill, 1996), 3 of the 14 cheerleaders reported that being in a uniform in front of a crowd increased the awareness of their bodies. Rather than reinforcing the notion of the “stereotypical cheerleader” image, the participants emphasized the dif-ferent body type required for each position (i.e., flyer, base, back spot). This position-related pressure is a novel finding with interesting implications. While different positions demand different body types, some positions hold more status for transitioning into co-educational teams, due to the positions’ high profile and difficulty level. In fact, there can be additional pressure to lose or maintain a certain weight to be successful in one’s desired position. According to Alexa (age 15), the pressure to maintain her body weight depended on her position on the cheerleading team. She felt the pressure to not gain weight because there are “expectations for being a flyer.” Flyers are expected to be “light, small, flexible” because they are thrown in the air, and athletes and coaches believe that “it’s easier to lift a lighter flyer.”

In addition to the cheerleading environment fac-tors, parents exert a particularly salient developmental influence on adolescents, who tend to reflect the same general values and attitudes as their parents through modeling (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Crocker & Wolfe, 2001). Thus, adolescents acquire knowledge about the world by imitating and observing the con-sequences of certain behaviors and other people’s per-ceptions of them. It was evident that although parents can have a positive effect on young girls, they may also increase adolescents’ body image concerns through modeling, teasing, or increasing the pressures to change their appearance (Ata, Ludden, & Lally, 2007; Casey, Eime, Payne, & Harvey, 2009; Kostanski & Gullone, 2007). In this study, each of the cheerleaders, regardless of age, reported receiving comments from parents or peers regarding their physical appearance or felt pres-sures to change their appearance.



The development of either an “I don’t care” or “I care” attitude is a response to the cheerleaders’ percep-tions of other people’s personality, motives, attributes, and ideas about the world. This response is a natural human interpersonal behavior as people have an ongo-ing interest in how others perceive and evaluate them (Goffman, 1959). Goffman discussed the importance of self-presentation for defining an individual’s place in society. Self-presentation refers to the process by which people monitor and control how they are perceived by other people (Schlenker, 1980). According to Leary and Kowalski (1990), self-presentation involves two processes called impression motivation and impression construc-tion. Impression motivation is associated with the desire to create a particular image in others’ mind. Once moti-vated to create a certain image, people can alter their behaviors to affect others’ ideas of them. In this study, all the cheerleaders stated having an “I don’t care” atti-tude toward what people think in response to receiving messages (i.e., negative comments from others regarding their bodies, sociocultural expectations of the cheerlead-ing image, parental influences). The expectations of others regarding physical appearance did not affect the cheerleaders’ desire to impress others. Thus, they did not engage in impression construction or alter their physical appearance. However, five of the older cheerleaders (age 16 to 17) who had experienced puberty were unable to resist the body image triggers and began to care about what people thought of their physical appearance in certain situations (e.g., teammates talking about food and weight, cheering in front of a crowd in the uniform, parents commenting on exercise and eating habits). They were motivated to present an image that reflected socio-cultural norms and values. Therefore, they were more likely to engage in behaviors (e.g., exercising, wearing certain clothes, eating “healthy”) to create this image.

According to Harter (2003), adolescents ages 15 to 16 begin to relate one abstraction to another abstrac-tion (e.g., one can recognize that it is possible to have an “I don’t care” attitude and an “I do care” attitude). However, they cannot integrate the self-presentations in a way that would resolve the contradiction because they do not possess the cognitive ability to construct an integrated theory of self. A major contextual factor con-

tributing to the contradictions experienced at this age involves the development of identity (Erikson, 1968). Erickson viewed identity formation as an inevitable part of adolescence in which adolescents are primarily concerned with what they appear to be in others’ eyes as compared with what they think of themselves. Others now become more important as independent agents in helping adolescents recognize the “real me.” However, Erickson claimed the importance of context in the pro-cess of identity formation, and viewed identity forma-tion as a reciprocal relationship between individual and context, in which adolescents want to recognize and be recognized by significant others.

Although the current study provided salient find-ings about the social construction of body image in female adolescent cheerleaders, there are some limita-tions. First, the short length of some of the interviews could be explained by the cheerleader’s developmental level related to cognitive ability and the comfort level with sharing a sensitive topic with a stranger. Second, there was a lack of diversity in the sample. Although there were three cheerleaders with different ethnic backgrounds, 11 of the participants were Caucasian. Interviewing more cheerleaders from different ethnic backgrounds would provide additional information on the development of body image in this particular age group. A third limitation of the study is the potential for a self-selection bias; cheerleaders were more likely to discuss the positive aspects of sport, representing a socially desirability bias.

Future research should survey, interview, and observe parents to explore their beliefs, perceptions, and attitudes regarding how they directly and indirectly affect body image development in their daughters. Ferrari and colleagues (2009) stated the importance of parents playing a supportive role in children’s identity and body image development. Researchers could also explore how the coach, different levels of cheerleading (e.g., elite, recreational), and teammates influence body image. Additionally, researchers could survey and inter-view female and male cheerleaders on co-ed squads to understand the dynamics involved with stunting on a co-ed team and the influence of body image on both genders.

Ata, R. N., Ludden, A. B., & Lally, M. M. (2007). The effects of gender and family, friend, and media influ-ences on eating behaviors and body image during adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 36, 1024-1037.

Bearman, S. K., Presnell, K., Martinez, E., & Stice, E. (2006). The skinny on body dissatisfaction: A lon-gitudinal study of adolescent girls and boys. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 35(2), 217-229.

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Casey, M. M., Eime, R. M., Payne, W. R., & Harvey, J. T. (2009). Using a socioecological approach to examine participation in sport and physical activ-ity among rural adolescent girls. Qualitative Health Research, 19(7), 881-893.

Casiero, D., & Frishman, W. H. (2006). Cardiovascular complications of eating disorders. Cardiology in Review, 14, 227-231.

Crocker, J., & Wolfe, C. T. (2001). Contingencies of self-worth. Psychology Review, 108, 593-623.

Dorian, B. J., & Garfinkel, P. E. (1999). The contribu-tions of epidemiological studies to the etiology and treatment of eating disorders. Psychiatric Annals, 29, 187-192.

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References

The social construction of body image among female adolescent cheerleaders between the ages of 10 and 17 years old is multifaceted and complex. Multiple factors interrelate to influence female adolescent cheerleaders’ feelings, thoughts, and behaviors regarding body image. The stereotypical image of a cheerleader portrayed in the media, parental and school expectations of being a role model and leader, and wearing the cheerleading uniform affect body image construction. In addition to these pressures, the body type dictating cheerleading

position, or conversely, position dictating body type, increases body awareness. Furthermore, social factors such as parents’ beliefs and comments from others influence body awareness and body image development. These factors can affect body image through the devel-opment of attitude. This attitude represents an “I don’t care” or “I do care” attitude toward what people think in regard to physical appearance, and in turn produces a positive or negative body image.



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Interview Guide1. What is it like being a cheerleader?

2. Describe to me what you do at practices?

3. Describe to me what you do when you cheer at games or competitions?

4. What do you think a typical female cheerleader your age should look like?

5. Tell me how you see your body as a cheerleader.

6. Going back to as young as you can remember, tell me how you have felt about your body.

Appendix7. What do you think has influenced the way you

feel about your body?

8. Who do you think has influenced the way you feel about your body?

9. Some girls say that cheerleading changed how they view their physical appearance and other girls say it doesn’t, what is your experience like?

10. Describe to me some pressures you feel when you cheer.

11. What do you do when you feel these pressures?

12. What is the best part about cheerleading?



Becoming a Football Player: Identity Formation on a Women’s Tackle Football Team

Bobbi A. KnappSouthern Illinois University—Carbondale

Abstract

People commonly think of only men playing football. Football, however, has also been played by women for many years. Using a feminist interactionist framework, this study examines why women begin to play the game. The research questions that guided this study were: (1) what factors influence women’s decisions to play football? and (2) how do women begin to develop their identities as football play-ers? Data were collected using participant observation over a two-year period and 10 semi-structured interviews. Some of the reasons participants stated for starting to play football were for their love of the sport, a desire to be a part of history, or the physicality of the sport. The women’s abilities and personal characteristics, significant others, and veteran players were crucial in the development of their identities as players. The information obtained could be used to bring more women into the sport.


Bobbi A. Knapp, Ph.D.Department of Kinesiology185 Scotty DriveCarbondale, IL 62903


Phone: (618) 453–3131

Football is currently a culturally significant sport in the United States. Football’s popularity and the way it resonates with the American people have prompted some scholars to refer to it as the new national pastime (Freeman, 2003; Messner, 2001; Murphy, 2006). Former Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, remarked that the promotion of football to this national standing is due to its ability to bring people together across social and racial lines (Freeman). In 2005, the Super Bowl netted a 41.6 television rating, whereas the highest rated championship game for Major League Baseball received an 11.6 rating (Murphy). Furthermore, the 2010 Super Bowl went down in the record books as the most watched television program in history with 106.5 million people viewing (Bauder, 2010).

The popularity of football may also be due to its perceived ability to provide gender clarity in a world where gender roles have blurred. In fact, Messner (2002)

Knapp


and Nelson (1994) suggested that the rise in football’s popularity is connected to people’s fear of an increased feminization of U.S. society. Football is a way of “reclaiming the virility of the warrior” and putting dis-tance between the sexes (Sands, 1999, p. 47). To many Americans, football continues to symbolize manliness (Nelson). The importance of football in the construc-tion and maintenance of cultural ideologies, especially those revolving around issues of gender and sexuality, cannot be overstated. This was particularly true in a world that limited participation in football to just boys and men.

Today, football is no longer limited to male par-ticipants, as evidenced by the growing number of girls and women playing the game on organized teams. According to the National Federation of High School Associations, the number of girls playing football on predominately male high school teams increased from 658 to 1,473 between 2000 and 2005 (Alipour, 2005). While the opportunities for women at this level remain limited, in August of 2003, Katie Hnida became the first woman to score in an NCAA Division IA football game (Hnida, 2006). At the professional level, there are two dominant leagues with nearly one hundred teams available to women across the country (i.e., 40 teams in the Women’s Football Alliance and three tiers with a total of 54 teams in the Independent Women’s Football League). In 2010, teams competed for the first time at an international level for the Women’s World Championships in American Football.

Even though there are a number of professional football teams, there continues to be a disconnect between the high school and professional levels, as many of the women on professional squads never played organized football for a school or club team. With little or no experience playing organized football and living in a society that has pushed their brothers to embrace the game while leaving them to cheer on the sidelines, one might ask what encourages women to play football? In fact, the question often posed to female football players is: What would make you ever want to play football? This article investigates the vari-ous reasons women on a dominant women’s team in the Midwest began to play football. The research study

examines the factors that influenced the women’s deci-sion to play football and explores how they began to develop their identities as football players.

Physicality as a Means of Empowerment

By examining how women experience their body, both in times of health and in times of injury, and in various physical activity and sporting realms, McDermott (1996) suggested that there are many ways in which women can be empowered. The empowerment of women through sport has been documented by a number of scholars (Birrell & Richter, 1994; Blinde, Taub, & Han, 1994; Dworkin, 2001; Theberge, 1997; Young, 1997). This empowerment often manifests itself in the form of increased awareness and confidence in their physical capabilities, the extension of physical limitations, and the rejection of narrower definitions of femininity (Dworkin; Young). Additionally, schol-ars have noted that women who play sports and who develop their physical strength are better able to ward off physical assaults and attempted rapes (Dworkin; Heywood, 1998; Roth & Basow, 2004).

Women’s empowerment through participation in sport has the potential to challenge gender hierarchies. Considering that patriarchal structures are based on the belief that men are physically superior to women, one can see the political possibilities of physically adept women. The possibility of transgression is most apparent in women who compete on contact team sports because such environments challenge the idea that strength and power are solely the chatacteristics of men. Feminist scholars have noted that this sense of bodily empowerment is especially strong when women develop their physicality within an all-woman group setting, where they are part of a supportive community (Castelnuovo & Guthrie, 1998; Theberge, 1987; Young, 1997).

Throughout much of the world, soccer is seen by many as a national men’s sport, a sort of flagship of masculinity (Caudwell, 2003 Harris, 2001; Meän, 2001; Pelak, 2005; Scraton, Caudwell, & Holland, 2005). As such, soccer is viewed as a sport for the development

Becoming a Football Player


of masculine identity and the promotion of hegemonic masculinity (Harris; Meän). Until more recently, much of the scholarship on soccer had ignored women’s involvement in soccer (Caudwell). As Birrell and Theberge (1994) noted, this underrepresentation of women sends a message that either women do not participate in the sport or that their involvement is not important. The current research that begins to explore women’s experiences in soccer challenges these notions.

Cox and Thompson (2000) investigated the experi-ences of elite women soccer players in New Zealand through multiple discourses about sport, gender, and heterosexuality. Using a feminist interactionist frame-work, they found that the women often experienced opposition, ambiguity, and disagreement as their involvement in soccer “transgressed normative gen-der boundaries” (Cox & Thompson, p. 19). Cox and Thompson also found that due to the “overlapping and at times contradictory discourses of sport, gender and heterosexuality,” the women often developed ‘multiple bodies’ that change with their discursive context (p. 17).

This ‘multiple bodies’ perspective relies on the notions of dramaturgical performance developed by Goffman (1959). Cox and Thompson (2000) focused their inquiry on four themes that emerged from the research: experiences of playing soccer, private bodily experiences, femininity, and heterosexuality (p. 10). In describing the concept of ‘multiple bodies,’ the researchers stated that the women thought of and used their bodies differently depending on the context they were in. For example, the researchers found that the players took pride in the physicality of their ‘soccer body,’ and at the same time this muscularity encour-aged many of them to find alternative means, such as hair styles or ways of dress, to accentuate their ‘feminine body’ (Cox & Thompson). Understanding this idea of having ‘multiple bodies’ allows one to better under-stand how women negotiate their presence in a sport that has been dominated by males.

As with soccer in Europe and Africa, ice hockey is viewed as the Canadian national sport for males (Etue & Williams, 1996; Theberge, 2000b). With the men’s professional league setting the standards, women’s hockey has been relegated to second-class status (Etue

& Williams). This is partially due to the hockey asso-ciation’s attempt to mark women’s hockey as different from men’s hockey, mainly through the prohibition of body checking (Theberge, 2000b). Theberge (1997) sug-gested that due to the National Hockey League (NHL) culture of hockey in Canada, “to argue that women’s hockey need not be the same as men’s is to position the women’s game as not only different from but inferior to the ‘real’ game” (p. 82). Women in ice hockey are seen as the little sisters of the hockey world.

Women who wish to play hockey face numer-ous structural and ideological constraints. Some of the structural constraints include inadequate financ-ing, inadequate facilities, few opportunities for female coaches and referees, scheduling of games in bad time slots, and lack of ice time. The lack of equity in the allocation of ice time seems to be the most restricting factor to girls’ and women’s involvement in the sport (Etue & Williams, 1996). The mentality seems to be guided by the fact that women do not have a chance of making it to the National Hockey League (NHL), so why invest the time and money into their programs?

Even in the face of such resistance, women have been playing ice hockey in Canada since the 19th century (Etue & Williams, 1996). As with soccer, the determination of those women who lace up their hockey boots and take to the ice contest the idea that hockey is just for men. Although they have faced bar-riers—or perhaps because of this—women have been empowered by their experiences on the ice, experiences that did not include toe picks. The interviews Theberge (1997) conducted with members of an elite hockey team in Ontario included references to aggression and the women feeling “powerful and fearless” (p. 72), nei-ther of which are characteristics normally attributed to women.

Several scholars have noted that contact team sports provide women with potential environments in which they can develop a sense of physical empower-ment (Castelnuovo & Guthrie, 1998; Theberge, 1987; Young, 1997). In almost all such cases, women have run into barriers that demonstrate the transgressive nature of such experiences in terms of rattling the cage that has restrained women in the current gender hierarchy.

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Both Cox and Thompson (2000) and Theberge (1997) discussed the ways in which women adapt to such bar-riers so that they can play the game. The present study builds upon that foundation to examine women’s entry into the very male-dominated world of American tackle football.

MethodsDue to the nature of these research questions—what

drew the women to football and how did they begin to develop their football identities—a feminist interaction-ist framework was used in collecting and analyzing the data. An interactionist approach takes as its focus the meanings and identities that people create through their interactions with others and with the world around them (Blumer, 1969). This is a particularly useful approach considering the team dynamics of football. Although an interactionist perspective helps to draw out participants’ true feelings and deconstruct the meanings that are created through their interactions, it can fail to examine the larger issues of power that are inherent to those interactions (Coakley, 2007). To help rectify this weakness, a critical feminist perspec-tive was also invoked in this research to examine the power dynamics specifically related to issues of gender (Birrell, 2003). For nearly four decades, numerous sport sociology scholars have explored gender issues in sport using a feminist analysis (i.e., Birrell, 2003; Hall, 1996; Messner, 2007; Sabo, 1990; and Theberge, 2000). Birrell noted that the main purpose of feminist theory in sport studies is to “theorize about gender relations within our patriarchal society as they are evidenced by, played out in, and reproduced through sport and other body practices” (p. 61). The combination of feminist analysis and interactionism gives the researcher the opportunity to not only provide a deep description and explore the meanings that are created through the players’ interac-tions, but it also places a focus on issues of power that are found within those interactions.

Examining the research questions from a feminist perspective requires a reflexive stance regarding the researcher’s position (Lal, 1996). This is especially rel-evant in research that examines the meanings we create through our interactions with one another. Meaning is

developed through the interactions of team members, coaches, administrators, and spectators, but it is impor-tant to remember that the researcher is also a part of this process. The meaning created has been filtered through me. My position as a female academic with feminist leanings who played professional women’s football, is a fan of the sport, and has conducted years of research on women’s football, no doubt influences the data collected and the analysis of said data. Yet every attempt was made to allow these women’s voices and those of the coaches to lead the narrative about what brings them to the game of football and how they began developing their football identity.

Data Collection

A feminist interactionist framework encourages the use of ethnographic methods. In regard to the interac-tionist perspective, Conquergood (1991) suggested that, “performance-centered research takes as both its subject matter and method the experiencing body situated in time, place, and history” (p. 187). Additionally, he sug-gested that a focus on performance and performativity “insists on face-to-face encounters” (p. 187). Furthermore, ethnographic methods have also often been used in sport studies dealing with gender. As Blanchard (1995) noted, ethnographic method “provides a distinct framework within which one might address specialized problems such as relations between sport and ethnicity and the role of gender in sport” (p. 23).

Due to the guiding framework of this research, par-ticipant observation and in-depth, semi-structured inter-views were used to develop an understanding of how the players on a Midwest women’s football team began to play football and develop their identities as football players. Approval was acquired through the internal review board at the university for research with human subjects. The researcher approached the team through communication with the team’s webmaster about her interest in conducting research with the team. Upon the approval of the coaches and captains, the researcher was introduced to the team by one of the captains before one of their practices. At this time, I shared my personal experiences with football, both as a spectator at many of their games and as a former player for a team in the



Midwest. I further explained the research I hoped to do with the team, including my desire to observe and inter-view players about their experiences. The team agreed to my presence as an observer and over time many of the players referred to me as simply part of the team.

As noted above, the focus of this project encour-aged the use of interviews to better understand the meanings players developed as a result of their daily interactions. Two of the interviews were with play-ers who approached me about their interest in being interviewed, whereas the rest were with players that the researcher approached. As such, my sampling was one of convenience and also purposeful. Such sampling techniques are common in qualitative research, due to the smaller sample sizes and the qualitative principle of appropriateness that necessitates choosing participants who can speak directly to the research issue (Morse, 1991). I tried to interview a variety of players in an attempt to gather data that was reflective of the larger team. Thus, I sought out interviews with players who represented different ethnicities, ages, sexual orienta-tions, education levels, experience levels, and positions (see table 1). Interviews were conducted until saturation was met. Strauss and Corbin (1998) defined saturation as the “point in the research where collecting additional data seems counterproductive” (p. 136). In this project, saturation was reached after 10 interviews.

The interviews were semi-structured and in-depth. The length of the interviews averaged one and a half hours. The interview schedule consisted of three sub-sections, including coming to football (i.e., How did you start to play football?), the football experience (i.e., How have other players influenced your experiences in football?), and concluding questions (i.e., Are there any additional questions you would have liked for me to ask?), which allowed them to share additional informa-tion (see appendix for interview schedule). The questions for the interview were developed using the feminist inter-pretive theoretical framework and the research questions as guideposts. Additionally, Theberge’s (2000b) research on women in ice hockey also provided a guide in the construction of the interviews.

The interview schedule was first piloted on two of the researcher’s former football teammates to test the

understandability of the questions, check for good flow in the interview process, and to assess if the questions prompted the necessary information as an answer to the research questions (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). For the purpose of this article, the first subsection of the schedule was of most importance. The questions in the first section were constructed to gain a better under-standing of how the women got involved in football and how the important people in their lives reacted to them playing football.

In addition to the interviews, I spent two years observing the team at practices and at both home and away games. These observations allowed me to see the players interacting with one another and with coaches, medical staff, significant others, and fans. During prac-tices, I had access to the field and stood on the sidelines with players during scrimmage drills. During games, I was in the locker room during the pregame and halftime, and then with the team on the sidelines. At the beginning of my time with the team, the head coach agreed to let me record his game and practice talks. These observations and recordings provided me a data set with which to cross reference information I compiled during the inter-views and thus served as one means of validation.

During the data-analysis process all interviews and coaches’ talks were transcribed verbatim by the research-er. The transcribed interviews were e-mailed to the par-ticipants to check for accuracy and to allow them to clarify, make changes, or request that certain information be omitted. Shaffir and Stebbins (1991) noted that giv-ing the participants an opportunity to look over such material is a way of validating one’s data. Such checking helped to control for bias, but it also provided the par-ticipants with some power in the research process once the research left the field. My knowledge of women’s football gathered through observation, research, and experience, as well as from past research on women in other contact sports influenced my understanding of the language the participants used, so an inductive approach was taken, allowing the codes to emerge from the data. Starting with the interviews, the coding process consisted of a line-by-line analysis by which each word and phrase was carefully examined in order to develop categories (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Once a strong list of codes

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was developed using open and in vivo coding, whole sentences and paragraphs were coded (Strauss & Corbin). The field notes were coded in the same manner, looking for categories that developed out of the larger theme of coming into football and football identity formation.

Participants

The participants for this study were members of a suc-cessful women’s football team from a large Midwestern metropolitan area. At the time of this research, this team had the best record in women’s football, having won five national championship titles. The team’s roster fluctu-ated, but when I started my research with the team there were 52 women on the team ranging in age from early 20s to early 50s. The characteristics of the 10 women I interviewed varied (see table 1). The interviewees included six veterans and four rookies. The majority of the players interviewed identified as African American (60%), while the rest identified as white (40%). Six of the women identified as straight (60%) and four identified as lesbians (40%). All of the interviewees were college graduates and had participated in intercollegiate athletics (e.g., volley-ball, softball, soccer, basketball, track and field). Three of the women were in the process of earning a graduate degree. None of the women interviewed had previous experience playing organized football outside of the women’s professional leagues.

The coaches of the team, however, did have exten-sive football experience outside of women’s football. All of the coaches had played football in college, with the head coach having played at the University of Michigan. In addition to their role as coaches for the team, many of them also coached for local high schools and some had experience coaching men at the college level. All of the coaches were male. During my two years with the team, the majority of the coaches were African American, including the head coach. With some fluctuation in overall coaching numbers, five of the coaches were African American, one was Latino, and the number of coaches who were white was at the most two. Some of the coaches were married to or ended up marrying players. Many of the coaches had children, many of whom were girls, who came to most of the practices and games.

Becoming Involved in FootballIf there was a single common thread among all

players it was that they were competitive and driven to succeed. This competitive drive was what brought many of the women to football, and specifically to this team. However, their rationale for joining football and the support they received from those around them varied. In a 2001 article, New York Sharks owner and player

Table 1Participants’ Demographics

Participant Age Race Sexuality Education Level Years with Team

1 36 African American

Heterosexual Graduate 2

2 38 White Lesbian Bachelor’s 4


Heterosexual Bachelor’s 1

4 35 White Heterosexual Bachelor’s 1







Andra Douglas noted that her players “fall into three categories—the first just love football, the second want to contribute to history and pave the way for more women getting into the sport, and the third category is there because they just want to hit something” (Curry, 2001, p. 51). These same themes held true for the women on this team. The following discussion includes the three themes that emerged from the interviews.

Love of Football

Nearly all the women interviewed mentioned their love of the game. This love of football manifested differ-ently among the women. During our interview, Linda (all names are pseudonyms taken from an IWFL All Star list) recalled football as the predominate means of interact-ing with her father. Days and evenings spent in front of the television watching football not only developed her passion for the game but also gave her an opportunity to spend time with her dad. The chance for Linda to play football only intensified this aspect of their relation-ship. Similar relationships between several players and their fathers were noted during observations. There was a palpable void within the team after the sudden pass-ing of one such father. Having once been a fixture at the team’s practices and games, a few players placed his name or picture on their uniforms symbolizing his con-tinued presence with those close to him. In her research with female boxers, Mennesson (2000) found that many of them identified with masculine role models in their younger years. Cox and Thompson (2000) and Scraton, Fasting, Pfister, and Bunuel (1999) highlighted the impor-tant role of male encouragement and approval in open-ing doors for women to soccer. The restricted history of tackle football would also indicate that males are the gatekeepers. As noted by the content of the interviews, at this time, it is males who often introduce football to their female friends, daughters, and wives. This is beginning to change as more women enter the field. Examples of such change include the recent media coverage of a mom and daughter playing on a women’s football team and of a mom and son who play professional football (Boucher, 2009; Jacinto, 2010).

Many of the women noted loving football from an early age. When asked why she decided to play foot-

ball, Brenda’s response was, “I’ve always loved football, so I thought I would try it out. I just wanted to see what it was all about.” Yet, for many of these women, their opportunity to engage in organized football was extremely limited. Lisa stated, “I have always been inter-ested in football.” She elaborated that in high school her only opportunity to play was the annual powder puff game, but since it was flag football it didn’t inter-est her. Another player, Latricia, recalled her experience attempting to try out for her high school football team:

I tried to play football. I came out to the tryout and the coach was like “What?!” I had never played football before and I had never played basketball either, in terms of being on a team. I just played in the gym. And the coach was like, “let me take you upstairs because I think that you would have a lot more fun and I think you would play a lot if you tried out for the girls’ basketball team.” So he took me upstairs, and I actually tried out for the basketball team. I made the JV team. Every day after I got out of practice from basketball I was on the football field still. Rain, sleet, or snow I was out there watching the football team. The guys on the football team became my best friends, and I still keep in touch with them till this day.

Both of these experiences would indicate that there are still a number of structural barriers that keep girls from gaining valuable football experiences. There are no separate tackle football teams for girls at the high school or college levels. Given the lack of women’s teams, females rely on coaches of historically male teams to give them an opportunity to play. For most of the women who play professional football, the oppor-tunity to play organized football at a younger age was never available.

The structural barriers that limited these women’s opportunities to suit up for their high school team did not diminish their love of the game. Many of the players reminisced about days spent in the street or backyard playing football with neighborhood kids. Amy noted, “I played it growing up because I grew up with all boys on my street. I had no girls so I played a ton of pickup football.” Others, like Anika, remembered playing in the street, maneuvering around the parked cars, stopping

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only when parents called her home. Anika later remarked that it is this shared love of football that unites the play-ers. “You have that love of the game and so it felt like I was with my sisters, like we had a sisterhood.”

Theberge (1987) suggested that this “sisterhood” that exists in women’s team sports can be a source of empowerment. Further, Theberge (2000a) noted, “the bonding that occurs in a team setting provides not only enjoyment but an important basis for the construction and confirmation of athletic identities” (p. 324). Unlike women in individual sports such as boxing, women in team contact sports were able to share their experiences and struggles with other women in a similar situation as their own. Together, women playing team contact sports developed their understanding of the sport and of them-selves within that context. Theberge (2000a) suggested that women’s team sports have the potential to produce cultural change because of this built-in support network.

Part of History

The players’ understanding of women’s football history varied, and in most cases was limited. Rachel did not start reading about women’s football history on the Internet until after she had played the game for several years. She was surprised to learn about past teams that once dominated the sport to the same extent as her current team. Many of the players thought they were playing for the most dominant team in women’s football, not knowing about the huge success of teams such as the Toledo Troopers in the 1970s and 1980s. Brenda considered herself and her teammates as a part of women’s football history:

I mean, I guess that is the driving motivation behind playing without getting paid because with me it not only quote/unquote gives you something to do but there is still a sense of accomplishment because you are still kind of in a pioneering field here with there not being any financial pay behind it or any national accolades, so to speak, because you are not getting the type of recognition that NFL players would get or even some high school players get more recogni-tion than women’s football does.

A rookie on the team, Angela was one of the few players to acknowledge the larger history of women’s

football. She acknowledged “the fact that there have been some pioneers out there that have blazed this trail for those of us who enjoy this sport, which has allowed us to come out here and play it.”

For many of the players, being on this particular team is what made them a part of history. Since its inception in 2002, the team experienced great success, making it to six national championship games in their first seven years and winning five titles in that time. The head coach, as leader of the team, was an important voice in the identity development of these players and often invoked the team’s place in history to motivate the players and encourage them to embrace this legacy. The following pre-game talk by the head coach is an example of this:

You never stop believing in yourselves! You are his-tory makers! You are barrier breakers! You created a legacy! And you live with it, so you love it, and you fight for it, and today, that is what I want you to do. You fight for your legacy today!

Many of the new players were drawn to the team because of its championship reputation. Lori remem-bered trying out for the team because she wanted the chance to win a championship. Women drove a couple of hours for the opportunity to play for this team and one player even flew nearly 300 miles to join the team and be a part of its history.

The history of women’s football is still being written. There is a record of women playing organized football since at least the 1920s. However, it was not until the 1960s and 1970s that several football leagues developed to promote a more competitive environment for women. Still, girls and women are largely underrepresented on our country’s football fields. Due to the continued clas-sification of football as masculine (Falk, 2005; Messner, 2002; Oriard, 2001; Sabo, 1994; Sabo & Panepinto, 1990; Trujillo, 1995), even today’s contemporary female players can be considered a part of history.

Physicality of Football

In addition to a general love of the game and a desire to be a part of women’s football history, a com-mon theme throughout the players’ narratives was a



belief that football offered them a level of physicality not available to them in traditional female-dominated sports. Indeed, football is, by nature, a physical sport that demands the forceful use of the body as the teams try to move the chains down the field. The role of phys-icality in football is further strengthened by its com-parison to warfare (Arens, 1976; Foley, 1990; Guttman, 1978; Trujillo, 1995). Many scholars have noted that a major component of the football-as-warfare mentality is the level of aggressive physical contact on the field (Freeman, 2003; Messner, 2007; Sabo & Panepinto, 1990; Trujillo). Football players were known for the physical feats they performed on the gridiron. Each game is a battle for ownership of a small piece of land. The players were expected to put their body on the line for their fellow teammates, to be warriors (Foley).

For many women, and many men, it was this high level of physical play that drew them to the sport of football. Erica and Lisa both said they wanted to play football because of the physicality of it. Other players felt similarly, as Katie noted the reason she liked football was “contact, plain and simple.” Anika thought of her-self as a “really, really physical person.” Her motivation for playing was that she “loved to be physical, loved sports, and liked to be challenged.” Annika’s response to the perception some people have of women’s foot-ball being more about finesse was:

You know people say it’s more technical and all that, that it is more finesse. You know, you get out there and try to finesse and tackle your way up the field and watch you get laid on your back. You know, so you are not going to finesse your way anywhere. It being more technical and all that, no, I mean rules are rules. People want to see the physicality and that is what we give them. They want to see power. They want to see you do some spectacular things just like the men.

Migliaccio and Berg (2007) found that the women football players they interviewed also enjoyed the physi-cal nature of the sport. Such findings are common in research that focuses on women in contact sports (Sisjord, 1997; Theberge, 2000b; Wedgwood, 2004)

Yet, a majority of the players interviewed indicated

that football’s high level of physicality was something they could not experience in other sports. Erica noted that she had played basketball but wanted to tackle and was excited about the opportunity to play football. In Lisa’s assessment, “there is no other women’s sport that gives you what football gives you.” As further explana-tion she asked, “Who doesn’t want to break shit and not get in trouble?” Echoing Lisa’s statement, Katie felt football is “really the only sport where you are allowed to hit people,” which is what drew her to the sport. Amy also contrasted football with other sports she had played at a competitive level. She noted, “At least in soccer you’re not supposed to hit people, even though you do sometimes. In this [football] you get to do it, so I am like ‘oh, this could be a good stress reliever.’” She further explained that she experienced fewer migraines during the football season and contributed this to play-ing a physical sport. “So for some reason, letting me get out that aggressiveness or whatever, I think it relieved my stress a lot.” These sentiments are in line with Thing’s (2001) findings indicating that contact sports can serve as a stress reliever for some female athletes.

Early Identity Formation While the first research question dealt with what

brought women to football, the second question focused on how the women began to create their iden-tities as football players. Coakley (2007) noted that developing an athletic identity often depends on the abilities and characteristics of the person, the support of significant others, and the opportunities available. At the time of this research, the women in this Midwest metropolis had three professional women’s football teams within a two-hour radius available to them. The information collected suggested that the women’s abili-ties and characteristics, the support of significant others, and the use of veterans as role models worked early on to shape these women’s identities as football players.

Abilities and Characteristics of the Person

Most of the women in the study felt that they were physical people before starting to play football. As Amy noted during her interview, “I’m a very physical, athletic person, especially in soccer and playing on the

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field and playing in goal. I’m aggressive so, you know, hitting someone doesn’t bother me at all.” During my interview with Anika, she recounted her reasoning for entering the Marine Corps reserves: “I really wanted to do it because they say they have the toughest boot camp, and I really wanted to experience boot camp.” For her, the Marine Corps was about the physical chal-lenge it provided. The women on this football team were drawn to the higher level of physical strength that football demands.

The women’s experiences with football, before mak-ing the team, varied. Many of the players had almost no experience with the sport. That lack of experience was what drew Melissa to the sport. She described it this way: “I thought it would be a challenge to play a sport I had never tried to do.” Melissa went on to become one of the most successful defensive players in women’s football. Several other women had played football growing up, although not on organized teams. Anika remembered:

I didn’t play organized sports but I always played with boys. I would be in the streets until after the streetlights came on. Racing is something I con-stantly did; I was always fast. I mean I wouldn’t walk two sidewalk squares, I was running everywhere. When we played football in the streets, I would always be running around cars, always fast.

Regardless of their experiences with the game of football, all the women had been athletes and had played a sport at the intercollegiate level.

Role of Significant Others

In addition to their abilities and characteristics, the women also experienced a lot of support from their friends and family, which Coakley (2007) suggested aids in identity formation. In regard to the level of support she received from her husband, Anika noted:

You know the fact that he supports me in that [football] is really wonderful. The biggest thing for me is the fact that he has no bias that its women playing football. He looks out on the field and he sees athletes, you know, these people are phenom-enal; they are doing phenomenal things.

Many of the women who were married and had children noted that both their husbands and children were very supportive. Indeed, it was quite common to have some of the kids at the practices running through the stands and throwing footballs on the sidelines.

Yet, not all children remained supportive of their mother’s involvement in football, as was made apparent by Myra’s experience. Myra, who was a rookie the first year I was with the team, said that at first her kids liked the fact that she was playing football, but they soon became upset about it because of all the time she had to spend at practices, games, and traveling. Although this was not her only reason for leaving, Myra was not on the team a second year. In their research with two women’s football teams in California, Migliaccio and Berg (2007) suggested that some women may leave football because of familial commitments. Although these narratives are lost by shorter research designs, hav-ing spent a couple of years with the team, stories like Myra’s are more easily captured.

Some of the players received mixed reactions from their families. A number of players noted that some family members were worried about them getting hurt while playing football. Lori said, “My first year, I would have to come to my mom before every game and tell her, ‘mom, I won’t get hurt’ and she would be in tears.” Later she noted that her parents “come to all the games and my mom doesn’t cry anymore.” Angela received mixed reactions from her parents when they found out she was playing football:

Actually all of my family and friends that I know, first of all were surprised that women’s football even existed because no one had heard of women’s tackle football. Then on top of that, my mom didn’t want my brothers to play football because of the possi-bilities of injuries so she definitely didn’t want me to play, mom and dad. They were like ‘no way, you are not supposed to play football, but we can’t stop you because you are an adult.’ But they have been supportive. They have been to my home games. They still support me.

Many of the players found support from friends as well. Amy noted that her friends, with whom she



had played college soccer, at first thought she was insane to play tackle football. Now, “they all love it because they tell everyone, I have a friend who plays women’s football. They love it but they are all like, ‘I wouldn’t be able to do that.’” One player who was an athletic administrator at a local high school said that the school’s wrestling team was one of the first groups of people to come out to watch her play.

Veterans as Role Models

A key aspect of identity formation, as Donnelly and Young (1988) noted, is the socialization process. Within the context of this team, I examined how new players were taught, using both verbal and nonverbal cues, what it takes to be a member. One of the key ways in which this socialization was accomplished was through the use of veteran players as role models. The role of the veterans was visible through the coaches’ choices in team captains, the praise and criticism that were most often aimed at the veteran players, and by the coaches’ forthright talk about how the veterans were role models for the rookies on the team. Remarking on her role as captain, Melissa noted, “I’m the quiet captain who doesn’t say all that much in meetings but on the field I prove why I’m a captain and how I deserve to be on the field.” Rachel, a veteran on the team herself, noted the influence of the team captains on her own game:

Even though I have been there all six years, you know, there are still people on the team that I look up to. I know people say, ‘oh, Rachel, you good, this, that and the other’ but I perform according to the people I look up to the most.

Latricia, a rookie, stated, “It’s like people tell you over and over again, but when Tosha (veteran player) told me, it’s like I went right out there and did it.” Through Latricia’s statement, it was clear that some football skills were perhaps easier to learn from veteran players than from coaches. This could be due to the fact that even veteran players were still relatively new to the game so they were able to understand a rookie’s confu-sion better than someone who has been entrenched in football for decades.

Veterans were often used by the coach to define expectations. During a mid-season, postgame talk, the

coach touched on this process of socialization when he said:

And that is when leadership steps into it; ain’t just going to be me. It has to come through the lead-ers on this football team. Certain things cannot be allowed and that starts at me and it trickles all the way down through the coaching staff, all the way to the captains, all the way to the veterans, and all the way through the team.

Earlier, during the halftime talk, the coach noted, “We got this group of veterans, this many veterans on a team, and they can’t even get their own teammates and players to stay focused.” The expectation was that the vet-eran players would set the standard for the team. Due to this expectation, the coach was quick to praise veterans for playing well and to criticize them for playing poorly.

In one particular pregame talk, the coach talked explicitly and extensively about the veterans’ role on the team as leaders and role models:

Rida is old school for you girls that are just here. I know it’s kind of young in women’s football to have old school, but we have old school on this football team. We have a lot of tradition right here on this football team. And the thing that fires me up and makes me feel excited about you guys who are going to be the team to do this, is the process you have taken to get here. And then having the other people come behind you, and you have to lead them, and they have to watch you. And they watch you guys awfully close, they watch every one of you. They watch your mannerisms, and how you carry yourself, how you prepare for games, and they in the same tune prepare themselves for games. They watch how you put your socks on. That’s the way some of the girls start putting their socks on, and they lying if they not doing that. Trust me, us guys growing up, we watched. Having somebody in front of you to lead you is a hell of a thing. Having somebody who has been here before is a great, great opportunity for everybody.

Each of these examples highlights the ways in which the veterans helped the rookies form their own identi-ties as football players.

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ConclusionFootball has historically been a male activity,

although not as exclusively as many people believe. As early as the 1920s, some professional men’s teams, such as the Frankford Yellow Jackets, sponsored women’s teams as a way of providing halftime entertainment for their crowds (Orlando Anarchy, 2010). In the early 1930s, two women’s teams, independent of any men’s teams, played games in Dayton, Detroit, Newport, and Toledo (Oriard, 2001). Since that time, various leagues have formed, morphed, and at times crumbled, all in an attempt to provide women the opportunity to play organized football.

In1975, anthropologist William Arens (1975) wrote that football is a significant symbol for understanding our culture. Arens, of course, was talking about foot-ball played by men, but the examination of women’s experiences in football may also provide insight into American culture. There is a dearth of research on women’s tackle football. And although there are a num-ber of similarities between the early identity-formation process for women football players and women in ice hockey, rugby, and boxing, there are also notable differ-ences. Unlike the women in Theberge’s (2000b) research on Canadian women in ice hockey, women growing up in the United States do not have access to local and regional developmental football leagues. As outlined in this article, even the women who showed interest in football at a young age were often discouraged from participating. Part of this difference may be that, unlike hockey (which restricts women from body checking), football has not been modified to make it more cul-turally acceptable for girls and women to play. Chu, Leberman, Howe, and Bachor’s (2003) research indicat-ed that the women of the Black Ferns, New Zealand’s women’s rugby team, received cultural support for their involvement in the country’s national pastime, unlike anything the women football players in the United States report. Finally, Mennesson’s (2000) research on the identity formation of women in ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ styles of boxing in France, indicated that women who started boxing at an older age were less likely to engage in the ‘hard’ style of boxing, which demands a higher level of physicality. Most of the women in the present

study came to football at an older age but chose to participate in a physically demanding style of football—tackle football— rather than playing flag.

Other scholars have noted the potential for women in contact sports to challenge the masculine preserve of sport (Mennesson, 2000; Theberge, 2000b; Wedgewood, 2004). Given the prominence of football in U.S. culture, women’s involvement in the sport may provide the great-est challenge to hegemonic masculinity. This research with a prominent Midwest women’s football team helps to better understand what draws women to the sport of football and how they begin to develop their identities as football players. This information could be useful for future attempts to market football to women.

Through my various experiences with football (as as spectator, player, and researcher) I think that open-ing the game of football to girls and women is impor-tant for a number of reasons. The first is the physical empowerment that football provides girls and women. As Theberge (2000a) noted, women involved in contact team sports develop a sense of empowerment through their relationships with their teammates. Also, as many of the women in this study suggested, football allowed them to experience their body in different and more powerful ways than other sports that are deemed by our culture as more appropriate for females. Even those women who had thought of themselves as physical indi-cated that football took that physicality to a whole new level. Coming to view their body as strong and powerful has the potential to disrupt the current gender hierarchy (Schultz, 2005). Furthermore, football welcomes people of various body types (Migliaccio & Berg, 2007). In her research on women’s rugby, Chase (2006) noted the importance of sporting spaces that encourage girls and women of all sizes to participate as a means of empow-erment. Football also allows women of most body sizes to be physically active in a sporting environment.

Moreover this research points at issues for further examination. First, once women become involved in football, how do they negotiate their roles as football players and women? Football has been referred to as one of the last bastions of masculinity. Due to this cultural dynamic, it is important to better understand the struggles women go through to play football in our



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Players’ Interview Schedule

Appendix

Coming Into Football

1. Why did you start to play football?

2. How did you hear about the team?

3. How did your family respond to your desire to play football?

4. How did friends and other important people respond to your desire to play football?

5. How long have you been with the team?

The Football Experience

1. What do you like about football?

2. How is playing football different from other sports you have played?

3. What do you get from football that you don’t get anywhere else?

4. Has football changed the way you think about yourself? In what ways?

5. How would you describe a football player?

6. Do you feel like you fit this description? How so or how not?

7. What role do coaches play in your experiences with football?

8. How have other players influenced your experiences in foot-ball?

9. Can you take me through a football game? What do you do? What are you thinking?

10. What does being a woman on a professional women’s football team mean to you?

11. What would you want people to know about women’s profes-sional football?

Concluding Questions

1. Is there anything that would make you quit football?

2. Are there any additional questions you wish I would have asked? How would you answer them?



Observation of Step-Count Patterns of Women Participating in a Healthy Lifestyle Book Club Intervention

Cara L. Sidman, University of North Carolina Wilmington; Jennifer L. Huberty, University of Nebraska Omaha; Yong Gao, Boise State University

Abstract

This study has two purposes: (1) to observe the step-count patterns of adult women who participated in an eight-month healthy lifestyle-based book club intervention and (2) to describe step-count patterns across seasons and body mass index (BMI) categories. Sixty-two participants (mean age ± SD = 53 ± 9, 92% Caucasians) had complete pedometer data, which was used for data analysis. After weekly, hour-long, discussion-based meetings during months one through four, and bi-monthly meet-ings during months five through eight, women increased their step counts by 26%. Significant step-count differences were observed among seasons (p < .05), and from pre- to post-intervention (p < .05), with the lowest steps being reported in the fall and the highest in the spring. Women in the obese category continued to increase steps during the winter, while the healthy-weight group decreased steps. There was a significant correlation between the average steps taken during the intervention and changes in BMI from pre- to post-intervention (r = -.26, p < .05). Overall, positive step-count pattern observations were found among adult women participating in a healthy lifestyle-based intervention.


Cara L. Sidman, Ph.D.School of Health & Applied Human ScienceUniversity of North Carolina Wilmington601 S. College Rd.Wilmington, NC 28403


Phone: (910) 962-2452

Fax: (910) 962–7073

IntroductionParticipation in regular, moderate intensity physical activity (PA) has well-docu-

mented physical and emotional benefits, yet it remains a difficult lifestyle behavior to maintain among American adults (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 2008). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 2007), along with the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM, 2006) established national recommendations for regular PA over 10 years ago due to the extensive knowledge base linking physical movement with decreased risk of disease and increased longevity (Haskell et al., 2007). The most recent PA guidelines issued

Sidman, Huberty and Gao


by the USDHHS in 2008 provide scientific recommen-dations for each age group to improve health through 150 minutes of moderate or 75 minutes of vigorous intensity physical activity each week.

Despite these national and seemingly realistic PA guidelines, recent data revealed that only 49.2% of the adult population were meeting the recommendation of “30+ minutes of moderate physical activity five or more days per week, or vigorous PA for 20+ minutes three or more days per week” (CDC, 2007). In particular, fewer women (47.5%) than men (51.5%) met the recommen-dations, indicating that there may be a unique set of circumstances for women.

As demonstrated by the evolution of the PA rec-ommendations, experts are trying to address common obstacles to PA among the sedentary population, while at the same time clarifying that moderate amounts of PA can have a significant effect on health. Such recom-mendations have led to the development of diverse interventions, both structured and non-structured, to promote PA behaviors among various populations. Although progress has been made, interventions with the most effective combination of positive cognitions, emotions, and behaviors associated with lifelong PA still seem to elude researchers. In fact, Godfrey and Nelson (2009) outlined public health recommendations for interventions specifically for women and emphasized the importance of addressing their unique demands of work and family. Further, Godfrey and Nelson proposed setting up a supportive environment, which includes developing a social support system, focusing on strategies for overcoming obstacles that incorporate PA into their lifestyle (i.e., parking farther away, taking the stairs, applying new commuting strategies), and find-ing enjoyable activities— all of which are more likely to promote long-term adherence (Eyler & Vest, 2000; White, Ransdell, Vener, & Flohr, 2005).

To further investigate obstacles to PA and add to the limited research in this area, Buchowski and colleagues (2009) examined seasonal influence on PA patterns among a group of adult women in the south-eastern United States. Based on accelerometer data, they found lower PA patterns in the winter when compared to other seasons, indicating a variation in PA behaviors

in the colder months. Other studies have found sig-nificantly lower step counts among adults in the colder months when compared to the summer (Chan, Ryan, & Tudor-Locke, 2006; Tudor-Locke, Williams, Reis, & Pluto, 2004). In fact, in a comprehensive review, Tucker and Gilliland (2007) suggested that future PA interven-tions should consider the influence of season, and con-sequently weather, on physical activity behaviors.

Body fat percentage and BMI are additional fac-tors related to PA that have been previously studied. In Buchowski et al.’s study (2009), there was a trend between PA and body fat percentage in adult women. Similar findings by Hemmingsson and Ekelund (2007) indicated a highly significant correlation between BMI and PA among obese individuals, but not among non-obese individuals.

Physical activity intervention recommendations include less structured, lifestyle-based, creative approach-es that involve realistic PA guidelines to facilitate long-term adherence (Dunn et al., 1999). Researchers have begun to address these recommendations by implementing lifestyle-based PA interventions target-ing women, with promising findings (Carels, Darby, Cacciapaglia, & Doubglass, 2004; Huberty, Vener et al., 2008; Opdenacker, Boen, Auweele, & DeBourdeaudhuij, 2008; Peterson & Yates, 2008). Huberty and colleagues (Huberty, Vener et al., 2008), reported an increase in self-worth among the women participating in an eight-month cognitive and behavior-based book club utiliz-ing principles from social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1991) and the transtheoretical model (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1983). The women were not provided with a structured exercise program, and the book club group sessions were not focused on the outcome of weight loss, similar to a few other interventions (Carels et. al, 2004; Segar, Eccles, & Richardson, 2008; Strelan, Mehaffey, & Tiggeman, 2003). Instead, the book club used the readings and discussions to provide knowledge and skills for incorporating PA into daily life.

Carels and colleagues (2004) also implemented a lifestyle change intervention, but utilized principles from self-control theory that were similar to the knowl-edge and skills associated with social cognitive theory (i.e., self-esteem, self-monitoring, modifying self-defeating

Healthy Lifestyle Book Club Intervention


thoughts, and social support in terms of relationships). Significant improvements in PA, weight loss, and self-control (and other dependent variables associated with cardiovascular disease risk reduction) were found, indicat-ing the potential for a cost-effective lifestyle-based treat-ment to promote health among postmenopausal women.

The need to extend the research on lifestyle-based PA interventions and determine the effect on PA levels has already been established. Although PA variables were generally reported (e.g., means and standard devia-tions [SDs]) in a series of lifestyle book club interven-tion studies (Women Bound to be Active [WBA]) by Huberty, Vener et al. (2008; Huberty et al., 2009; 2010), participants’ step-count patterns throughout the intervention were never observed, and neither were the step-count patterns across seasons and BMI categories. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to observe the step-count patterns of adult women who participated in a healthy lifestyle-based book club PA intervention. A secondary purpose was to describe step-count patterns across seasons and BMI categories among these women.

Methods

Participants

Step-count patterns observed in the present study were from the women who participated in the WBA lifestyle-based book club intervention. Inclusion criteria for the WBA have been reported elsewhere (Huberty, Vener et al., 2008). Women had to be at least 19 years of age and in the contemplation (Stage 2— seriously thinking about being active, but no commitment to action) or preparation stages (Stage 3—intending to be active in the next month with unsuccessful attempts over the year) of the transtheoretical model (stage of change; Marcus, Rossi, Selby, Niaura, & Abrams, 1992). Stage of change was assessed using the Physical Activity Stages of Change questionnaire (Marcus et al.).

Women who participated in the WBA completed the eight-month intervention in three cohorts over three years (2006-2009), from September/October to April/May. Step counts observed from WBA participants were from a number of sites in the Midwest and one site in the eastern part of the United States. The number of

potential sites for each yearly cohort for 2006 to 2007, 2007 to 2008, and 2008 to 2009 were four, two, and four, respectively. All women who participated in the WBA signed an informed consent approved by the Institutional Review Board.

Lifestyle Intervention

The study design involved a pre-post single group (multiple cohorts), eight-month community-based life-style intervention called Women Bound to be Active, details of which are reported elsewhere (Huberty, Vener et al., 2008; Huberty et al., 2010). In essence, the WBA program was a book club with healthy lifestyle-related readings and “homework” to learn and practice thoughts, skills, and behaviors conducive to healthy behavior changes. Participants were volunteers and were paid ($99) to cover the cost of materials (i.e., book, workbook, pedometers, and pedometer log). However, a small subset of residents in a specific area of the Midwestern state had these materials paid for by an American Heart Association grant. All participants were able to select their preferred community-based location.

Due to the innovative book club format, discus-sions were the focus of the WBA intervention. Fiction and non-fiction books were selected by the principal investigator based on content and relevancy to PA education and participation, program design, and well-documented successful behavior-change principles. The book club meetings were facilitated by the principal investigator and/or a trained health promotion gradu-ate assistant from the local university. Participants were asked to attend weekly meetings for the first half of the intervention (first four months) and then every other week for the second half (second four months). Meeting topics were listed in a syllabus, which included the topic, book title, and page numbers to read before each meeting. Details on the design of the lifestyle intervention, weekly readings, and assignments, as well as data related to the psychosocial variables are reported in previous publications (Huberty, Vener et al., 2008; Huberty et al., 2009; Huberty et al., 2010).

To observe step-count patterns among the women participating in this intervention, pedometers were the selected objective measurement device for various rea-



sons: cost effectiveness, ease of use, and previous valida-tion of their use by women in other studies. Pedometers were distributed at the second book club meeting, along with explicit instructions regarding proper placement, use, and recording step counts in a daily log. The pedom-eter log was about the size of two checkbooks in order to fit into the participants’ purses, while still making it easy to read and allowing enough room to write. Participants were asked to put on their pedometer immediately after getting up in the morning and record their total daily step count in their log immediately before going to bed. At each meeting, participants were asked to turn in their weekly pedometer log to the facilitator. The logs had carbon copies so that the participants still had a copy of what they had accomplished. During the meeting at which pedometers were distributed to participants, no advice or instructions were given about how many steps were necessary for health benefits, how to set pedometer goals, nor any other specific recommendations. This information was provided the following week (third week of intervention) in order to more accurately obtain base-line step-count data.

During the third meeting, participants were provided more education on pedometers, including how to use them for self-monitoring and goal-setting. Researchers made it clear that setting pedometer step goals was not mandatory, but did emphasize that finding ways throughout their day to increase their steps was impor-tant. During the third meeting, facilitators reviewed each participant’s pedometer workbook information to assist in proper pedometer placement and brainstorming ways to increase their daily PA. Pedometer workbook informa-tion included the following: (1) how to get started with a pedometer to monitor physical activity, (2) a worksheet to list five ways to integrate physical activity into their day, (3) a three-step process for setting pedometer goals, and (4) a step-equivalent chart (Ainsworth et al., 2000) to help participants equate other activities (besides walking) to steps per minute.

It is important to note that the participants were intentionally not provided a structured exercise pro-gram. Instead, they were encouraged to be physically active outside of the book club when they were ready. They were also encouraged to participate in PA that

they enjoyed. The women were encouraged to engage in PA at their own time and pace, with the ultimate goal of sustained PA as a result of autonomous lifestyle-based behavioral decisions.

Measures

Participants completed a health history question-naire to determine their general demographics and basic medical history (adapted from Howley & Franks, 1992). The Physical Activity Readiness Questionnaire (PAR-Q) was used to establish participants’ ability to participate in exercise (ACSM, 2006).

Body Mass Index. Standardized procedures were used to measure weight and height (ACSM, 2006). Height was measured using a portable tape measure affixed to the wall. Weight was measured using a calibrated scale. The same facilitator collected the data before and after the intervention, and the same scale was used for all participants. Weight and height were then used to calculate BMI (kg/m2).

Physical Activity Assessment. Electronic, step-only, walk4life pedometers were used to assess PA in terms of step counts (Yamax Corp, Tokyo, Japan). Previous researchers have validated these objective instruments for use in the measurement of PA (Tudor-Locke et al., 2004; Tudor-Locke, Williams, Reis, & Pluto, 2002). Activity is recorded on a digital display as “counts” after each verti-cal hip movement. Participants wore the pedometers in a vertical position on the waistband at the right side of the body, as specified in previous research (Tudor-Locke & Myers, 2001). Step counts were recorded every day during the eight-month intervention. If participants for-got to wear their pedometer, they were asked to wear it the next day and negate the day they forgot to wear it. Additionally, the research team reminded the participants that if their pedometer did not seem accurate and/or was not working properly, they should ask for a replacement. Three participants’ pedometers were replaced.

Data Analysis

Descriptive statistical analyses were conducted to examine characteristics of the studied sample. Mixed-model repeated measures analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were conducted to evaluate season and



intervention effects on step-count measurements, and to examine whether the effects were the same for dif-ferent BMI category groups. Bonfferoni adjustment was used multiple comparisons. In addition, Cohen’s d was calculated as a measure of effect size to represent mag-nitude of intervention and season effects independent of sample size (Cohen, 1988). A positive d indicates an increase in step counts and a negative d is an indication of a decrease in steps. Typically, Cohen’s d of .2 is con-sidered to be a small effect size, .5 medium, and .8 large. Correlation and multiple regression analyses were used to examine the associations between average step counts and changes in BMI and weight among women partici-pating in the intervention. All analyses were conducted using SAS 9.2 software (SAS Institute, Cary, NC).

ResultsIn total, 150 women participated in the book club

intervention. 14 of the 150 women dropped out from the study at the very beginning—they signed the consent

form but never attended the book club sessions nor had any baseline data collected (with the reason of “no time” for participation). 62 had complete pedometer data, and their step-count data was used to examine PA patterns for this study. The complete pedometer data in this study was defined as a participant recording pedom-eter step counts for at least three days per month for seven or eight months (depending on the start month) during the intervention. Studies have suggested that three days of pedometer data collection are sufficient to obtain reliable and valid step-count measurements for adult populations (Tudor-Locke et al., 2005). The use of three days of pedometer data per month for seven to eight months in this study was to ensure reliable and accurate monthly (and seasonal) PA estimates.

Participant Characteristics

Characteristics of women with complete pedometer data and those without complete pedometer data are presented in Table 1. Significant differences related to age and pre-intervention body weight were found between

Table 1Sample Descriptions

Note: *p<.05; ****p<.001

Women with complete pedometer data

M±SD (n=62)

Women with incomplete pedometer data

M±SD (n=88)

Age (years) 53 ±9**** 47 ±11

Race/Ethnicity

Caucasians (%) 92 80

African Americans (%) 7 18

Other (%) 1 2

Height (inches) 65±3 65±3

Pre Weight (lbs) 181±45* 199±46

Pre BMI (kg/m2) 30±8 33±7

BMI Categories

Healthy Weight (%) 21 17

Overweight (%) 33 24

Obesity (%) 46 59

Baseline (steps) 5,814±2,408 5,407±2,683



the women who had complete pedometer data and the women who did not have complete pedometer data. Women who had complete pedometer data were older (53 vs. 47 years, p < .001) and lighter (181 vs. 199 pounds, p < .05), with no other significant baseline differences.

Of the women who had complete pedometer data, the majority (92%) were Caucasians; and 21% were

(mean=55 vs. 52 and 52, p = .6), baseline step counts (mean = 6,977 vs. 6,031 and 5,308, p =.10), and other baseline variables among the three BMI category groups.

Step-Count Patterns

The average step counts observed among the differ-ent time periods during the intervention are presented in Table 2. These step counts were separated for par-ticipants who had complete pedometer data (Complete Data Set), those who did not have complete pedometer data (Incomplete Data Set), and for all participants in

Table 2Step Counts by Various Timelines during Intervention

NCompete Data

Set Steps

(Mean±SD)

NIncomplete Data

Set Steps

(Mean±SD)

NAll Available

Data Set Steps

(Mean±SD)

By Month September 20 5465±2463 26 5149±2975 46 5286±2739

October 62 6063±2281 61 6010±2761 123 6037±2520

November 62 6306±2684 61 6395±2751 123 6350±2706

December 62 6481±2640 46 6767±2955 108 6603±2769

January 62 6234±2844 38 6371±2573 100 6286±2732

February 62 6290±2882 23 6736±2610 85 6410±2803

March 62 6643±2661 9 6578±2104 71 6634±2584

April 62 6726±2667 4 9141±1837 66 6872±2677

By Season Fall 62 6108±2332 72 6167±2674 134 6140±2512

Winter 62 6335±2665 49 6684±2764 111 6489±2702

Spring 62 6684±2592 10 7162±2495 72 6751±2567

By Intervention First Half 62 6225±2326 73 6237±2700 135 6232±2526

Second Half 62 6473±2628 39 6432±2459 101 6457±2552

Pre- and Post- Intervention Baseline 62 5814±2408 62 5407±2683 124 5611±2547

Middle of Intervention

62 6234±2844 38 6371±2573 100 6286±2732

Post Intervention 62 6726±2667 4 9141±1837 66 6872±2677

Overall Intervention 62 6353±2377 74 6261±2622 136 6303±2505



the intervention (All Available Data Set). The lower step count and participant numbers in September could be attributed to characteristics specific to that particular month. First of all, September participants started at stag-gered times throughout the month. Secondly, September is typically a transitional month for many women, due to the end of the summer and the beginning of the aca-demic year. Additional responsibilities, such as driving their children to or from school, may increase the dif-ficulty in finding time to participate in PA or commit to a new program during that particular month. The lower step counts among the September participants could also be attributed to their level of obesity. Although overall there were no statistical differences, the women starting the intervention in September were obese, and had lower step counts compared to the women in the healthy and overweight categories. However, it was clear that the average step-count patterns were similar for the different cohort timelines among the three data sets. Therefore, only results from those who had complete pedometer data were reported in the following sections.

On average, participants recorded 5,814 (SD = 2,408) steps in their baseline month (i.e., Sept/Oct),

and recorded 6,726 (SD = 2,667) steps at the end of the intervention (i.e., Apr), indicating a 26% increase in step counts after the intervention. A mixed-model 2 (time) by 3 (BMI group) repeated measures ANOVA analysis confirmed a main intervention effect on participants’ step counts. Participants in each BMI category group significantly increased their steps from baseline to post-intervention, F (1, 58) = 9.1, p < .005, Cohen’s d = .47. There was a tendency for the obese group to exhibit a greater increase in step counts that the overweight and healthy-weight groups (d = .66, .34, and .16 for obesity, overweight, and healthy-weight group, respectively). The obese group showed a 39% increase in step counts com-pared with an 18% increase in the overweight group and a 7% increase in the healthy-weight group.

Similarly, a mixed-model season (three levels) by BMI group (three levels) repeated measure ANOVA analysis revealed a significant seasonal effect, F (2, 98) = 3.4, p < 0.05. The lowest average steps were observed in the fall (mean = 6,108, SD = 2,332), followed by winter (mean = 6,335, SD = 2,665), and the highest steps were observed in the spring (mean = 6,684, SD = 2,592). Multiple comparisons with Bonfferoni adjust-

Table 3Means, SDs, and Effect Sizes for Average Interventional and Seasonal Step Counts by BMI group

Note: aMean±SD; b Negative value indicates a decrease in step counts from fall to winter.

Healthy Weight Overweight ObeseBaseline 6977±1552a 6031±2515 5308±2363

Post 7328±1781 6632±2585 6717±2925

Cohen’s d 0.16 0.34 0.66Fall 6844±1431 6392±2584 5750±2281

Winter 6534±1350 6337±2433 6439±3144

Cohen’s d -0.21b -0.03 0.40Winter 6534±1350 6337±2433 6439±3144

Spring 7051±1463 6710±2412 6700±2975

Cohen’s d 0.40 0.33 0.27Fall 6844±1431 6392±2584 5750±2281

Spring 7051±1463 6710±2412 6700±2975

Cohen’s d 0.13 0.19 0.63



ment indicated a significant difference in step counts between the fall and the spring (p < 0.05), and between the winter and the spring (p < .05), and no step-count differences were found between the winter and the fall (p > .05). Although not statistically significant, different step-count patterns across seasons for the obese group and the healthy-weight group were observed (Table 3). Women in the obese group showed a continued increase in step counts from fall to spring (indicated by positive Cohen’s ds), while women in the healthy-weight group decreased steps during the winter months (indicated by negative Cohen’s ds in winter).

Relationship between Physical Activity and BMI

In order to examine whether average step counts and change of step counts were correlated with changes in BMI, correlation and multiple regression analyses were conducted. A significantly negative Pearson correlation, r(59) = -.26, p < .05, between average steps taken during the intervention and change in BMI from pre- to post-inter-vention was observed. This relationship implies the more steps taken during the intervention, the greater the BMI decreased from pre- to post-intervention. When examined by BMI category group, however, this relationship was only found to be marginally significant for the obese women with r(26) = -.33, p = .08, and disappeared for the healthy-weight and overweight BMI category groups.

Correlation analyses further revealed a close to moderate correlation (r(60) = -.35, p < .005) between step-count change and BMI change from pre- to post-intervention, indicating that the larger the increase of step counts from pre- to post-intervention, the greater the BMI decrease. When examined by BMI category, this relationship became even stronger for the obese women, r(26) = -.44, p < .05, but disappeared for the healthy-weight and overweight women BMI categories. The correlation analyses also indicated that the relation-ships between changes in body weight and average step counts and change in step counts were similar to the relationships between change in BMI and average step counts and change of step counts.

A mixed-model regression analysis identified age (ß = -65.5, p < .005), change in BMI (ß = -252, p < .05), and

season (ß = - 564, p < .01 for fall, and ß = - 374, p < .05 for winter compared with spring) to be significant predic-tors for steps taken during the intervention. This result further confirmed the preceding observations that there was a significant seasonal effect on step counts with the lowest step counts being reported in the fall and winter, and the highest step counts being reported in the spring. There was also a significant relationship between average steps taken during the intervention and change in BMI when other factors (e.g., age and season) were controlled.

DiscussionThe purpose of this study was to observe the

step-count patterns of adult women participating in a healthy lifestyle-based PA intervention called Women Bound to be Active. A secondary purpose was to describe step-count patterns across seasons and BMI categories. The innovation of this study was the focus on observing step-count patterns among women par-ticipating in a lifestyle-based, non-structured, PA and healthy behavior-based book club. Participants were given pedometers for recording step-count data, but were not given specific recommendations for how many daily steps to take. Instead, the instructions were to wear the pedometer daily, try to find ways to add step counts (i.e., PA) through lifestyle behavior changes, overcome obstacles to PA (using the knowledge and skills they were learning in the book club readings and meetings), and record their total step count at the end of each day.

On average, 5,814 steps were observed at baseline among the participants, with a significant 26% increase to 6,726 steps by the end of the intervention. According to season, the lowest average steps were observed in the fall and the highest in the spring, indicating signifi-cantly different PA levels from pre- to post-intervention. Participants in the obese BMI category showed a trend of continuously increased steps during the winter, while the healthy-weight group demonstrated a decreased trend in steps. Lastly, there was a significant correlation between the average steps taken during the intervention and change in BMI from pre- to post-intervention.

Tudor-Locke and Bassett (2004) compiled pedom-eter indices for health, indicating that 5,000 steps or



less per day may be a sedentary index associated with a higher prevalence of obesity. Those pedometer research-ers established the next step-count cutoff between 5,000 and 7,499, meaning that individuals in that daily step-count range are classified as “low active.” This would be the step-count classification of the current population both at the beginning and end of the WBA lifestyle intervention.

Additionally, Dr. Hatano (1993) independently determined slightly similar indices, but with additional daily step-count gradations. He established that 1,499 or fewer steps per day is representative of no move-ment, 1,500 to 3,499 steps per day is sedentary, 3,500 to 4,999 steps per day is somewhat sedentary, 5,000 to 7,999 is considered moderately active, and so on. With Hatano’s indices, the step-count patterns among the current population remained in the moderately active classification for the entire eight months, even though there was an average increase of 900 daily steps, equivalent to 26%. Tudor-Locke, Hatano, Pangrazi, and Kang (2008) have more recently recommended a “zone” approach to assist individuals in increasing PA, rather than using these indices as definitive step-count prescriptions. Overall, after participating in a lifestyle intervention, the current participants remained in the low to moderate activity classification based on either set of classifications. Future recommendations based on the newly recommended “zone” approach would be to encourage participants to increase their step counts in daily increments that are sustainable for them in order to progress to a higher step-count classification.

The seasonal differences were contrary to previous researcher that found no differences in the amount of PA between spring and fall (Dannenberg, Keller, Wilson, & Castelli, 1989; Levin, Jacobs, Ainsworth, Richardson, & Leon, 1999). In fact, Buchowski et al. (2009), who studied seasonal patterns of PA among healthy women in the southeastern United States, used spring and fall interchangeably due to previously reported similarities in PA levels between these two seasons. For the present observation, however, the fall and spring seasons indi-cated the beginning and end of the intervention, so the PA changes may be more attributed to the intervention than the season of the year.

Buchowski and colleagues’ (2009) descriptive study indicated lower PA levels in the winter when compared to the summer and spring/fall for women with a mean age of approximately 13 years (younger than the partici-pants in the current study). They explained that these seasonal differences may have been due to environmen-tal factors such as weather and lower number of day-light hours in the winter, although they did not specifi-cally examine those factors in detail. Dannenberg et al. (1989), Chan et al. (2006), and Tudor-Locke, Bassett, et al. (2004) also reported seasonal differences consistent with the present study.

The trend from this intervention shows that the participants in the obese BMI category continued to increase step counts from fall to spring, while the par-ticipants in the healthy-weight group decreased step counts during the winter months. In other words, the healthy-weight participants were affected by the weather with decreased step counts during the winter, while the obese group continued to show increased PA for each season of the intervention, continuing through the winter months. With this study located in the colder, mid-western part of the country, the obese participants may have been less influenced by the season, more impacted by the lifestyle-based approach of the book club curriculum, and more motivated to adhere. Future research adding a qualitative component to further investigate PA patterns would be helpful in determin-ing the relative influences of the psychological, physical, and environmental factors that play a role.

Though not focused on season, Croteau (2004) divid-ed her male and female adult participants into groups based on BMI, as we did in this study. She reported step-count differences among BMI groups after participating in an eight-week, pedometer goal-setting intervention. The obese participants had a 34.3% increase in step counts, while the normal-weight group increased by only 16.4%. The obese individuals were the least active indi-viduals at the onset of the intervention; therefore large increases in step counts were expected. In this interven-tion, there were no significant differences in step counts among the BMI categories between the first and second parts of the intervention, nor during the overall interven-tion, yet there were trends worthy of discussion.



The obese participants in our study increased their step counts by 39% from pre- to post-intervention, compared to an 18% and 7% increase in the overweight and healthy-weight groups, respectively. The sustained increase in PA among the obese participants in this intervention may be due to increased commitment, a topic that was emphasized throughout the book club. Although the book club did not focus on weight loss, the healthy-weight women may not have been as con-cerned with PA during the winter due to their healthy weight, whereas the obese women may have been more committed because of their unhealthy weight. Qualitative inquiry in the future could contribute to increasing what we know about why obese women may maintain their physical activity better than women of healthy weight during the winter months, especially dur-ing a lifestyle-based PA intervention.

The relationship between PA and BMI change is of interest in this step-count observation. The cognitive and lifestyle-based curriculum intentionally did not focus on weight loss in an attempt to emphasize the behav-iors associated with health and quality of life. It is well documented that if individuals can regularly maintain PA behaviors, weight will be favorably impacted, but to vary-ing degrees based on several factors such as genetics, PA history, and dietary intake (Jakicic, Wing, Winters-Hart, 2002; Riebe et al., 2005; Unick, Jakicic, & Marcus, 2009). In the present study, weight and BMI decreased from pre- to post-intervention. In fact, the higher the average steps observed during the intervention, the greater the BMI decrease. This is consistent with previous research indicating greater weight loss with greater amounts of PA (Grundy et al., 1999; Hill & Wyatt, 2005).

Strengths

The present study had several strengths worthy of discussion. First of all, this study observed the step-count patterns of participants for eight months. Eight months may be considered a long duration for a physi-cal activity and/or health-behavior intervention, since most studies in the field (especially among women) tend to last four months or less (White et al., 2005). On average, the rate of attendance to each book club session was approximately 80%, which is commend-

able, considering the eight-month intervention length. Although this study included incomplete data, we still maintained enough complete data to observe a signifi-cant step-count increase over this long time period with a relatively high attendance rate.

In addition, the unique book club lifestyle-based format was not focused on outcomes, but on behav-iors (i.e., physical activity), which should be noted as a strength. Several well-documented studies have reported the benefits of emphasizing social cognitive variables (i.e., self-esteem, self-monitoring, overcoming obstacles to PA, social support, etc.) over the focus on weight loss (Huberty, Ransdell et al., 2008; Segar et al., 2008; Strelan et al., 2003; White et al., 2005).

Participants in the present lifestyle-based study took significantly more steps after eight months of reading books related to healthy lifestyles and attend-ing book club sessions (with an average increase of approximately 900 steps). Previous researchers have reported mixed results from similar lifestyle interven-tions, with increased PA (Dinger, Heesch, & McClary, 2005; Opdenacker et al., 2008) and decreased energy expended from PA (accelerometer data) and planned exercise (Carels et al., 2004) at post-intervention. Lastly, the community-based focus of this step-count observa-tion demonstrates a strength, as the researchers reached out to a variety of cohorts of women in need of support for health behavior change.

Limitations

This observational investigation had some limita-tions. The compliance rate (41%), although it seems reasonable for this study given the fact that it involved eight months of intervention, was low. The low com-pliance rate may increase the risk that the intervention effect (or the study result) was more relevant to those who had complete pedometer data than those who had incomplete pedometer data due to the initial differences in their motivation, age, and/or other composition. For example, women who had complete pedometer data might be more motivated than those who had incomplete pedometer data, and therefore, the two groups may show different PA patterns. However, this does not seem to be the case in the current study due



to the similar step-count patterns between women from the different intervention timelines who had complete pedometer data and those who had incomplete pedom-eter data (see Table 2).

Meanwhile, it should be pointed out that maximiz-ing participation, compliance, and completion can be a constant struggle for researchers in healthy-lifestyle interventions. Previous research has indicated that 50% of participants drop out of structured exercise programs within 6 months (Dishman, 1991; 2001). It is reason-able for us to expect that the dropout rates might be even higher for lifestyle interventions lasting longer than six months, such as this one. A few PA pedometer intervention studies (with shorter durations than the current study), which examined the compliance rates for continuously recording step counts and maintaining pedometer diaries over an extensive time period, also indicated that the longer a PA pedometer intervention lasts, the lower the compliance rate (Talbot, Gaines, Huynh, & Metter, 2003; Tudor-Locke, Bell, et al., 2004; Zoellner et al., 2009).

It should be noted that women in this study with complete pedometer data were significantly older and weighed significantly less than those with incomplete pedometer data. This is similar to a study by Tudor-Locke and Chan (2006) that focused on the characteris-tics of completers and non-completers in an eight-week pedometer program, where the completers were also older in age and lower in weight. Whether differences in these characteristics predisposed women who had complete pedometer data to different step-count pat-terns during the intervention than those of the par-ticipants with incomplete pedometer data needs to be further investigated. Future qualitative inquiry may help determine why women who are younger and/or at a relatively less healthy weight may be less compliant.

Though not specifically asked of the participants, it is possible that recording and submitting daily step-count data for eight full months may have been too time-consuming or burdensome for younger women with more family responsibilities (i.e., younger children at home, balancing work and family). Anecdotally, the older women may be more likely to have children away from the home (i.e., empty nest), thus having more

time for themselves. As Godfrey and Nelson (2009) emphasized, addressing the unique demands of work and family among this population continues to be of importance. Additionally, women who have a healthier weight may not see the importance of self-monitoring if their weight is not an issue, regardless of their activity level.

Two other limitations should be noted. A control group without the book club intervention was not utilized. With the lack of a control group measure, it would be difficult to ascertain whether the step-count changes in the intervention resulted from the opportu-nity of meeting other women who were also interested in changing their PA behaviors rather than from the practice and application of the knowledge and skills learned during book club. In addition, participants in this study were mostly white; therefore, potential differ-ences in step-count patterns based on the racial/ethnic backgrounds of the participants were not evaluated and should be subject to future investigation. The general-izability of the results from this study could be differ-ent for a population composed of primarily minority women.

Conclusions and Recommendations

An eight-month intervention based on social-cognitive theoretical principles impacted step-count patterns among women, especially those in the obese BMI category. The social support, knowledge, and self-management skills gained from a monthly book club focused on healthy lifestyles may help women decide to participate in PA. Future research that extends beyond this intervention length and conducts follow-up assess-ments is recommended in order to continue to investi-gate the impact of innovative interventions on various healthy lifestyles, especially PA behaviors. Based on the current intervention, negative changes in step counts may happen during the winter months, indicating a need to provide individuals with strategies to overcome obstacles resulting from changing weather patterns.

Finally, the focus on lifestyle behaviors, rather than on the outcome of weight loss (although it is a result of a healthier lifestyle), is strongly encouraged. Women, especially those categorized as obese, can be success-

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Predictors of Exercise in Midlife and Older Women Based on the Health Promotion Model

Marlene Adams, University of Delaware; Susan McCrone, West Virginia University

Abstract

The primary objective of this study was to explore selected variables from the Health Promotion Model to determine their impact on the exercise behavior of women ages 40 and older. The secondary objective was to compare variables in women who exercise and those who do not. A convenience sample of 893 female employees from one large university in the mid-Atlantic region and its surrounding community participated. Participants completed a brief demographic questionnaire and the Exercise Benefits and Barriers Scale (EBBS). Walking was the preferred form of exercise for 50.1 % of women. Those who preferred walking perceived fewer benefits and barriers to exercising. Significant predictors of engagement in the pre-ferred form of exercise were perceived benefits, perceived barriers, and walking as a preferred form of exercise. It may be important to design and implement walking programs for women ages 40 and older based on the identified predictors of activity level in order to improve health and well-being.


Marlene Adams, Ph.D.School of NursingUniversity of DelawareNewark, DE 19716


Phone: (302) 831–8394

Background and Significance

Regular exercise has been shown to provide many health benefits, yet most U.S. adults do not exercise regularly (CDC, 2005; Haskell et al., 2007; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 2008), and a significant percentage of adults worldwide are insufficiently active (World Health Organization, 2011). This is especially true among older adults, with only one fifth of them achieving high enough levels of physical activity to accrue health benefits (Lee, Arthur, & Avis, 2008).

Middle-age and older women are especially at risk for sedentary behaviors (Plonczynski, 2003; Segar, Eccles, Peck, & Richardson, 2007; Whaley, 2003), and research has shown that inactivity during middle age may be associated with physi-cal decline in late life (Pluijm et al., 2007). Women in this age groups are also at

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a higher risk for osteoporosis, heart disease, and breast cancer (Cheung, Chaudhry, Kapral, Jackevicius, & Robinson, 2004; McTiernan et al., 2004) due to hor-monal changes. Fortunately, exercise can help prevent or delay the onset of these diseases (Kemmler et al., 2004; McTiernan et al., 2003). Therefore, it is important to examine exercise behaviors in middle-age and older women so that interventions can be developed that will help them establish and maintain regular exercise rou-tines throughout their life.

Theoretical FrameworkThe Health Promotion Model (HPM; Pender,

Murdaugh, & Parsons, 2011) was developed to illustrate the multidimensional nature of the individual interact-ing with his or her interpersonal and physical environ-ment in the pursuit of health. The model provides a guide for exploring the complex biopsychosocial processes that motivate individuals to engage in healthy behaviors. Individual characteristics and experiences are the first predictor categories in the HPM revised model. These include prior behavior and personal factors. Prior behavior is postulated to have both direct and indirect effects on health-promoting behaviors. Prior behavior may create a habit, which can lead a person to engage in the behavior without much thought about the specific details of its execution. According to Pender and colleagues, “Research indicates that often the best predictor of behavior is the frequency of the same or a similar behavior in the past” (p. 45). Prior behavior may also indirectly influence healthy behaviors through the perception of self efficacy, benefits, and barriers.

Personal factors are identified as biological, psy-chological, and sociocultural. Biological factors include age, body mass index, menopausal status, and aerobic capacity. Psychological factors include self-motivation, self-esteem, and perceived health status. Sociocultural factors include race, education, and socioeconomic status. Pender and colleagues (2011) noted that the evaluation of personal factors should be limited to those that have theoretical support for predicting the target behavior. Behavior-specific cognitions and affect are believed to have “major motivational significance” (Pender et al., 2011, p. 46). As such, they are considered

a “critical core” for intervention because they can be altered. Variables in this category are perceived benefits, perceived barriers, perceived self-efficacy, activity-related affect, interpersonal influences, and situational influ-ences.

In keeping with the variables addressed in the model to evaluate the efficacy of the HPM in predicting exer-cise behaviors in women over the age of 40, the literature was searched for predictors of exercise behavior. Such predictors include demographic characteristics, gender, socioeconomic status, psychosocial factors, and features of the physical environment (Weiss, O’Loughlin, Platt, & Paradis, 2007). Two cognitive behavioral factors—per-ceived benefits and perceived barriers to exercise—have been examined in a number of studies and were also found to be important determinants of exercise behav-ior (Conn, Burks, Pomeroy, Ulbrich, & Cochran, 2003; Neuberger et al., 2007; Williams, Bezner, Chesbro, & Leavitt, 2006), but the focus has been exercise in gener-al, rather than specific exercises. Perceived benefits and barriers to exercise may differ depending on the type of exercise and whether the person is an exerciser or a non-exerciser. An individual may more likely engage in regular exercise if the exercise is his or her preferred exercise choice and if the perceived benefits outweigh the perceived barriers. The demographics of middle-age and older women may also influence exercise behavior. Understanding the variables that influence exercise behaviors and perceptions related to exercise may facilitate the development of effective interventions that promote physical activity in this cohort.

PurposeThe purpose of this study was to explore the impact

of selected empirically supported variables from the HPM on exercise behaviors in women 40 years of age and older, and to compare the variables in those who exercise and those who do not.

Research Questions

1. Do the selected HPM variables, demographics, barriers, and benefits predict engagement in one’s preferred exercise activity?

Exercise for Fitness


2. What is the preferred exercise activity for women 40 and older?

3. Do women’s perceptions of exercise in general and perceptions of the benefits and barriers to exercise differ depending on (a) their preferred exercise activity, or (b) whether or not they cur-rently engage in exercise (preferred or other)?

4. Do women’s perceptions of benefits and barriers to exercise differ based on demographic charac-teristics?

MethodsFor this descriptive, cross-sectional study, 3151 sur-

veys were sent out via campus mail to female employees at a large university in the mid-Atlantic region, who met the age requirements (40 years of age or older). A total of 930 surveys were completed and 575 were unopened, for a response rate of 30%. To achieve greater diversity

in age and exercise habits, surveys were also distributed at a local senior center, YMCA, and Curves exercise facility, resulting 80 additional surveys for a total of 1010 completed surveys. Twenty-two of the additional surveys were completed by women at the senior center, 16 by women at the YMCA, and 42 by women at the Curves facility. Surveys with > 5% missing items (n = 117) were deleted before analysis, resulting in a final sample of n = 893 (see figure 1).

A brief demographic questionnaire included age, marital status, income, education, employment, num-ber of children living at home, and preferred method, frequency, and intensity of exercise.

The Exercise Benefits and Barriers Scale (EBBS), developed by Sechrist, Walker, & Pender (1987), was used to measure perceived benefits and barriers to exer-cise. It is divided into two subscales: (1) Benefits with 29 items and (2) Barriers with 14 items. Response options ranged from 1 to 4. Items on the Benefits subscale were

Figure 1Data Collection Process

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scored from 4 (strongly agree) to 1 (strongly disagree), with a possible total score of 29 to 116. Items on the Barrier subscale were scored from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree), with a possible total score of 14 to 56. A higher score on the Benefits scale indicates greater perceived benefits to exercise; a higher score on the Barrier subscale indicates fewer perceived barriers to exercise. Reliability and validity for this scale have been reported in previous studies (Jones & Nies, 1996; Sechrist et al., 1987).

Results

Preliminary Analysis

The initial data file contained responses from 1010 women ages 40 and over. Ages ranged from 40 to 86 with a mean age of 52.7 (SD = 8.27) and median age 52.0. The majority (80.6%) of women were married and most (79.6%) had an income over $50,000. Almost all (95%) indicated they were employed outside the home. The number of children living at home ranged from 0 to 5, with an average of one child at home. Of the initial sample, 81% indicated they currently engaged in their preferred exercise activity with 90% engaging in some form of exercise.

Participants were asked to complete the 43-item EBBS. According to the scoring protocol (Sechrist et al., 1987), if more than 5% of the items are not answered, the response should be discarded. For those with less than 5% missing responses, the median sub-stitution is recommended. Of the original sample, 117 women (11.6%) had more than 5% missing items with the number of missing responses ranging from 3 to 43. The majority (65%) had between 3 and 6 missing items. These 117 respondents were deleted from the data file, resulting in a sample of 893 for analysis.

Those deleted from further analysis were compared to those remaining in the analytic data file. Women deleted from the file due to missing data on the EBBS tended to be older (55.5 vs. 52.4, p < .001), were less likely to be married (56.6% vs. 74.7%, p < .001), were more likely to have an income lower than $30,000, and less likely to have an income higher than $50,000 (p = .024). The groups did not differ in terms of employ-

ment outside the home or the number of children, and there was no difference in the proportion who reported that they exercise.

Description of Sample

The final sample or analytic sample, then, consisted of 893 women ages 40 years or older, who completed the EBBS. Table 1 summarizes their demographic char-acteristics. Most (82%) were 40 to 59 years old, married (74.7%), with an income over $50,000 (80.7%), and employed outside the home (95.1%). Almost all (88.7%) indicated they currently exercise, with 82.7% engaging in their preferred form of exercise.

Exercise Benefits and Barriers Scale Scores

Scores for the sample were internally consistent as assessed by coefficient alpha: Benefits, = .954; Barriers, = .869. Actual scores on the Benefits subscale ranged from 29 to 116 with a mean of 91.8 (SD = 12.20) and a median of 90.0, while scores on the Barriers subscale ranged from 19 to 56 with a mean of 42.0 (SD = 6.35) and a median of 42.0. Means on each subscale were above the scale midpoints of 72.5 and 35, respectively. The correlation between the two subscales was r = .50, p < .001; those who perceived greater benefits to exercising tended to perceive fewer barriers as well. The two scores were added for a total score on the EBBS. The mean score was 133.8 with median of 132 and standard deviation of 16.33. Internal consistency reliability of the total scale was = .949.

Preferred Method of Exercising

Participants were asked, “What would you do to stay physically fit?” and then, “Of those activities, which would you most prefer to do?” Table 2 shows the pre-ferred activities identified by 10 or more respondents.

Other preferences mentioned included kickboxing, rollerblading, stair stepper, boating, riding a motorcycle, and kayaking. Because half (50.1%) of those responding to this item indicated that walking was a preferred activ-ity, comparisons were made based on walking as the pre-ferred method of exercise. Those who preferred walking were more likely to have an income lower than $30,000 (6.8% vs. 2.5%), less likely to have an income higher than $50,000 (78.8% vs. 82.4%) (p < .017), and more likely to be employed outside the home (96.6% vs. 93.5%, p =



Table 1Demographic Characteristics of Sample (n=893)

Variable Frequency PercentAge (Mean = 52.4, SD = 7.88)40-49 363 40.850-59 366 41.260-69 136 15.370-79 18 2.080-89 6 0.7Marital StatusSingle 69 7.8Married 660 74.7Divorced 106 12.0Other 49 5.5Income<$30,000 39 4.6$30,000 - $50,000 126 14.7>$50,000 691 80.7EducationDid not complete high school 4 0.5High School 101 11.5Some College 234 26.5Bachelor’s Degree 210 23.8Master’s Degree 182 20.6Doctoral Degree 151 17.1Employed outside the homeYes 846 95.1No 44 4.9Number of children living in the home0 326 41.61 188 24.02 183 23.33 65 8.34 14 1.85 8 1.0

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Table 2Preference for Activity to Stay Physically Fit

Preferred Activity NumberWalking/Treadmill 417Running/Joggin 52Swimming 51Biking/Spinning 48Weights 48Gym Workout 44Curves® 31Yoga 30Yard Work/Gardening 29Dancing 28Sports (e.g., tennis, golf, basketball)

28

Cardio Routine 22Aerobics 20Exercise 14Hiking 14Pilates 12Horseback Riding 11

.035). There was no difference in whether they exercised, their age, marital status, or the number of children living in the home.

Variables Related to Exercise Perceptions

Preferred Exercise. Those whose preferred type of exercise was walking tended to perceive fewer benefits (90.1 vs. 94.3, t = 5.20, p < .001) and fewer barriers to exercise (41.2 vs. 43.1, t = 4.28, p < .001) compared to those whose preferred type of exercise was something other than walking.

Exercise Behavior. The EBBS scores were higher for those who currently engaged in exercise, either their preferred or another form (135.7 vs. 120.4, t = 8.62, p

< .001). Respondents who indicated that they currently engaged in their preferred exercise were compared to those who did not. Scores differed on the EBBS, with those participating in their preferred exercise having a higher score (136.4 vs. 124.4, t = 8.91, p < .001). In addition, both Benefits and Barriers scores were higher among those who engaged in exercise (Benefits: 93.0 vs. 83.4, t = 7.10, p < .001; Barriers: 42.7 vs. 37.0, t = 8.27, p < .001). Those who exercised perceived greater benefits and fewer barriers to exercising.

Demographic Variables. Scores on the Benefits and Barriers subscales were examined for their relationships to demographic variables. Neither benefits nor barri-ers were related to income. However, those with more children living in the home tended to perceive greater benefits to exercising (r = .096, p < .01). The number of children was not related to perceived barriers (r = -.04, p = .28). Perception of barriers but not perception of benefits was related to age, being employed, and being married. Participants who perceived fewer barriers to exercise tended to be older (r = .14, p < .01), not employed outside the home (44.9 vs. 41.9, t = 3.09, p < .01), and not married (42.9 vs. 41.7, t = 2.32, p = .02).

Age, employment, number of children living in the home, and income (dummy coded) were entered into multiple regressions as predictors of benefits and barri-ers. As a set, the demographic variables were not predic-tive of perceived benefits (F = 1.99, df = 6 & 742, p = .065). However, the set of demographic characteristics was significant in predicting perceived barriers (F = 4.58, df = 6 & 742, p < .001). Older age ( = .105, p =.012), not being employed outside the home ( = .09, p = .018), income greater than $50,000 ( = .13, p = .001), and not being married ( = .09, p = .027) were predic-tive of fewer perceived barriers. Number of children was not significant in the model.

Predictors of Engaging in Preferred Exercise

Logistic regression analyses were used to identify predictors of engaging in the preferred form of exercise. Age, being employed, being married, income category, and exercise perceptions were used as potential predic-tors (Model 1). A second analysis included walking (the preferred form of exercise) as an additional potential

Note: n=61 did not indicate a preferred activity



predictor (Model 2). The results are reported in Table 3. Both models fit the data as evidenced by a significant chi-square for model fit (p < .001) and a non-significant Hosmer and Lemeshow test (p > .70). In the first model, controlling for demographic variables, those who per-ceived fewer barriers were more likely to engage in their preferred form of exercise; perceived benefits of exercise were not a significant predictor. When walking as the preferred method of exercise was included in the model, both perceived barriers and benefits were significant.

Those for whom walking was the preferred method of exercise were 3.7 times more likely to engage in their preferred form of exercise as those who did not prefer walking.

Additional Findings

Although the analysis for this study was based on the combined sample of women who completed surveys from both the primary data-collection site (university) and the secondary sites (senior center, YMCA, and Curves), some

Table 3Logistic Regression Results for Engaging in Preferred Exercise

* Significant predictor

a Odds Ratio (OR) with 95% Confidence Interval (CI)

Factor Model 1

OR (95% CI)a

Model 2

OR (95% CI)a

Age 1.02 (0.996 - 1.05) 1.02 (0.99 - 1.05)Being Employed (yes=1, no=0) 0.24 (0.03 - 1.83) 0.18 (0.02 - 1.46)Being Married 0.89 (0.52 - 1.51) 0.79 (0.45 - 1.39)Income<$30,000 0.59 (0.24 - 1.46) 0.43 (0.16 - 1.15)$30,000 - $50,000 0.67 (0.38 - 1.20) 0.61 (0.32 - 1.14)>$50,000 1.00 1.00Benefits 1.02 (0.999 - 1.04) 1.03 (1.01 - 1.05)*Barriers 1.15 (1.11 - 1.19)* 1.16 (1.12 - 1.21)*Walking is preferred ----- 3.71 (2.38 - 5.78)*Model Fit 2=113.09, p<.001 2=139.30, p<.001Hosemer & Lemeshow 2=3.05, p=.93 2=5.09, p=.75

Table 4Differences on Selected Variables for Data from Secondary Sites

Site Age Range Mean Age % Employed Outside Home

% Preferred Walking

Senior Center (n = 22)

63 - 85 69 14.00% 36.00%

YMCA (n = 16) 40 - 65 48 94.00% 25.00%Curves® (n=42) 42 - 81 59 40.00% 12.00%

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differences were noted on selected variables when the data collected from the secondary sites were examined separately. Those differences are shown in Table 4.

Realizing that the sample sizes for these secondary sites are small, the authors still thought it would be important to report these pilot findings, as they may serve to spark ideas for future research projects.

DiscussionAn important finding from this study is that walking

was the preferred form of exercise for 50.1% of women surveyed, which is consistent with results from other studies (Booth, Bauman, Owen, & Gore, 1997; Dunn et al., 1998; Vaz De Almeida et al., 1999). Women who preferred walking perceived exercise more positively than women who preferred another form of exercise, and they perceived fewer benefits and fewer barriers to exercising. The perception that exercise has fewer benefits by women who prefer walking over other forms of exercise requires further exploration, as it may indicate a need for more education regarding the benefits of walking. Walking is associated with lower risks of cardiovascular disease and mortality from all causes in men and women, but a dose-response relationship may exist with greater benefits achieved when the pace is more than moderate (Hamer & Chida, 2007; Murphy, Nevill, Murtagh, & Holder, 2007). The present study did not evaluate this.

Another important finding that emerged from this study is that women who currently engage in exercise (preferred activity or other) perceive exercise more positively than women who do not exercise, and those who exercise perceive more benefits and fewer barriers to exercising. This finding is consistent with the HPM as behavior-specific cognition’s and affect such as per-ceived benefits and barriers have been found to have motivational significance, and thus would lead women to engage in activity (Pender et al., 2011). In addition, prior behavior is proposed to indirectly influence behavior through perceptions of benefits and barriers (Pender et al.). Although the present study did not examine perceived barriers specific to exercisers versus non-exercisers, Heesch, Brown, and Blanton (2000) did examine specific barriers across stages of exercise adop-

tion in women 40 and older, and found that some of the barriers identified by women in the active stage (exercisers) of exercise adoption differed from those identified by women in the earlier stages of exercise adoption (non-exercisers). Targeting specific barriers when designing exercise programs may help to increase the number of participants who enroll in the programs, and the number who ultimately succeed in incorporat-ing regular exercise into their lifestyle.

Additionally, the present study found that women with more children living at home tended to perceive more benefits, while women who were older, not employed outside the home, and not married tended to perceive fewer barriers to exercising. Sternfeld, Ainsworth, and Quesenberry (1999) found that women without young children living at home were more likely to have higher levels of participation in sports/exercise and active living. Although the present study did not examine the relationship between the number of children living at home and exercise participation, those who did exercise perceived greater benefits and fewer barriers to exercis-ing. Perhaps women with children living at home in the present study who perceived more benefits to exercising also perceived more barriers to exercising that prevented them from becoming more active. Both Sternfeld et al., (1999) and the USDHHS (1996) reported that younger individuals have a higher prevalence of participation in recreational activities than older women. The present study did not evaluate exercise participation by age.

Finally, this study found that perceived benefits, perceived barriers, and a preference for walking—selected variables from the HPM—were significant predictors for engaging in one’s preferred exercise activity. Other studies have shown similar results with greater perceived benefits, fewer perceived barriers, and a preference for walking, showing a positive correlation with higher lev-els of exercise participation (Siegel, Brackbill, & Heath, 1995; Sternfeld et al., 1999; Walker, Pullen, Hertzog, Boeckner, & Hageman, 2006).

Based on these findings, it would be important for nurses and other health professionals to assess midlife and older women to determine their preferred exercise activity, perceptions of benefits and barriers to exercise, current exercise behaviors, and demographic characteristics. It may

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Cheung, A. M., Chaudhry, R., Kapral, M., Jackevicius, C., & Robinson, G. (2004). Perimenopausal and postmenopausal health. BMC Women’s Health, 4(Suppl 1):S23, doi:10.1186/1472-6874-4-S1-S23.

Conn, V. S., Burks, K. J., Pomeroy, S. H., Ulbrich, S. L., & Cochran, J. E. (2003). Older women and exercise: Explanatory concepts. Women’s Health Issues, 13, 158-166.

Dunn, A. L., Garcia, M. E., Marcus, B. H., Kampert, J. B., Kohl, H. W., & Blair, S. N. (1998). Six-month physical activity and fitness changes in Project

Active, a randomized trial. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 30(7), 1076-1083.

Hamer, M. & Chida, Y. (2007). Walking and pri-mary prevention: A meta-analysis of prospective cohort studies. British Journal of Sports Medicine, doi: 10.1136/bjsm.2007.039974.

Haskell, W. L., Lee, I-M., Pate, R. R., Powell, K. E., Blair, S. N., Franklin, B. A., et al. (2007). Physical activity and public health: Updated recommendation for adults from the American College of Sports Medicine and the American Heart Association. Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 39(8), 1423-1434.

Heesch, K. C., Brown, D. R., & Blanton, C. J. (2000). Perceived barriers to exercise and stage of exercise adoption in older women of different racial/ethnic groups. Women & Health, 30(4), 61-76.

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U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1996). Physical activity and health: A report of the surgeon general. Atlanta, GA: Author.

Vaz de Almeida, M. D., Graca, P., Afonso, C., D’Amicis, A., Lappalainen, R., & Damkjaer, S. (1999). Physical activity levels and body weight in a nationally rep-resentative sample in the European Union. Public Health Nutrition, 2(1a), 105-113.

Walker, S. N., Pullen, C. H., Hertzog, M., Boeckner, L., & Hageman, P. A. (2006). Determinants of older rural women’s activity and eating. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 28(4), 449-468.

Weiss, D. R., O’Loughlin, J. L., Platt, R. W., & Paradis, G. (2007). Five-year predictors of physical activity decline among adults in low-income communities: A prospective study. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 4(2), doi:10.1186/1479-5868-4-2.



Whaley, D. E. (2003). Future-oriented self-perceptions and exercise behavior in middle-aged women. Journal of Aging and Physical Activity, 11, 1-17.

Williams, B. R., Bezner, J., Chesbro, S. B., & Leavitt, R. (2006). The effect of a walking program on per-ceived benefits and barriers to exercise in postmeno-pausal African American Women. Journal of Geriatric Physical Therapy, 29(2), 43-49.

World Health Organisation. (2011). Physical inactivity: A global public health problem. Retrieved June 27, 2011, from http://www.who.int/dietphysicalactiv-ity/factsheet_inactivity/en/.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Thomas Hardie, EdD, RN, and Lisa Plowfield, PhD, RN, for their help in designing this study; Karen Soeken, PhD, for completing the statistical analysis for this study; Janice Selekman, DNSc, RN, for reviewing and editing this manuscript; and the following undergraduate nursing students at the University of Delaware School of Nursing for their assistance with data collection, data entry, and data auditing: A. Arcuri, B. Adams, C. Brainard, D. Beiler, E. Brodie, K. Bearden, K. Barna, S. Canosa, K. Powell, A. Simon, E. Sizemore, J. Slevin, M. Sweeney, D. Tocci, J. Twardy, A. Tweed, J. Vaughan, G. Wendel, and L. Williams.

This project was funded through a University of Delaware General University Research grant.



Women’s and Girls’ Sports in Turkey

H. Serap INAL, Yeditepe University, Istanbul, Turkey

Abstract

In Turkey, as a secular Muslim country, women have a modern, contemporary lifestyle but are also attached to their traditions and customs. Although sport in Turkey is being encouraged and supported by the state through The Directorate General of Youth and Sports (DGYS), the Turkish Football Federation, and sports clubs, the gap between the facilities and number of sports provided for male and female athletes can easily be seen. Women and girls are not receiving the same opportunities as men, which differ by region and according to the socioeconomic status and education level of the people. The families’ view of sports is also an important factor affecting girls’ sports. In the past two decades there has been an increase in participation among women and girls in elite and recreational sports, however this is not satisfactory.


Serap INAL, Ph.D., PT, ProfessorYeditepe UniversityFaculty of Physiotherapy and Rehabilitation26th CampusKayisdagi, Kadikow, Istanbul


Phone: +0090 216 578 00 00 /3216

Fax: 0090 216 578 04 96

IntroductionIn Turkey, as a secular Muslim country, women have a modern, contemporary

lifestyle, but are also attached to their traditions and customs. This may change due to the diversity of the country according to region, socioeconomic status, and the educational level of the people. Generally speaking, as women become educated and economically independent they have the chance to lead a much more modern lifestyle, but the essence of their traditions and customs may still govern their lives. This could be considered the characteristic feature of Turkish women.

According to the Turkish Civil Law that was first issued in 1926 just after the Turkish Republic was established by the Turkish National Hero, Mustafa Kemal ATATÜRK, “men and women [had] equal rights in all aspects of life” (The Constitution of Republic of Turkey, 2010). Thus women gained the same oppor-

Sports in Turkey


tunities as men in education facilities, in the work envi-ronment, and in family life, and they also had the same rights over their children and their education. In 2001, some reforms were made to the Turkish Civil Law to provide better protection for women and children. According to these reforms, the head of the family is no longer the father—as specified before— but rath-erboth father and mother have equal rights to decide on family issues.

Although this has been written in the law, the patri-archal lifestyle still dominates in the eastern and rural parts of the country, where the education level is lower, In certain regions men still make the decisions regarding family issues by themselves, since they hold the economi-cal power, and the women carry out their role of taking care of the household and children. This comes from tra-ditions and customs that we believe could be reduced as the education level of both genders increases. The same situation can be seen in sports opportunities for women, which unfortunately are not homogeneous in all parts

and religious expectation may urge women and girls to practice sports with a scarf covering the hair and with certain dresses rather then regular sports clothing (Pfister, 2000), especiallyin the schools and in the governmental areas open to the public. However, private centers, clubs, and open public areas sometimes allow women to prac-tice sports in any manner they wish. These differences are associated with the cultural diversity of the country. The Hosper, Nierkens, van Valkengoed, and Stronks (2008) study regarding the effect of acculturation on sport participation among young Turkish and Moroccan women in the Netherlands reported that acculturation had a positive influence rts among Turkish women, but not among Moroccan women. Their findings imply that culturally specific attitutes among Turkish women were effective at increasing their participation in sports. We believe that the releation between culturally specific atti-tudes or beliefs and the partcipation in physical activities and sports among Turkish women living in the Western world is also affected by the concrete infleunce of their background in Turkey.

Therefore, we aimed to review the progression of women’s and girls’ sports in Turkey as a secular Muslim

country, the sports offered to female students in the educational system, and the status of women and girls in recreative and performance sports compared with males. Thus, we expect to provide a basis for future studies on sports for women in other Islamic countries. Although the scarcity of literature in this area was a limitng factor for this study, national print media and web sites of public and sports federations served as resources for this article.

History of the Turkish Physical Education and Sports

The first physical education course was offered at the Galatasaray High School in Istanbul by French teachers. Between the years of 1912 and1922, even though the country was struggling with many wars, a special emphasis was given to train teachers in physi-cal education. In 1913 schools for boys and in 1915 schools for girls started to teach two hours per week of physical education. After the Turkish Republic was established in 1925, three-yearuniversity programs for physical education teachers were initiated. The first university education for girls was initiated in 1936, and today there are more then 60 colleges and universities spread across Turkey that offer similar programs and conditions for female and male students.

In 1938, May 19th (which was also the first day of the Turkish Independence War of 1919) was established as the “Fair of Youth and Sports,” . ATATÜRK decided to give this day as present to the youths in Turkey to show the importance of sports to the nation. For several years the newspapers published articles on the topics of men’s and women’s physical fitness, as well as on athletic expositions of various kinds and competitions for both genders, including running, jumping, gymnas-tics, rowing, and swimming. Many articles discussed the benefits of sports such as fencing and calisthenics, and covered the athletic activities of women in other coun-tries (Shissler, 2004).

In the early 1970s feminism and equal opportunities for women became a central topic around the world. As the health and physical fitness movements spread, special importance was given to sports by society (Coakley, 1994). However this could not be achieved in the same

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manner in all societies. Turkey was rather slow in its prog-ress, and sport diversity was not spread equally among

However, the concept of a healthy lifestyle and the importance of physical activity in daily living is increas-ing in Turkey. The Ministry of Health, Directorate General of Youth and Sports (DGYS), municipalities, universities, nongovernmental organizations, the private sector, sports centers, and sports clubs are supporting this focus and searching for ways to increase the physi-cal activity level of people at all sociocultural and edu-cational levels. The nationwide project of the Ministry of Health on obesity (Fight Against Obesity Project in Turkey-2008-2012) projects conducted by universities, the establishment of fitness areas in parks for people with and without disabilities by the municipalities, and morning group-exercise programs organized in the parks are some examples of these activities.

A recent study investigating the daily physical activ-ity level of women found that the women who work as housewives are regulating their in-house tasks in such a way that they can participate in daily physical activities

2007). A study conducted with young men found that being educated and living in the city is releated with a

the social stracture for women in Turkey, it can be assumed that educated women who live in cities areless active then men. A study regarding the physical activ-ity level of educted university teaching staff working in Eastern Anatolia conducted by Tel & Köksalan (2008), found that the percentage of women involved in sports (always: %0, often: 14.5%, sometimes: 25.5%, rarely: 43.6%, never: 16.4%) was smaller than the percentage of men (always: 6.9%, often: 21.8%, sometimes: 39.2%, rarely: 27.8%, never: 4.8%). Walking (regular: 32-52.8%, irregular: 22-40%) was the preferred activity among female teaching staff; Turkish folk dance/modern dance (regular: 10-18.2%, irregular: 25-45.5%) and swimming (regular: 3-5.5%, irregular: 32- 58.2%) were the other most preferred ones. Inal et al. (2009) evaluated the physical activity level of university staff (physical education, veterinary, engi-

more physically active then women. According to the

International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ), the total weekly energy expenditure was 1743.4±2189.1MET-min/week in men and 1074±12.991MET-min/week in women. Although the difference was not significant, the physical activity level of female teaching staff (heavy: 180±498.9, moderate: 199.5±407.95 MET-min/week) was lower than that of men, but the sitting duration of men (488.2±232MET-min/week) during the day was higher than that of women (364±232.7 MET-min/week) (p<0.05). We believe that this might be related to daily working habits and lifestyle. However, this issue might be evaluated from the sport sociology point of view. According to the results of this study, the female teach-

(37.8±6.6% and 24.7±6.1% respectively), which was con-sidered critical (Global database on BMI, WHO,2010; Haskell, , Lee, Pate, Powell, 2007) Since obesity is a significant threat for the Turkish population (Hatemi,

activity and sport habits is a challenging, but important-goal to work on.

Physical Education and Sports for Children in Turkey

According to the Constitution of Republic of Turkey (2010). “Everybody has right to do sports under the assurance of the government.” (Article 59) . However, not all children, especially girls and children from the rural areas, have opportunities to exercise this right.

Primary school education, which comprises the first eight years, is obligatory for all the children. This gives children living in any part of the country the chance to learn and practice different types of sports for two hours per week. If the children continue their school education, they have the chance to participate in physical education classes as well. Unfortunately, high schools offer only one hour per week of physical education, which is far from the actual physical activity needs of a young person and is not enough to develop regular physical activity and sport habits for life. Curricular studies to increase physi-cal education and sport courses to two hours per week, with an additional two hours as an elective course, are still ongoing in The Ministry of Education.

Sports in Turkey


There are also after-school sport programs for chil-dren (free or at a fee) organized by the schools, munici-palities, sports clubs, and the private sector for leisure or recreative purposes. Both boys and girls are having same opportunities for these types of after-school or weekend programs. A study conducted by Ozdirenc, Ozcan,

concluded that in the Western region of Turkey, the percentage of urban children who were not involved in any sports (35%) was higher than the percentage among rural children (30%; see table 1). Both groups came from families with the same moderate socioeconomic status but originally having an urban or rural background. Both groups had similar levels of computer use, but urban children reported reading more books than rural children. On the other hand, rural children had more opportunities to play games outdoors after school than urban children. The reason for this was the higher per-centage of working mothers among the children living in urban areas, who had to spend most of their free time at home. Among the ones joining sport activities, rural children mostly preferred to play soccer and volleyball, while urban children had a tendency to prefer soccer, volleyball, basketball, and ballet. Ozdirenc et al. (2005) also reported that urban and rural parents were not really interested in their children’s physical activity and did not

have regular exercise habits themselves. These rusults may support the idea that sport opportunities of children in Turkey depend on the sociacultural and socioeconomic stiuation of the families.

Women and Girls in Performance Sports in Turkey

Although sport in Turkey is being encouraged and supported by the state through the DGYS and the Turkish Football (Soccer) Federation, as well as by sports clubs, the gap between the facilities provided for male and female athletes can easily be seen. Unfotunately, male athletes are more advantageous regarding media coverage, sponsorship, and spectators. A study conduct-ed by Yaprak and Amman (2009) stated that this gap has decreased in the past decade. Wages and sport facilities for athletes are much more satisfactory, though still not the same for both genders. Today, female athletes are still paid less than the males by sport clubs, but the difference is much smaller than it was ten years ago. On the other hand, why can this not be equiliezed?

DGYS is quite fair in this aspect and according to its records, the number of female athletes who will be supported financially to prepare for the Olympics in 2012 is more or less the same as the number of males. Apparently they are fair in supporting the athletes accord-

Table 1Physical Fitness Levels Among Rural and Urban Children in Turkey

Activities Urban Children (%) Rural Children (%)Time spent on the computer 35.1 32.7Reading Books 97.3 53.1Playing games outdoor 44.1 70.3Sports participation 35 30

Football 16.2 Soccer 38.8Volleyball 8.1 Volleyball 20.4Basketball 8.1

Soccer & Basketball 21.6Ballet 2.7

Source: Özdirenc et al. (2005)

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ing to their success during evaluations (table 2). On the other hand, since the main target of the state’s sports policy is to increase the number of athletes who attain success at international sport competitions, increasing the number of female athletes in performance sports must also be one of the priorities.

The sustainability of the success of female athletes is another important issue in Turkey. As younger female athletes grow older, their interest may decrease or their families may force them to reduce their practice time due to educational concerns. Older athletes may also see their sport performance affected when they get mar-ried or have children (Koca, 2006). Fasting and Pfister (1999) mentioned this in their report regarding to the higher percent of Turkish female athletes leaving sports

Table 2Female Athletes Supported Financially in Their Preparation for the 2012 Olympics

Source: Tye D8rectorate General of Youth and Sports (2010). www.gsgm.gov.tr


Sport Female Total (M+F) %Athletics 59 144 40.9Badmiton 6 15 40Basketball 27 27 100Visually Impairment 5 26 19,2Physical Disability 14 44 31.8Gymnastics 13 24 54.1Handball 15 28 53.5Judo 14 28 50Tennis 5 5 100Swimming 36 58 62Volleyball 44 79 55.6Weight Lifting 4 9 44.4

earlier than athletes in other countries mainly due to marriage or having a baby.

Moreover DGYS, along with the sports federations, sports clubs, universities, and private organizations, is quite attentive to prepare suitable sport environments for encouraging individual at every age level to engage in sport activities. As it is seen in table 3, the percentage of active certified female athletes in Turkey was 27.65% in 2009.. However, the percentage decreases in the Eastern parts of the country, and the lowest number is in the Southeast region (9.2%).

The younger generation does better at encouraging their children, especially girls, to practice and enjoy sport. On the other hand, some families may still not want their daughters to participate in sport activities.

Table 3Total Number of Certified and Active Female Athletes Compared to Total Athletes in 2009

Licensed Total (M+F) % Active Total (M+F) %1 648 811 5 896 463 27.96 185 555 671 080 27.65

Sports in Turkey


This may be due to the patriarchal society of the coun-try (Koca et al., 2005; Koca, 2006) and to economical reasons. Parents encourage their daughters to be depen-dent and obedient, whereas sons are allowed to be more aggressive and independent because they are expected to cope with the outside world (Kandiyoti, 1995; Koca et al. 2005).

Thus, while girls are more often kept away from sports, especially from heavy activities that could unde-sirably change their feminine body shape, boys are motivated to practice sports that require and improve strength, power, and endurance. The most preferred sports for the girls are the ones considered as estheti-cally appropriate, such as gymnastics and volleyball

to show more interest in soccer, which used to be main-ly preferred by men in Turkey. The Turkish Football Federation is strongly supporting women’s soccer, and in 2005-2006 seven clubs had a female soccer team

to Turkish Football Federation records, participation had increased to over 40 clubs and more then 1,300 licesened players by 2010. These results are still very low when compared with the number of amateur and the professional male football players, which is around 200,000.

In the past two decades, there has been an increase in the participation level of girls women in a variety of sports (Fasting & Pfister, 1997), especially in sports commonly preferred and practiced by boys, such as wrestling, weight-lifting, kick-boxing, and body build-

Turkish female athletes currently holding Olympic medals are only from those sport branches (except for Elvan Abeylegesse, who won silver in the 10,000 meter run in Beijing): weight lifting (gold: Nurcan Taylan in Atina, 2004 and silver: Sibel Özkan inBeijing, 2008),

also female athletes, players, or teams who have made it to the top three in international sports organiza-tions. Sureyya Ayhan, for example, was the first female athlete to win a gold medal in the 1,500m run at the

World Championship in Athletics in 2002. Although she still holds the records in the 800m (2.00.64) and 1500m (3.55.33) runs in Turkey she was in the media mostly due to her private life and drug use, rather than due to her success in athletics and how she was able to spark excitement for athletics among the Turkish people. Arslan & Koca (2006) reported that sports news coverage during the month ofAugust, 2004 focused on women 8.56% of the time, on men 79.98% of the time, and on both genders 11.46% of the time. Additionally, the articles related to female athletes also focused on their roles in the society as mother, grandmother, wife, sister, and housewife. In this context, it can be ascer-tained that, unfortunately, gender discrimination is still an issue in the media.

Table 4 shows that the number of female athletes certified and active in sports in the year 2009 accounts for only 7.9% of the total number of athletes, which is 289 including males. The total number of certified but inactive athletes in this field is 23.669 and among them, 9.480 are female. When these results are com-pared to the number of players in volleyball, which is the most common sport branch among female athletes in Turkey, the difference is quite low.

Although the number of elite female athletes has recently increased, their distribution amongthe various regions and cities of the country is not equal. The first three biggest cities (Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir) have the most certified active athletes, whereas the Eastern cities of the country, as expected, have the lowest number of elite athletes. However, the difference between the number of male and female athletes in all the cities is notable. The mean percent of female athletes activelly involved in sports in 2009 in Turkey was 27.3% (table 5).

According to the records of the DGYS (table 5) regarding to the percentage of certified, active female athletes in 2009, volleyball (61.2%), equestrian (56.2%), ice skating (62.7%), mountaineering (66.6%), Turkish Folk Dance (51.5%), and Wushu (91.3%) had more female participants than male. The 10 most popular sports among women and girls in Turkey were volley-ball, basketball, Taekwando, karate, swimming, hand-ball, track-and-field, chess, table tennis, and bocce/bowl-ing/darts. Unfortunately there was only one (1) female

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Table 4Randomly selected Sample of Regions with the Lowest and Highest Number of Female Athletes


and six (6) male certified active athletes in gymnastics. Turkish Folk Dance was the 11th most preferred sport-for women and girls. Actually, involvement of both gen-ders was almost equal in Turkish Folk Dancedue to the requirements and rules associated with the customs and traditions of the dance. These results show the diversity of Turkey, as a modernized Muslim country still under the influence of cultural traditions.

We believe that if equal rights and opportunities were be given to women and girls in all sports through policies and programs (e.g., establishing appropriate facilities and developing equitable rules and regulations), their involve-ment in physical activity and sports could increase. That is why a deeper understaning is required of the barriers that women face as a result of the majority of today’s policy makers and sport managers being male.

ConclusionDue to the cultural differences of secular and modern

Turkey, women and girls do not have the same oppor-

Region Certified Female

Total (M+F) % Active Female

Total (M+F) %

Central Anato

32961 112570 30.5 4684 17940 24.2

East Anato 3309 17030 20.1 210 1285 18.7North Anato 938 4177 22.4 107 370 28.9Marmara 57 641 205489 28 8 122 31404 25.8Egean 27 456 87633 31.3 3 599 11859 30.3South East 1 441 9157 15.7 61 657 9.2

tunities as men, and their participation levels differ by region, as well as by socioeconomic and education level. As we proceed toward the Eastern and rural parts of the country, the number of active, certified female athletes decreases. Yet, in the past two decades there has been an increase in sport participation among women and girls due to increased support and awareness from the govern-mental, public, and private sectors at both the elite and recreative sport levels. Since family opinions about sport are an important cultural factor that affects women’s par-ticipation, parents should be informed about the benefits of sports for their daughters, both recreational and com-petitive. Additionally, managers, sport organizers, and policy makers, who are most often male, should provide opportunities and facilities to achieve the sustainability of sports among the women and girls.

Sports in Turkey


Table 5Number of Women and Girls Participating in Sports Compared to Total Number of Athletes in Turkey in 2009

No. Sport Branch Female Athletes

(n)

Total (F+M) %

No. Sport Branch Female Athletes

(n)

Total (F+M)

%

1 Volleyball 13 319 61.2 28 Hearing Disability 193 7.6

2 Basketball 6 030 15.9 29 Body Building 185 20.7

3 Tae Kwan Do 3 838 31.0 30 Scuba Diving 154 31.6

4 Karate 3 506 30.3 31 Physical Disability 124 31.6

5 Swimming 3 087 40.3 32 Equestrian 152 56.2

6 Handball 2 435 30.7 33 Weight Lifting 125 21.1

7 Athletics 2 379 35.3 34 Shooting, Hunting 143 11.7

8 Chess 2 045 25.2 35 Special Athletes 112 42.7

9 Table Tennis 1 443 28.5 36 Visually Impared Ath

101 24.9

10 Bocce, Bowling, Darts

1 211 25.5 37 Water Polo 87 11.1

11 Turkish Folk Dance

1 032 51.5 38 Modern Pentathl 70 31.6

12 Ski 925 23.6 39 Billard 68 2.8

13 Tennis 855 42.0 40 Baseball, Softball 68 5.0

14 Judo 835 33.5 41 Rowing 51 21.7

15 Wushu 815 91.3 42 Bicycle 47 7.6

16 Kickboxing 596 13.0 43 Sailing 32 21.3

17 Boxing 537 14.6 44 Canoe 30 17.5

18 Bridge 531 25.5 45 Scouting 28 21.8

19 Fencing 500 26.8 46 Triathlon 24 28.5

20 Muay-Tai 390 15.0 47 Sports for All 23 7.9

21 Wrestling 352 4.0 48 Aerosport 10 10.2

22 Ice Hockey 335 29.4 49 Golf 10 33.3

23 Archery 299 30.6 50 Mountaineering 8 66.6

24 Orientaring 285 27.2 51 Autosports 4 4.8

25 Badminton 272 40.4 52 Gymnastics 1 14.2

26 Hockey 268 33.5 53 Motosports 0 0

27 Ice Skating 224 62.7


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Conference Summary

Introduction to the National Conference on Girls and Women in Sport and Physical Activity: Discovering Strengths of Body and Mind

Erin J. Reifsteck, M.S., Diane L. Gill, Ph.D., Donna M. Duffy, Ph.D.

The Program for the Advancement of Girls and Women in Sport and Physical Activity (PAGWSPA) at University of North Carolina at Greensboro UNCG), in collaboration with the National Association for Girls and Women in Sport (NAGWS), hosted a joint National Conference on Girls and Women in Sport and Physical Activity on the UNCG campus, October 20-22, 2011. The conference brought together over 100 scholars, coaches, teachers, and students from across the country to share research, programs and relevant issues related to girls and women’s sport and physical activity. Reflecting the theme, “Discovering Strengths of Body and Mind,” the conference offered a wide variety of sessions including invited scholarly addresses, panel discussions, submitted research, program information, hands-on workshops and special events.

The following sections provide an overview of the conference, starting with summa-ries of the keynote presentations by Jan Todd, Nicole LaVoi and Carole Oglesby. The next sections provide summaries of the invited speakers, two panel sessions, and selected additional information. Brief bios for each of the invited speakers and panelists are provided at the end of the paper.


NameUniversityAddressCity, ST 00000

E–mail: email address

Phone: (555) 555–5555

Fax: (555) 555–5555

The Muscle Problem: Myths about Girls, Women, Strength and Sports

Jan Todd

It is widely acknowledged in coaching and academic circles that if all other characteristics are equal, the stronger athlete will generally be the better athlete. Yet for most women - even women athletes - the pursuit of strength continues to be a source of tension, even when the desire is to improve in one’s sport. Despite the Women’s Rights Movement, the passage of Title IX, and the birth of professional

National Conference


leagues like the WNBA, many individuals in our culture continue to view the notion of women having strength as an aberration or as undesirable.

We see glimpses of these pervasive attitudes in both print and broadcast journalism. For example, in 2000 a Newsday article about the admission of women’s weight-lifting as an Olympic sport began rhetorically. “Is the world ready for this”… “Are we ready to watch women . . .with eyes popping, muscles bulging [and] adrenaline pumping?”

We also see the effect of these attitudes in the rela-tively small amount of television coverage afforded to women’s field events compared to sports traditionally considered feminine such as diving and gymnastics in the Olympic Games. Similar ideas are prominent in the small number of scientific studies that have been done related to women and strength, as well as in the thou-sands of women who claim they want to be toned, but not muscular, who are willing to lift weights as long as they don’t get bigger.

Todd’s lecture explored the history of this powerful paradigm affecting athletic womanhood and examined why society is so wedded to a series of beliefs that contin-ues to limit girls and women’s full participation in sport and exercise. In her analysis, Todd investigated four central myths surrounding the question of women and strength: First - that women are physiologically “inferior.” Not just that we are smaller - or at least some of us are - but that we are gendered in such a way as to make us less physically competent. Second - that women cannot gain in strength as men do - that training will not affect us in the same ways that it does men because of our “physiological limita-tions.” Third, that women need different kinds of exercise than do men, and fourth, that the possession of muscle and strength is somehow “masculine.”

Evidence-based Best Practices for Developing Physically Active Girls

Nicole M. LaVoi

Dr. LaVoi discussed how evidence-based research findings inform recommendations for developing physi-cally active girls while maximizing girls’ health, develop-

ment, and well-being. Best practice strategies include psychosocial, sociocultural and physiological factors which influence physical activity and have the potential to lead to positive outcomes for girls. Exemplar research-based physical activity programs and approaches, future policy recommendations and research directions were also be discussed.

The full report is available at the Tucker Center website: http://www.cehd.umn.edu/tuckercenter/ and also at: Minnesota Youth Sport Research Consortium: http://www.cehd.umn.edu/mnysrc/

NAGWS Legacy lecture: Girls and Women’s Role in Sport for Development

Carole Oglesby

The purposes of the NAGWS Legacy Lecture were: 1) to briefly describe the ‘legacy of best practices and values” that is the girls and women’s sport (GWS) heritage, and 2) to describe how the heritage of GWS evidence-based work directly contributed to the global women’s sport advocacy movement of the past 25 years.

Oglesby identified the feminist underpinnings of the traditional philosophy relative to GWS by describ-ing the leading role of GWS in working towards racial/ethnic social justice in women’s sport. She further described the way in which the “student welfare first” philosophy has been carried forward today, in pro-grams such as the USOC Champs for Life and NCAA Champs Life Skills.

The involvement of NAGWS and the Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW) as leaders in the opening of the UN-based Treaties and Conventions to sport, and the meaningful inclusion of women in these events, was recognized as an important part of each organization’s history. Oglesby put a special focus on the Beijing Platform for Action, the Brighton Declaration, and the 2009 UN monograph entitled “Women, Gender Equality and Sport”. Conference participants were encouraged to involve themselves in the newly evolving movement for sport, development and peace.

Reifsteck, Gill & Duffy


The Female Athlete Triad: Is healthy body image compatible with gold?

Laurie Wideman Gold

Over the past few decades, athletic activity by girls and women has increased exponentially, resulting in among other things, healthier, more active females. However, highly competitive sport participation has also increased the focus on body image and body weight, resulting in an increased incidence of the female athlete triad.

The female athlete triad is a syndrome that includes 3 interrelated conditions:

While all three conditions are harmful to women, the key factor of the female athlete triad to consider is low energy availability, which occurs when the amount of energy consumed is less than the amount of energy expended. Not all females or female athletes may have all or any of the triad symptoms, but new research sug-gests that having any of the components may increase long-term morbidity in these women. To ensure that proper prevention strategies and early intervention occur, it is imperative to recognize the warning signs specific to the female athlete triad.

Respect. Are You Bringin’ It? Strategies to Make Athletics and Physical Education Safe and Inclusive for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered (LGBT) Students.

Pat Griffin

LGBT students who took the 2009 Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN) School

Climate Survey identified the locker room as one of the least safe areas in their schools. In part this is because students participating in physical education on are often subjected to bullying, harassment and anti-gay name calling. This discriminatory behavior is accepted as “part of the game” by some teachers and coaches. For these reasons, LGBT students often avoid the gym, even skipping classes or dropping out of sports to avoid this treatment. Participation on athletic teams and in physical education classes should provide enjoyable and safe experiences that benefit the health and well-being of all students. Participants in this workshop, facilitated by Pat Griffin, had an opportunity to identify and discuss concrete resources, strategies and initiatives that coaches and physical education teachers can use to ensure that students of all sexual orientations and gender identities are respected, safe and included.

Also in the presentation, Griffin highlighted specifi-cally “Changing the Game: the GLSEN Sports Project” initiatives such as the Team Respect Challenge, The Safe Sports Space Campaign, the Bring Your ‘A’ Game (for ally) Campaign, and the Game Changer Video Project. Participants in the GSLEN workshop discussed how these and other initiatives can be integrated into their school programming to make the sports and physical education climate welcoming for all students.

NAGWS Panel: Our Collective Strength: Utilizing Title IX and Gender Equity to Secure Our Future.

Moderator: DeAnne Brooks

Panelists: Shawn Ladda, Chris Shelton and Judy Sweet

During the NAGWS Panel on “Title IX and Gender Equity” panelists Judy Sweet, Shawn Ladda, and Chris Shelton connected aspects of Title IX to the work that is being done on behalf of active girls and women at all levels of sport. Moderator DeAnne Brooks opened the session by describing Title IX and how she benefit-ted by receiving a full athletics scholarship to attend

National Conference


UNC-Chapel Hill and securing a coaching position at a university that added a women’s track and field team as part of the university’s efforts to comply with Title IX. The panel addressed three questions:

1. What are some strategies we can use to debunk the myth that Title IX hurts men’s sports and only benefits women’s sports?

2. Understanding that Title IX is legislation in the United States, could you describe what have been the important international efforts to address gender equity in sport?

3. What evidence exists to support the idea that equal sport and physical activities empowers all women?

In response to the first question, panelists clarified that decisions to add or cut particular sports is an insti-tutional decision, often related to finances rather than Title IX. In particular, the panelists added, institutions choose to fund male sports with high operating costs and large rosters (football) rather than Olympic sports like wrestling and men’s gymnastics. Panelists agreed that the most important step toward debunking the myth of women’s sport as a problem for men’s sport is to educate the public about Title IX and the facts behind why certain sports are added and others are cut. An excellent educational resource is a 3-disc DVD set produced by NAGWS in partnership with WBGU-PBS and Bowling Green State University titled: Title IX: Implications for Women in Sport and Education (available at http://www.aahperd.org/nagws/). Another useful resource is the NCAA’s Title IX Resource Center (available at www.ncaa.org).

To address the second question, panelists discussed the 1994 Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport, which is an initiative of Women Sport International and has the aim of “developing a sporting culture that enables and values the full involvement of women in every aspect of sport.” This declaration was introduced at the 1st World Conference on Women and Sport and offers principles that, if met by governments, organizations, and individuals, will ensure equitable participation of women and girls in sport. Recently, Chris Shelton and Carole Oglesby were present for the

signing of the document by Costa Rica. To date, 268 organizations have adopted or endorsed the Brighton Declaration, including NAGWS.

To answer the final question the three panelists directed the conference attendees to two YouTube videos. The first, (search: The Girl Effect) shows that support of girls, simply, will result in a better world. The second, (search: The Fugees ESPN) documents the efforts of a woman who developed a soccer program for a group of teenage refugees in Clarkston, Georgia. Both videos outlined the positive impact that increased opportunities can have on the young people involved and, by extension, their communities and the world.

Voices from the Field Panel

Moderator Donna Duffy

Panelists : Brenda Armstrong, Wendy Palmer, Kim Record

The final session for the National Conference focused on three women who work “in the trenches” with girls and women in sport and physical activity set-tings every day. Our planning committee did not want to “close” the conference. Instead, the goal was to plan a final presentation that would compel and inspire the conference participants to continue to do their work with passion and commitment, while including a signifi-cant portion of the information disseminated through our conference.

The final panel of Dr. Brenda Armstrong, Dean of Admissions at Duke Medical School and coach of the Durham Striders Youth Association’s track and field and cross country teams, Wendy Palmer, women’s basketball coach at UNCG and former WNBA player, as well as UNCG’s first female athletic director, Kim Record, achieved the goal of the inspiring conference participants to build on progress made.

During the course of the presentation, the panel was asked five questions. Interestingly, while each woman has a different “in the trenches” job and potentially dif-ferent perspectives, all responded in similar ways. See below.



Q1. Throughout your career, what one thing (e.g. event, person, legislation) has had the most influ-ence on advancing opportunities for girls and women in sport and physical activity settings?

Wendy Palmer spoke about fellow panelist Brenda Armstrong who was her youth track coaches 25 years ago. Wendy described “Coach Doc’s” tremendous influence on her as a young athlete, and the influence Armstrong had on her own coaching philosophy. An important point that Wendy made was that she never wanted to disappoint Coach Doc and how this helped her make better decisions off the track. Wendy’s larger point was that coaches have a tremendous ability to influence their athletes in a positive way, and that if coaches hold their athletes accountable for their out-of-sport actions; it will make them better athletes as well as amazing people.

Q2. Given your current role, what are some of the challenging issues/concerns you have regarding girls and women in sport and physical activity settings?

Wendy Palmer commented that as a first year, col-legiate coach she is struggling with getting her players to communicate and talk to each other on the court. Wendy believes that technology, while a critical part of our daily lives, has reduced the direct person-to-person communication we experience each day. This, in turn, has taken a toll on player communication on the court. Dr. Armstrong commented that her biggest challenge is working with parents and trying to help them under-stand the role that sport plays in their daughter’s life beyond the physical. Dr. Armstrong believes that the parents and caretakers of all of her athletes can be great allies if they believe in the power of the sport experi-ence to enhance the athlete’s total development and that sport participation is more than just a physical opportunity.

Q3. Recently, a lot of attention has been paid to the decrease in women coaching at all levels, but

most notably, the collegiate level. What can we do to encourage and support more women to coach?

The panelists agreed that we need to encourage more women to coach when they are younger and it is important that we support and provide opportunities to young, female coaches. In addition, education for male athletic directors is essential for them to under-stand the importance of hiring female coaches in head coaching positions. Since the passage of Title IX, the number of female head coaches at the collegiate level has significantly decreased. It is important that young women, and society as a whole, see women as capable of building and leading teams and athletes.

Q4. We are rapidly approaching the 40th anniver-sary of Title IX, what work related to Title IX still needs to be done in your opinion?

It is important that gender equity is always at the forefront in sport and physical activity settings. Kim Record commented that in her view, gender equity extends beyond the athletic fields and needs to be focused on the institutional level. Kim believes that an equitable culture begins with the university administra-tion and filters down to other departments and areas, including the athletic department. The other panelists agreed that achieving gender equity is an important issue that will need continued attention and advocacy.

Q5. How do you hope to contribute to the promo-tion of girls and women in sport and physical activity settings? What do you hope your legacy will be?

None of the panelists hoped to “win” as in win 600 games” or “win the championship.” Interestingly, each panelist spoke of their legacy off the court and their desire to influence the “person” that the student-athlete will become through their sport experience; each hoped that every one of the women they coached will develop into successful, confident women.

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Author Bios

Jan Todd, Ph.D., is a fellow in the National Academy of Kinesiology and holds the Roy J. McLean Fellowship in Sport History at The University of Texas at Austin. Todd teaches courses in sport and exercise history, sport philosophy, and sport ethics for the Department of Kinesiology and Health Education where she is affiliated with the Sport Management Program. She is also the founder of the internationally famous H.J. Lutcher Stark Center for Physical Culture and Sports, the world’s largest archive of materials related to the study of exercise, health, fitness and sport performance located on the campus of the University of Texas. Todd’s research focuses on ethics and dop-ing, the cultural history and significance of exercise, and sport and gender. She has written more than one hundred articles in popular and scholarly journals and two books, Physical Culture and the Body Beautiful: Purposive Exercise in the Lives of American Women (Mercer University Press, 1998) and, with, Terry Todd, Lift Your Way to Youthful Fitness (Little-Brown, 1985), the first popular book to argue that weight training could be used to offset the aging process. In her early career, Todd was recognized by Sports Illustrated and other media as “The Strongest Woman in the World.” E-mail: [email protected]

Nicole M. LaVoi, Ph.D. is the Associate Director of the Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, Co-Coordinator of the Minnesota Youth Sport Research Consortium, and instructor in the area of Physical Activity Social & Behavioral Science. Dr. LaVoi’s multidisciplinary research includes influences from sport & exercise psychology, sport sociology, sport management, youth development, child develop-ment, moral development, and feminist studies. LaVoi’s research has focused on the relational qualities of the coach-athlete relationship, the affect of adult behav-iors (parents and coaches) in youth sport on children and youth, the emotional experiences of youth sport parents, the physical activity of underserved girls, the structural and personal barriers experienced by female coaches in youth sport, and media representations of girls and women in sport. E-mail: [email protected]

Carole Oglesby earned a Ph.D. in Sport Psychology at Purdue University and a PhD in Counseling from Temple University. She coached collegiate softball and practiced sport psychology consulting with grass roots, Olympian and Paralympian athletes. She has been President of AIAW, NAGWS, Women Sport International and a Trustee of the Women’s Sports Foundation as well as presently serving on the Advisory Board of Beyond Sport. She is the principal contributor to the 2009 UN monograph “Women, Gender Equality and Sport”. E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Shawn Ladda is Professor and Chairperson in the Department of Physical Education & Human Performance at Manhattan College located in the Bronx, New York. Prior to teaching at Manhattan College, she taught and coached at Columbia University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Shawn has many contributed publications in the topic areas of quality physical education, historical pieces, and technology. In addition, she has presented on the state, district, national, and international levels. Dr. Ladda recently completed her term as President of the NAGWS. She earned her B.S. from Penn State, M.S. from Springfield College, and a M.Ed. and Ed.D. at Columbia University-Teacher’s College. E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Chris Shelton is the Chair of the Exercise and Sport Studies Department at Smith College, Northampton, MA. She has served as the Director or Co-Director of the Project on Women and Social Change at Smith since 1996 and is a Past President and Past Executive Director of NAGWS. Chris was the recipient of the NAGWS Honor Award in 1993. Chris serves on the Women’s Sports Foundation (WSF) International Committee Chris was recently commis-sioned with Carole Oglesby to witness the signing of the Brighton Declaration in Costa Rica by President Laura Chinchilla and Costa Rican Olympic Committee President, Henry Nunez. Chris is also the former Vice President of the International Association for Girls and Women in Physical Education and Sport (IAPESGW). Shelton co-edited the book “Women on Power: Leadership Redefined” with Sue Freeman and Susan



Bourque in 2001. Her research and theoretical work is about international and equity issues, in women’s education, sport and physical activity which cross race, gender, and class. E-mail: [email protected]

Wendy Palmer is embarking on her first season as UNCG’s women’s basketball coach, coming to the university in April after the retirement of longtime coach Lynne Agee. An 11-year WNBA veteran, Palmer was an All-American and ACC Player of the Year at Virginia under Women’s Basketball Hall of Fame coach Debbie Ryan and coached under her mentor for the last two seasons. Palmer has also had coaching stops at Kentucky and Virginia Commonwealth, coaching at VCU while still playing professionally. Palmer was a WNBA All-Star and an All-WNBA selection for the Detroit Shock and also enjoyed an outstanding profes-sional career overseas. E-mail: [email protected]

Kim Record is in her third year as the Director of Athletics at UNCG. Currently one of just 29 female athletics directors in NCAA Division I, Record is only the second woman to hold an A.D. post in the 91-year history of the Southern Conference. With over 25 years of experience in college athletics, Record has also held positions at the University of Virginia and Florida State University. At UNCG Record leads an athletic department which fields men’s and women’s team in 17 sports, features over 250 student-athletes and more than 70 employees. E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Brenda Armstrong is currently a Professor, Associate Dean, and Director of Admissions at Duke University’s School of Medicine. Her current research interests focus on gender- and race-based disparities in medical education. She was the second Black women in the United States to become a board-certified pediatric cardiologist and, as Director of Admissions at Duke, is known for recruiting the most diverse classes in Duke Medical School history. For the last 30 years, Armstrong has also been a volunteer coach for the Durham Striders Youth Association, a track and field club that main-tains a mission of “building character and confidence

through athletic competition.” “Coach Doc,” as she’s affectionately known by her athletes, has expanded the impact the Durham Striders has on the community by offering free physicals and blood pressure screenings for all participants, offering nutrition and wellness edu-cation, and expanding the program to include a cross country team. In 2010, Coach Doc was awarded the 2010 Nell Jackson Award from NAGWS, which recog-nizes African American women who have exhibited a commitment to the NAGWS mission. E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. DeAnne Brooks is an Assistant Professor of Exercise Science at Greensboro College. Prior to this, she was the Head Women’s Track and Field Coach at Elon University. She holds degrees in Kinesiology, Clinical Exercise Physiology, and Exercise and Sport Science and is a Certified Strength and Conditioning Specialist, Health-Fitness Specialist, and Yoga instruc-tor. Currently, Brooks serves on the State Advisory board for the Program for the Advancement of Girls and Women in Physical Activity and on the Board of Directs for NAGWS as the Vice President of Programs—Professional Development. E-mail: [email protected]

Pat Griffin is Professor Emeritus in the Social Justice Education Program at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst and project director for Changing the Game: The Gay Lesbian Straight Education Network (GLSEN) Sports Project (sports.glsen.org). She wrote a book entitled, Strong Women, Deep Closets: Lesbians and Homophobia in Sports, co-edited Teaching For Diversity and Social Justice, and co-authored On The Team: Equal Opportunities for Transgender Student-Athletes, 2010. In 2007 Dr. Griffin was named one of the top 100 sport educators in the United States by the Institute for International Sport. She was the 2011 recipient of the R. Tait McKenzie Award from the American Alliance of Health Physical Education Recreation and Dance (AAHPERD). E-mail: [email protected]

National Conference


Acknowledgements

In addition to the three of us who served on the conference planning committee, we thank the follow-ing members of the PAGWSPA and NAGWS planning committees for all of their efforts and hard work before and during the conference:

PAGWSPA Committee Members:

Karen Buxton, Greensboro Day School, FH Coach

Jennifer L. Etnier, Professor, Department of Kinesiology, UNCG

Leilani Madrigal, PhD. Candidate, Department of Kinesiology, UNCG

Lavon Williams, Associate Professor, Guilford College

NAGWS Committee Members:

Shawn Ladda, Professor and Chair, Department of Physical Education & Human Performance, Manhattan College

Lynda Ransdell, Professor, Boise State University and President of NAGWS

Chandelle Shulte, Program Coordinator, NAGWS


Book Review

Bird at the Buzzer: UCONN, Notre Dame, and a Women’s Basketball ClassicJeff Goldberg

Reviewed by Sonya Sanderson, Valdosta State University

Bird at the Buzzer is a new book written by Jeff Goldberg and published by the University of Lincoln Press in March 2011. The information found in this book comes from the period when Mr. Goldberg wrote for the Chicago Tribune from 1985 to 2008. He was in charge of covering the University of Notre Dame and the University of Connecticut (UCONN) January and March of 2001 collegiate games, which are discussed in this book

While I was not impressed with the writer’s comparisons between male athletes and female performance, I did appreciate his background information on the ESPN announcers, the universities involved, coaches of the respec-tive teams discussed and their relationships with one another, and the female basketball players themselves. Before reading this book, I would suggest to prospective readers to study the line-ups for the 2000-01 teams of Notre Dame and UCONN (pp. 168 or 245), if they are unfamiliar with the athletes who played in the January and March 2001 games. If not, you will find yourself going back and fourth to keep up with which player is being discussed throughout the book. If you are a fan of women’s college basketball and can overlook some of the male analogies and the distorted chronology of events during a few chapters, Goldberg has captured many monumental moments in time leading to the rise of women’s collegiate basketball. The play-by-play Goldberg portrayed during the first and the second half chapters is so compelling readers will feel like they were there in the stands watching the game!

Introduction Chapter

This chapter sets the stage for the January 16, 2010 game between Notre Dame and UCONN. The author describes Gampel Pavilion in Storrs, Connecticut, where the game was played, from the outside view to the packed interior. He identifies the ESPN announcers for the night’s big game (Dan Shulman, Doris Burke, and Dick Vitale) and describes in detail how monumental the game was for women’s basketball. This particular game was the first ever ESPN Game Day for women’s basketball and the first ever “Instant Classic” (where ESPN replayed a game later). Goldberg also discusses the triumphs of the 2010 UCONN team from their back-to-back undefeated seasons to their 89 game-winning streak, which broke the all-time 88 game-winning streak record of the UCLA Bruins men’s basketball team.

Tip-Off Chapter

This chapter begins by setting the stage for the upcoming play-by-play of the UCONN and Notre Dame Basketball game for the Big East Final on March 6, 2001. The big discussion of the day would be about Sue Bird

Bird at the Buzzer


and whether she would play, since she had been unable to play in the semi-finals against Rutgers University the night before due to a back injury. This game would become one of the biggest rivalry games in the Big East since Notre Dame handed UCONN one of only two defeats of the season in front of a first-ever sold-out crowd in the Joyce Center. Coach Geno Auriemma stated that this 2001 team “was the most talented team he had coached in his 16 years at UCONN.” Coach Auriemma made this statement because he was returning all of his starters from the 2000 National Championship Team including Bird, who had just been named to the First Team Big East, and Swin Cash to the Second Team [AQ: CONFUSING SENTENCE]. This was also the year that the freshman sensation Diana Taurasi would first grace the hardwoods for UCONN.

Geno Aurienmma (UCONN’s head coach), Muffet McGraw (Notre Dame’s head coach), and Jim Foster (former Vanderbilt, and now The Ohio State head coach) Are discussed throughout this chapter. These coaches not only coached against one another but also shared a past from their coaching experiences in Pennsylvania during the late 1970s. McGraw was the head coach at Lehigh (a private 4-year college in Bethlehem, PA), Foster was the head coach at St. Josephs (Philadelphia, PA), and Aurienmma was the assistant coach at St. Josephs under Foster. Foster was instrumental in McGraw’s decision to apply for her job at Notre Dame. The author also provides future highlights for several of the players (five would become Olympians and eight would be first-round selections in the Women’s National Basketball Association) who participated in that Big East Final on March 6, 2001.

First Half and Second Half Chapters

Goldberg paints a visual picture of the game with his play-by-play enactment from the initial tip-off to Ruth Riley, to Shea Ralph making the game’s first steal, to the final shot of the game where Sue Bird wins the game for UCONN by sinking a 12-foot jumper over Riley. Notre Dame took a quick lead in the first 75 seconds of the game until Diana Taurasi turned up

the heat for UCONN. With 5:27 minutes remaining in the first half, Ralph twisted her left knee when driving to the basket for a shot, thus leaving UCONN with two of their outstanding senior players injured on the bench. Going into half-time, UCONN was up 52-46 and remained on top until the final seconds of the game. With 5.1 seconds remaining, and UCONN up 76-74, Schumacher fouled Riley and sent her to the line for a two-shot free throw attempt. Riley made both shots and tied the game at 76-76. In front of a crowd of 10,027, and with 5.1 seconds left on the clock, Bird received the inbound pass and dribbled down court to sink the final shot of the game, putting UCONN up 78-76, thus winning the Big East final. Goldberg lists the all-tournament team for the 2001 Big East final as Ruth Riley (also named the 2001 national player of the year), Kelley Siemon, and Alicia Ratay from Notre Dame; Asijha Jones, Shea Ralph, and Diana Taurasi from UCONN, with Diana as the tournament MVP. Even though Sue Bird played a tough game and had the winning shot at .09, she received no awards for her play that night.

Overtime Chapter

In this final chapter, Goldberg writes about the upcoming 2001 final four and sets the stage for the next meeting between UCONN and Notre Dame. Notre Dame won the January 2001 meeting and UCONN won the March 2001 meeting. Notre Dame then made its place in women’s basketball history by beating UCONN in the final four and later beating Purdue in the championship game in the final seconds to become the National Basketball Women’s Collegiate Champion in 2001. With the title Bird at the Buzzer, one might think the book would just be about UCONN and Sue Bird, but Goldberg discusses many different teams and athletes on the road to the rise of Notre Dame beating UCONN in 2001. One must give Goldberg credit for acknowledging the strength of the Notre Dame team when concluding his book and giving accolades to the coaches and the players from the 2000-2001 University of Notre Dame team.

WSPAJ Vol. 20, No. 1 Spring 2011 96

Author Guidelines

Type of Manuscripts

Research Articles

Original research, whether experimental, descrip-tive, historical, philosophical, or other will be accepted. Manuscripts are normally 12-15 double-spaced pages, but there is no limit in length. Emphasis will be on arti-cles for which women’s issues are the focus. Submissions must contribute to knowledge about and for women in sport and physical activity. (Use of women as subjects does not automatically meet these criteria.)

Review Articles

Two types of review articles will be published: review of literature and interactive reviews. An interac-tive review will feature a review by an author, critiques from others in the field (2-4), and a counter critique by the author. As with the research articles, reviews must focus on women’s issues, concerns and knowledge, and will normally be 12-15 double-spaced pages, but there is no limit in length.

Review of Book and Instructional Resources

This category includes critiques and analysis of visual and printed materials (e.g., videotapes, books, specialized materials). Emphasis is on critical analyses of significance of these materials, including discussion of controversial issues. These reviews will be relatively short, usually no more than a page or two.

Informational Items

Communiques: The types of manuscripts within this category are: Commentary on issues, opinions, philosophical treatise, critiques of articles; and notes, such as work-in-progress, preliminary reports, new testing instruments or tools, and new approaches.

Another Perspective: This category consists of non-traditional material which furthers the purpose of the journal but cannot be subsumed under identified cate-gories. Such items may take non-traditional forms (such as photo essays, poems, and creative writing). Each must, however, consist of a theme relative to the issues of women in sport and physical activity.

Manuscripts that are relevant to the goals of the journal should be submitted to the editor. The purpose of the is to provide a forum for women-centered issues and approaches to sports and physical activity. The journal consists of original data-based research, review articles, book reviews, commentaries, responses, and other scholarly writing relative to sport and physical activity. Contributions across all disciplines are welcomed. Emphases of the journal are application of feminist perspectives in sport and physical activity, theory development, application of theory to settings specific to girls and women, gender issues, feminist reconceptualizations of existing knowledge, and action-oriented research.

Submitted material should be of interest to teachers, coaches, researchers, and scholars, particularly in the fol-lowing fields: physical education, athletics, intramurals, kinesiology, sport science, fitness, exercise and health, and women’s studies.

Submitted manuscripts must NOT have been submitted to other publications or previously published. Guidelines for type of manuscripts, preparations, review process, copyright, and submission process are as follows:

Manuscript Preparation

American Psychological Association, 5th edition, (APA) style should be used for citations, table and figure legends and layout, and references.

References are placed in alphabetical order with cita-tions appearing in the text according to author and year of publication. Non-sexist language should be used through-out. Manuscripts must be typed on computer disks using Microsoft Word.

Manuscripts should be typed, double spaced, on 8 1/2 x 11-inch paper. Title, author(s) names, addresses, e-mail addresses, FAX numbers and telephone num-bers should be listed on a cover sheet. This cover sheet should be contained in a separate file on the disk. A brief informational note of activities and prior accomplish-ments of author is also requested, and that should also contained in a separate file on the disk. Pages should be numbered consecutively, and the lines of each page must also be numbered. Please submit two hard copies and one virus-free disk. Submissions that fail to conform to the required guidelines will be returned.

Tables, graphs, or drawings should be submitted on separate pages, in accord with APA style, and in the file with the main article on the disk. They must be rendered in black ink on white paper. Charts, graphs, or other illustrations reprinted from other sources must be accompanied by permission to reprint obtained by the authors. Tables which are printed using computer software should be set-up using tabs, not the space bar, for the columns. If tabs are not used, transfer of the files often requires time and patience. You can help reduce our frustration by using tabs and by sending camera ready printed copies of the tables. Figures must be cam-era ready since the software usually is not available for direct transfer of figures from your computer software. Research writing is unique and stylized. A set vocabu-lary exists with respect to research reporting, especially reports based upon experimental designs in which con-ditions and treatments are manipulated. Often the terminology is repetitive, quite limiting in scope and monotonous. Authors should attempt to expand their manuscript vocabulary. Research writing also has been

characterized by the Third Person. Such practice results in grammatically incorrect English. Furthermore, this practice serves to impersonalize the information, thus, absolving the writer from responsibility for statements of interpretation. For example, authors frequently state that “the data show,” “results indicate,” and “research has proven.” These comments are characteristic of a technician who reports, not a researcher who interprets.

In addition, a serious grammatical error has been made. Inanimate objects or things cannot perform, act or do anything. They can only be acted upon, possess characteristics and exist. Human beings, and other liv-ing entities behave and act. It is the author, or previous researchers, who interpret data and state conclusions.

Therefore, a basic principle in writing for WSPAJ is to eliminate the use of action verbs with inanimate objects. Examples of how writers may express themselves are as follows: “Researchers state, show, conclude, etc. These data are depicted in Figure 5. Based upon the data, women are more adept than men.”

A second principle is that the First and Second Persons may be used, and, in certain instances, should be used. It is impossible to eliminate bias from research, especially from interpretations, conclusions and general discussion. Therefore, the research must indicate the basis of interpretations, conclusions and general dis-cussion. The First Person/Second Person is sometimes effective and is a means of placing the responsibility for the research with the author.

Manuscript Review Process

All manuscripts will be initially screened by the Editor and sent to 2-3 reviewers. The Editor will review the initial reviews and will notify the corresponding author of the editorial decision and the reviewers’ com-ments. All reviews will be conducted electronically and should be completed within 8-12 weeks. The Journal’s philosophy is to provide the most comprehensive and constructive feedback possible.

Author Guidelines


Copyright

The Journal holds the copyright for all articles, which are published in it. Authors may copy for their own use and other persons may do a one time use, but persons are not to copy for the purpose of avoiding sub-scribing to the Journal. Professional ethics makes such a practice contrary to the existence of the Journal.

Manuscript Submission

Submitted articles must not be under review with another journal or previously published. Manuscripts for publication in the Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal should adhere to the guidelines in the Publication Manual of the APA (5th ed., 2001). Articles must be preceded by an abstract of no more than 150 words. Meticulous attention should be paid to the accu-racy of reference citations in the text and in the refer-ence list. To assist in the review process, line numbers should be visible on each manuscript page. Additionally, authors should ensure that any tracked changes or com-ments are no longer visible on submitted manuscripts. If such formatting remains the confidentiality of a blind review cannot be guaranteed.

Manuscripts should be submitted electronically to: [email protected]. Submissions are to include two attachments. The first attachment should include the original manuscript and all tables and figures. On the title page, include the authors’ names and institutional affiliations, a running head, the date of submission, and complete contact information for the corresponding author (address, telephone number, fax number, and e-mail). The second attachment should include a blind copy of the manuscript and all tables and figures. The title page should not include the authors’ names, affili-ations, and contact information. Additionally, remove from the manuscript any author notes or acknowledge-ments. It is the responsibility of the author to ensure that this version of the manuscript is completely blind.

If it is impossible to submit manuscripts electroni-cally, mail one printed copy of the original manuscript with a disk version of original and blind copies of manu-script (compatible with Microsoft Word) to: National Association for Girls and Women in Sport, WSPAJ, 1900 Association Drive, Reston, VA 20191.

Author Guidelines


The WSPAJ is an Online publication. Please fill out this form to receive a subscription to the WSPAJ!

Subscription Level:

The prices for the WSPAJ published by NAGWS are as follows:

$20.00/yr . . NAGWS/AAHPERD Members

$25.00/yr . . IAPESGW & WSF Members

$30.00/yr . . Non-Members

$50.00/yr . . Library Subscriptions

Subscriber Information:

Name: _________________________________________________________

Email: _________________________________________________________

Address:________________________________________________________

City, State, ZIP: _________________________________________________

Payment Information:

If paying by check: please make checks payable to NAGWS.

If paying by credit card, please complete all of the following:

Credit Card Type (circle one): MC VISA AMEX

Credit Card Number: ______________________________________

Name on the Card: ________________________________________

Expiration Date: _______ Signature: __________________________

Send this form to:National Association for Girls and Women in Sport (NAGWS)

1900 Association Drive

Reston, VA 20191

Fax: 703-476-4566

The WSPAJ is a peer-

reviewed scholarly journal that

has been published for 14 years

and provides a forum for women-

centered issues and approaches

to sport and physical activity. The

journal consists of original data-

based research, review essays,

creative writing, book reviews,

commentaries, letters and

responses, and other scholarly

writings. Published twice annually,

spring and fall (online only).

For more information

on this, or other NAGWS

publications, please

contact us:

Phone: 703-476-3450

Fax: 703-476-4566

www.nagws.org

Note: The WSPAJ had been pub-

lished for 12 years by Women of

Diversity Publications. NAGWS

began publishing the WSPAJ in

2004. The organization thanks

Marlene Adrian, the founder

of WSPAJ, for her hard work and

dedication to the journal.

Order your subscription today!

National Association for Girls and Women in Sport An association of the American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance

(AAHPERD)

1900 Association DriveReston, VA 20191

ISSN: 1938-1581

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